Regime sustainability in the Latin Caribbean, 1944-1994

Journal of Developing Areas

Volumn 33, Issue 3, 1999, Pages 331-354

  Remmer, Karen L ^a  

^a UNIVERSITY OF NEW MEXICO   (United States)

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

DEMOCRATIZATION; HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE; POLITICAL SYSTEM;

CARIBBEAN ISLANDS;

EID: 0033497040     PISSN: 0022037X     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: None     Document Type: Article

References (132)

1. See James G. March and Johan P. Olsen, "The New Institutionalism: Organizational Factors in Political Life," American Political Science Review 78 (September 1984): 734-49; Grant Jordan, "Policy Community Realism versus 'New' Institutionalist Ambiguity," Political Studies 38 (September 1990): 470-84; and Walter W. Powell and Paul J. DiMaggio, eds., The New Institutionalism in Organizational Analysis (Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 1991).
2. See James G. March and Johan P. Olsen, "The New Institutionalism: Organizational Factors in Political Life," American Political Science Review 78 (September 1984): 734-49; Grant Jordan, "Policy Community Realism versus 'New' Institutionalist Ambiguity," Political Studies 38 (September 1990): 470-84; and Walter W. Powell and Paul J. DiMaggio, eds., The New Institutionalism in Organizational Analysis (Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 1991).
3. See James G. March and Johan P. Olsen, "The New Institutionalism: Organizational Factors in Political Life," American Political Science Review 78 (September 1984): 734-49; Grant Jordan, "Policy Community Realism versus 'New' Institutionalist Ambiguity," Political Studies 38 (September 1990): 470-84; and Walter W. Powell and Paul J. DiMaggio, eds., The New Institutionalism in Organizational Analysis (Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 1991).
4. See, for example, Barry Ames, "Electoral Rules, Constituency Pressures, and Pork Barrel: Bases of Voting in the Brazilian Congress," Journal of Politics 57 (May 1995): 324-43; Michael Bratton and Nicholas van de Walle, "Neopatrimonial Regimes and Political Transitions in Africa," World Politics 46 (July 1994): 453-89; Ellen Comisso, "Legacies of the Past or New Institutions? The Struggle over Restitution in Hungary," Comparative Political Studies 28 (July 1995): 200-38; Barbara Geddes, "A Comparative Perspective on the Leninist Legacy in Eastern Europe," Comparative Political Studies 28 (July 1995): 239-74; Arend Lijphart, ed., Parliamentary versus Presidential Government (New York: Oxford University Press, 1992); Juan J. Linz and Arturo Valenzuela, eds., The Failure of Presidential Democracy (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1994); Karen L. Remmer, Military Rule in Latin America (Boston, MA: Unwin Hyman, 1989); Philip G. Roeder, Red Sunset: The Failure of Soviet Politics (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1993); Matthew Soberg Shugart and John M. Carey, Presidents and Assemblies: Constitutional Design and Electoral Dynamics (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992); and Baohui Zhang, "Corporatism, Totalitarianism, and Transitions to Democracy," Comparative Political Studies 27 (April 1994): 108-36.
5. See, for example, Barry Ames, "Electoral Rules, Constituency Pressures, and Pork Barrel: Bases of Voting in the Brazilian Congress," Journal of Politics 57 (May 1995): 324-43; Michael Bratton and Nicholas van de Walle, "Neopatrimonial Regimes and Political Transitions in Africa," World Politics 46 (July 1994): 453-89; Ellen Comisso, "Legacies of the Past or New Institutions? The Struggle over Restitution in Hungary," Comparative Political Studies 28 (July 1995): 200-38; Barbara Geddes, "A Comparative Perspective on the Leninist Legacy in Eastern Europe," Comparative Political Studies 28 (July 1995): 239-74; Arend Lijphart, ed., Parliamentary versus Presidential Government (New York: Oxford University Press, 1992); Juan J. Linz and Arturo Valenzuela, eds., The Failure of Presidential Democracy (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1994); Karen L. Remmer, Military Rule in Latin America (Boston, MA: Unwin Hyman, 1989); Philip G. Roeder, Red Sunset: The Failure of Soviet Politics (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1993); Matthew Soberg Shugart and John M. Carey, Presidents and Assemblies: Constitutional Design and Electoral Dynamics (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992); and Baohui Zhang, "Corporatism, Totalitarianism, and Transitions to Democracy," Comparative Political Studies 27 (April 1994): 108-36.
6. See, for example, Barry Ames, "Electoral Rules, Constituency Pressures, and Pork Barrel: Bases of Voting in the Brazilian Congress," Journal of Politics 57 (May 1995): 324-43; Michael Bratton and Nicholas van de Walle, "Neopatrimonial Regimes and Political Transitions in Africa," World Politics 46 (July 1994): 453-89; Ellen Comisso, "Legacies of the Past or New Institutions? The Struggle over Restitution in Hungary," Comparative Political Studies 28 (July 1995): 200-38; Barbara Geddes, "A Comparative Perspective on the Leninist Legacy in Eastern Europe," Comparative Political Studies 28 (July 1995): 239-74; Arend Lijphart, ed., Parliamentary versus Presidential Government (New York: Oxford University Press, 1992); Juan J. Linz and Arturo Valenzuela, eds., The Failure of Presidential Democracy (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1994); Karen L. Remmer, Military Rule in Latin America (Boston, MA: Unwin Hyman, 1989); Philip G. Roeder, Red Sunset: The Failure of Soviet Politics (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1993); Matthew Soberg Shugart and John M. Carey, Presidents and Assemblies: Constitutional Design and Electoral Dynamics (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992); and Baohui Zhang, "Corporatism, Totalitarianism, and Transitions to Democracy," Comparative Political Studies 27 (April 1994): 108-36.
7. See, for example, Barry Ames, "Electoral Rules, Constituency Pressures, and Pork Barrel: Bases of Voting in the Brazilian Congress," Journal of Politics 57 (May 1995): 324-43; Michael Bratton and Nicholas van de Walle, "Neopatrimonial Regimes and Political Transitions in Africa," World Politics 46 (July 1994): 453-89; Ellen Comisso, "Legacies of the Past or New Institutions? The Struggle over Restitution in Hungary," Comparative Political Studies 28 (July 1995): 200-38; Barbara Geddes, "A Comparative Perspective on the Leninist Legacy in Eastern Europe," Comparative Political Studies 28 (July 1995): 239-74; Arend Lijphart, ed., Parliamentary versus Presidential Government (New York: Oxford University Press, 1992); Juan J. Linz and Arturo Valenzuela, eds., The Failure of Presidential Democracy (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1994); Karen L. Remmer, Military Rule in Latin America (Boston, MA: Unwin Hyman, 1989); Philip G. Roeder, Red Sunset: The Failure of Soviet Politics (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1993); Matthew Soberg Shugart and John M. Carey, Presidents and Assemblies: Constitutional Design and Electoral Dynamics (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992); and Baohui Zhang, "Corporatism, Totalitarianism, and Transitions to Democracy," Comparative Political Studies 27 (April 1994): 108-36.
8. See, for example, Barry Ames, "Electoral Rules, Constituency Pressures, and Pork Barrel: Bases of Voting in the Brazilian Congress," Journal of Politics 57 (May 1995): 324-43; Michael Bratton and Nicholas van de Walle, "Neopatrimonial Regimes and Political Transitions in Africa," World Politics 46 (July 1994): 453-89; Ellen Comisso, "Legacies of the Past or New Institutions? The Struggle over Restitution in Hungary," Comparative Political Studies 28 (July 1995): 200-38; Barbara Geddes, "A Comparative Perspective on the Leninist Legacy in Eastern Europe," Comparative Political Studies 28 (July 1995): 239-74; Arend Lijphart, ed., Parliamentary versus Presidential Government (New York: Oxford University Press, 1992); Juan J. Linz and Arturo Valenzuela, eds., The Failure of Presidential Democracy (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1994); Karen L. Remmer, Military Rule in Latin America (Boston, MA: Unwin Hyman, 1989); Philip G. Roeder, Red Sunset: The Failure of Soviet Politics (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1993); Matthew Soberg Shugart and John M. Carey, Presidents and Assemblies: Constitutional Design and Electoral Dynamics (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992); and Baohui Zhang, "Corporatism, Totalitarianism, and Transitions to Democracy," Comparative Political Studies 27 (April 1994): 108-36.
9. See, for example, Barry Ames, "Electoral Rules, Constituency Pressures, and Pork Barrel: Bases of Voting in the Brazilian Congress," Journal of Politics 57 (May 1995): 324-43; Michael Bratton and Nicholas van de Walle, "Neopatrimonial Regimes and Political Transitions in Africa," World Politics 46 (July 1994): 453-89; Ellen Comisso, "Legacies of the Past or New Institutions? The Struggle over Restitution in Hungary," Comparative Political Studies 28 (July 1995): 200-38; Barbara Geddes, "A Comparative Perspective on the Leninist Legacy in Eastern Europe," Comparative Political Studies 28 (July 1995): 239-74; Arend Lijphart, ed., Parliamentary versus Presidential Government (New York: Oxford University Press, 1992); Juan J. Linz and Arturo Valenzuela, eds., The Failure of Presidential Democracy (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1994); Karen L. Remmer, Military Rule in Latin America (Boston, MA: Unwin Hyman, 1989); Philip G. Roeder, Red Sunset: The Failure of Soviet Politics (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1993); Matthew Soberg Shugart and John M. Carey, Presidents and Assemblies: Constitutional Design and Electoral Dynamics (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992); and Baohui Zhang, "Corporatism, Totalitarianism, and Transitions to Democracy," Comparative Political Studies 27 (April 1994): 108-36.
10. See, for example, Barry Ames, "Electoral Rules, Constituency Pressures, and Pork Barrel: Bases of Voting in the Brazilian Congress," Journal of Politics 57 (May 1995): 324-43; Michael Bratton and Nicholas van de Walle, "Neopatrimonial Regimes and Political Transitions in Africa," World Politics 46 (July 1994): 453-89; Ellen Comisso, "Legacies of the Past or New Institutions? The Struggle over Restitution in Hungary," Comparative Political Studies 28 (July 1995): 200-38; Barbara Geddes, "A Comparative Perspective on the Leninist Legacy in Eastern Europe," Comparative Political Studies 28 (July 1995): 239-74; Arend Lijphart, ed., Parliamentary versus Presidential Government (New York: Oxford University Press, 1992); Juan J. Linz and Arturo Valenzuela, eds., The Failure of Presidential Democracy (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1994); Karen L. Remmer, Military Rule in Latin America (Boston, MA: Unwin Hyman, 1989); Philip G. Roeder, Red Sunset: The Failure of Soviet Politics (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1993); Matthew Soberg Shugart and John M. Carey, Presidents and Assemblies: Constitutional Design and Electoral Dynamics (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992); and Baohui Zhang, "Corporatism, Totalitarianism, and Transitions to Democracy," Comparative Political Studies 27 (April 1994): 108-36.
11. See, for example, Barry Ames, "Electoral Rules, Constituency Pressures, and Pork Barrel: Bases of Voting in the Brazilian Congress," Journal of Politics 57 (May 1995): 324-43; Michael Bratton and Nicholas van de Walle, "Neopatrimonial Regimes and Political Transitions in Africa," World Politics 46 (July 1994): 453-89; Ellen Comisso, "Legacies of the Past or New Institutions? The Struggle over Restitution in Hungary," Comparative Political Studies 28 (July 1995): 200-38; Barbara Geddes, "A Comparative Perspective on the Leninist Legacy in Eastern Europe," Comparative Political Studies 28 (July 1995): 239-74; Arend Lijphart, ed., Parliamentary versus Presidential Government (New York: Oxford University Press, 1992); Juan J. Linz and Arturo Valenzuela, eds., The Failure of Presidential Democracy (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1994); Karen L. Remmer, Military Rule in Latin America (Boston, MA: Unwin Hyman, 1989); Philip G. Roeder, Red Sunset: The Failure of Soviet Politics (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1993); Matthew Soberg Shugart and John M. Carey, Presidents and Assemblies: Constitutional Design and Electoral Dynamics (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992); and Baohui Zhang, "Corporatism, Totalitarianism, and Transitions to Democracy," Comparative Political Studies 27 (April 1994): 108-36.
12. See, for example, Barry Ames, "Electoral Rules, Constituency Pressures, and Pork Barrel: Bases of Voting in the Brazilian Congress," Journal of Politics 57 (May 1995): 324-43; Michael Bratton and Nicholas van de Walle, "Neopatrimonial Regimes and Political Transitions in Africa," World Politics 46 (July 1994): 453-89; Ellen Comisso, "Legacies of the Past or New Institutions? The Struggle over Restitution in Hungary," Comparative Political Studies 28 (July 1995): 200-38; Barbara Geddes, "A Comparative Perspective on the Leninist Legacy in Eastern Europe," Comparative Political Studies 28 (July 1995): 239-74; Arend Lijphart, ed., Parliamentary versus Presidential Government (New York: Oxford University Press, 1992); Juan J. Linz and Arturo Valenzuela, eds., The Failure of Presidential Democracy (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1994); Karen L. Remmer, Military Rule in Latin America (Boston, MA: Unwin Hyman, 1989); Philip G. Roeder, Red Sunset: The Failure of Soviet Politics (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1993); Matthew Soberg Shugart and John M. Carey, Presidents and Assemblies: Constitutional Design and Electoral Dynamics (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992); and Baohui Zhang, "Corporatism, Totalitarianism, and Transitions to Democracy," Comparative Political Studies 27 (April 1994): 108-36.
13. See, for example, Barry Ames, "Electoral Rules, Constituency Pressures, and Pork Barrel: Bases of Voting in the Brazilian Congress," Journal of Politics 57 (May 1995): 324-43; Michael Bratton and Nicholas van de Walle, "Neopatrimonial Regimes and Political Transitions in Africa," World Politics 46 (July 1994): 453-89; Ellen Comisso, "Legacies of the Past or New Institutions? The Struggle over Restitution in Hungary," Comparative Political Studies 28 (July 1995): 200-38; Barbara Geddes, "A Comparative Perspective on the Leninist Legacy in Eastern Europe," Comparative Political Studies 28 (July 1995): 239-74; Arend Lijphart, ed., Parliamentary versus Presidential Government (New York: Oxford University Press, 1992); Juan J. Linz and Arturo Valenzuela, eds., The Failure of Presidential Democracy (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1994); Karen L. Remmer, Military Rule in Latin America (Boston, MA: Unwin Hyman, 1989); Philip G. Roeder, Red Sunset: The Failure of Soviet Politics (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1993); Matthew Soberg Shugart and John M. Carey, Presidents and Assemblies: Constitutional Design and Electoral Dynamics (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992); and Baohui Zhang, "Corporatism, Totalitarianism, and Transitions to Democracy," Comparative Political Studies 27 (April 1994): 108-36.
14. See, for example, Seymour Martin Lipset, "Some Social Requisites of Democracy: Economic Development and Political Legitimacy," American Political Science Review 53 (March 1959): 69-105; Philips Cutright, "National Political Development: Measurement and Analysis," American Sociological Review 27 (April 1963): 253-64; Gabriel Almond and James S. Coleman, eds., The Politics of the Developing Areas (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1960); Daniel Lerner, The Passing of Traditional Society: Modernizing the Middle East (New York: Free Press, 1958). For more recent research on the relationship between democracy and economic development, see Zehra F. Arat, "Democracy and Economic Development: Modernization Theory Revisited," Comparative Politics 21 (October 1988): 21-36; Kenneth Bollen, "Political Democracy and the Timing of Development," American Sociological Review 44 (August 1979): 572-87; Kenneth A. Bollen and Robert W. Jackman, "Political Democracy and the Size Distribution of Income," American Sociological Review 50 (August 1985): 438-57; Tatu Vanhanen, The Process of Democratization: A Comparative Study of 147 States, 1980-88 (New York: Crane Russak, 1990); and Ross E. Burkhart and Michael S. Lewis-Beck, "Comparative Democracy: The Economic Development Thesis," American Political Science Review 88 (December 1994): 903-10.
15. See, for example, Seymour Martin Lipset, "Some Social Requisites of Democracy: Economic Development and Political Legitimacy," American Political Science Review 53 (March 1959): 69-105; Philips Cutright, "National Political Development: Measurement and Analysis," American Sociological Review 27 (April 1963): 253-64; Gabriel Almond and James S. Coleman, eds., The Politics of the Developing Areas (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1960); Daniel Lerner, The Passing of Traditional Society: Modernizing the Middle East (New York: Free Press, 1958). For more recent research on the relationship between democracy and economic development, see Zehra F. Arat, "Democracy and Economic Development: Modernization Theory Revisited," Comparative Politics 21 (October 1988): 21-36; Kenneth Bollen, "Political Democracy and the Timing of Development," American Sociological Review 44 (August 1979): 572-87; Kenneth A. Bollen and Robert W. Jackman, "Political Democracy and the Size Distribution of Income," American Sociological Review 50 (August 1985): 438-57; Tatu Vanhanen, The Process of Democratization: A Comparative Study of 147 States, 1980-88 (New York: Crane Russak, 1990); and Ross E. Burkhart and Michael S. Lewis-Beck, "Comparative Democracy: The Economic Development Thesis," American Political Science Review 88 (December 1994): 903-10.
16. See, for example, Seymour Martin Lipset, "Some Social Requisites of Democracy: Economic Development and Political Legitimacy," American Political Science Review 53 (March 1959): 69-105; Philips Cutright, "National Political Development: Measurement and Analysis," American Sociological Review 27 (April 1963): 253-64; Gabriel Almond and James S. Coleman, eds., The Politics of the Developing Areas (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1960); Daniel Lerner, The Passing of Traditional Society: Modernizing the Middle East (New York: Free Press, 1958). For more recent research on the relationship between democracy and economic development, see Zehra F. Arat, "Democracy and Economic Development: Modernization Theory Revisited," Comparative Politics 21 (October 1988): 21-36; Kenneth Bollen, "Political Democracy and the Timing of Development," American Sociological Review 44 (August 1979): 572-87; Kenneth A. Bollen and Robert W. Jackman, "Political Democracy and the Size Distribution of Income," American Sociological Review 50 (August 1985): 438-57; Tatu Vanhanen, The Process of Democratization: A Comparative Study of 147 States, 1980-88 (New York: Crane Russak, 1990); and Ross E. Burkhart and Michael S. Lewis-Beck, "Comparative Democracy: The Economic Development Thesis," American Political Science Review 88 (December 1994): 903-10.
17. See, for example, Seymour Martin Lipset, "Some Social Requisites of Democracy: Economic Development and Political Legitimacy," American Political Science Review 53 (March 1959): 69-105; Philips Cutright, "National Political Development: Measurement and Analysis," American Sociological Review 27 (April 1963): 253-64; Gabriel Almond and James S. Coleman, eds., The Politics of the Developing Areas (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1960); Daniel Lerner, The Passing of Traditional Society: Modernizing the Middle East (New York: Free Press, 1958). For more recent research on the relationship between democracy and economic development, see Zehra F. Arat, "Democracy and Economic Development: Modernization Theory Revisited," Comparative Politics 21 (October 1988): 21-36; Kenneth Bollen, "Political Democracy and the Timing of Development," American Sociological Review 44 (August 1979): 572-87; Kenneth A. Bollen and Robert W. Jackman, "Political Democracy and the Size Distribution of Income," American Sociological Review 50 (August 1985): 438-57; Tatu Vanhanen, The Process of Democratization: A Comparative Study of 147 States, 1980-88 (New York: Crane Russak, 1990); and Ross E. Burkhart and Michael S. Lewis-Beck, "Comparative Democracy: The Economic Development Thesis," American Political Science Review 88 (December 1994): 903-10.
18. See, for example, Seymour Martin Lipset, "Some Social Requisites of Democracy: Economic Development and Political Legitimacy," American Political Science Review 53 (March 1959): 69-105; Philips Cutright, "National Political Development: Measurement and Analysis," American Sociological Review 27 (April 1963): 253-64; Gabriel Almond and James S. Coleman, eds., The Politics of the Developing Areas (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1960); Daniel Lerner, The Passing of Traditional Society: Modernizing the Middle East (New York: Free Press, 1958). For more recent research on the relationship between democracy and economic development, see Zehra F. Arat, "Democracy and Economic Development: Modernization Theory Revisited," Comparative Politics 21 (October 1988): 21-36; Kenneth Bollen, "Political Democracy and the Timing of Development," American Sociological Review 44 (August 1979): 572-87; Kenneth A. Bollen and Robert W. Jackman, "Political Democracy and the Size Distribution of Income," American Sociological Review 50 (August 1985): 438-57; Tatu Vanhanen, The Process of Democratization: A Comparative Study of 147 States, 1980-88 (New York: Crane Russak, 1990); and Ross E. Burkhart and Michael S. Lewis-Beck, "Comparative Democracy: The Economic Development Thesis," American Political Science Review 88 (December 1994): 903-10.
19. See, for example, Seymour Martin Lipset, "Some Social Requisites of Democracy: Economic Development and Political Legitimacy," American Political Science Review 53 (March 1959): 69-105; Philips Cutright, "National Political Development: Measurement and Analysis," American Sociological Review 27 (April 1963): 253-64; Gabriel Almond and James S. Coleman, eds., The Politics of the Developing Areas (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1960); Daniel Lerner, The Passing of Traditional Society: Modernizing the Middle East (New York: Free Press, 1958). For more recent research on the relationship between democracy and economic development, see Zehra F. Arat, "Democracy and Economic Development: Modernization Theory Revisited," Comparative Politics 21 (October 1988): 21-36; Kenneth Bollen, "Political Democracy and the Timing of Development," American Sociological Review 44 (August 1979): 572-87; Kenneth A. Bollen and Robert W. Jackman, "Political Democracy and the Size Distribution of Income," American Sociological Review 50 (August 1985): 438-57; Tatu Vanhanen, The Process of Democratization: A Comparative Study of 147 States, 1980-88 (New York: Crane Russak, 1990); and Ross E. Burkhart and Michael S. Lewis-Beck, "Comparative Democracy: The Economic Development Thesis," American Political Science Review 88 (December 1994): 903-10.
20. See, for example, Seymour Martin Lipset, "Some Social Requisites of Democracy: Economic Development and Political Legitimacy," American Political Science Review 53 (March 1959): 69-105; Philips Cutright, "National Political Development: Measurement and Analysis," American Sociological Review 27 (April 1963): 253-64; Gabriel Almond and James S. Coleman, eds., The Politics of the Developing Areas (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1960); Daniel Lerner, The Passing of Traditional Society: Modernizing the Middle East (New York: Free Press, 1958). For more recent research on the relationship between democracy and economic development, see Zehra F. Arat, "Democracy and Economic Development: Modernization Theory Revisited," Comparative Politics 21 (October 1988): 21-36; Kenneth Bollen, "Political Democracy and the Timing of Development," American Sociological Review 44 (August 1979): 572-87; Kenneth A. Bollen and Robert W. Jackman, "Political Democracy and the Size Distribution of Income," American Sociological Review 50 (August 1985): 438-57; Tatu Vanhanen, The Process of Democratization: A Comparative Study of 147 States, 1980-88 (New York: Crane Russak, 1990); and Ross E. Burkhart and Michael S. Lewis-Beck, "Comparative Democracy: The Economic Development Thesis," American Political Science Review 88 (December 1994): 903-10.
21. See, for example, Seymour Martin Lipset, "Some Social Requisites of Democracy: Economic Development and Political Legitimacy," American Political Science Review 53 (March 1959): 69-105; Philips Cutright, "National Political Development: Measurement and Analysis," American Sociological Review 27 (April 1963): 253-64; Gabriel Almond and James S. Coleman, eds., The Politics of the Developing Areas (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1960); Daniel Lerner, The Passing of Traditional Society: Modernizing the Middle East (New York: Free Press, 1958). For more recent research on the relationship between democracy and economic development, see Zehra F. Arat, "Democracy and Economic Development: Modernization Theory Revisited," Comparative Politics 21 (October 1988): 21-36; Kenneth Bollen, "Political Democracy and the Timing of Development," American Sociological Review 44 (August 1979): 572-87; Kenneth A. Bollen and Robert W. Jackman, "Political Democracy and the Size Distribution of Income," American Sociological Review 50 (August 1985): 438-57; Tatu Vanhanen, The Process of Democratization: A Comparative Study of 147 States, 1980-88 (New York: Crane Russak, 1990); and Ross E. Burkhart and Michael S. Lewis-Beck, "Comparative Democracy: The Economic Development Thesis," American Political Science Review 88 (December 1994): 903-10.
22. See, for example, Seymour Martin Lipset, "Some Social Requisites of Democracy: Economic Development and Political Legitimacy," American Political Science Review 53 (March 1959): 69-105; Philips Cutright, "National Political Development: Measurement and Analysis," American Sociological Review 27 (April 1963): 253-64; Gabriel Almond and James S. Coleman, eds., The Politics of the Developing Areas (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1960); Daniel Lerner, The Passing of Traditional Society: Modernizing the Middle East (New York: Free Press, 1958). For more recent research on the relationship between democracy and economic development, see Zehra F. Arat, "Democracy and Economic Development: Modernization Theory Revisited," Comparative Politics 21 (October 1988): 21-36; Kenneth Bollen, "Political Democracy and the Timing of Development," American Sociological Review 44 (August 1979): 572-87; Kenneth A. Bollen and Robert W. Jackman, "Political Democracy and the Size Distribution of Income," American Sociological Review 50 (August 1985): 438-57; Tatu Vanhanen, The Process of Democratization: A Comparative Study of 147 States, 1980-88 (New York: Crane Russak, 1990); and Ross E. Burkhart and Michael S. Lewis-Beck, "Comparative Democracy: The Economic Development Thesis," American Political Science Review 88 (December 1994): 903-10.
23. See, for example, Samuel P. Huntington, "Political Development and Political Decay," World Politics 17 (April 1965): 386-430; Barrington Moore, Social Origins of Democracy and Dictatorship: Lord and Peasant in the Making of the Modern World (Boston: Beacon, 1966); Robert W. Jackman, "On the Relation of Economic Development to Democratic Performance," American Journal of Political Science 17 (August 1973): 611-21; Guillermo O'Donnell, Modernization and Bureaucratic-Authoritarianism: Studies in South American Politics, Politics of Modernization Series No. 9 (Berkeley: Institute of International Studies, University of California, Berkeley, 1973); James R. Kurth, "Industrial Change and Political Change: A European Perspective," in The New Authoritarianism in Latin America, ed. David Collier (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1979), pp. 318-62; Dietrich Rueschemeyer, Evelyne Huber Stephens, and John D. Stephens, Capitalist Development and Democracy (Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 1992); and Burkhart and Lewis-Beck, "Comparative Democracy."
24. See, for example, Samuel P. Huntington, "Political Development and Political Decay," World Politics 17 (April 1965): 386-430; Barrington Moore, Social Origins of Democracy and Dictatorship: Lord and Peasant in the Making of the Modern World (Boston: Beacon, 1966); Robert W. Jackman, "On the Relation of Economic Development to Democratic Performance," American Journal of Political Science 17 (August 1973): 611-21; Guillermo O'Donnell, Modernization and Bureaucratic-Authoritarianism: Studies in South American Politics, Politics of Modernization Series No. 9 (Berkeley: Institute of International Studies, University of California, Berkeley, 1973); James R. Kurth, "Industrial Change and Political Change: A European Perspective," in The New Authoritarianism in Latin America, ed. David Collier (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1979), pp. 318-62; Dietrich Rueschemeyer, Evelyne Huber Stephens, and John D. Stephens, Capitalist Development and Democracy (Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 1992); and Burkhart and Lewis-Beck, "Comparative Democracy."
25. See, for example, Samuel P. Huntington, "Political Development and Political Decay," World Politics 17 (April 1965): 386-430; Barrington Moore, Social Origins of Democracy and Dictatorship: Lord and Peasant in the Making of the Modern World (Boston: Beacon, 1966); Robert W. Jackman, "On the Relation of Economic Development to Democratic Performance," American Journal of Political Science 17 (August 1973): 611-21; Guillermo O'Donnell, Modernization and Bureaucratic-Authoritarianism: Studies in South American Politics, Politics of Modernization Series No. 9 (Berkeley: Institute of International Studies, University of California, Berkeley, 1973); James R. Kurth, "Industrial Change and Political Change: A European Perspective," in The New Authoritarianism in Latin America, ed. David Collier (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1979), pp. 318-62; Dietrich Rueschemeyer, Evelyne Huber Stephens, and John D. Stephens, Capitalist Development and Democracy (Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 1992); and Burkhart and Lewis-Beck, "Comparative Democracy."
26. See, for example, Samuel P. Huntington, "Political Development and Political Decay," World Politics 17 (April 1965): 386-430; Barrington Moore, Social Origins of Democracy and Dictatorship: Lord and Peasant in the Making of the Modern World (Boston: Beacon, 1966); Robert W. Jackman, "On the Relation of Economic Development to Democratic Performance," American Journal of Political Science 17 (August 1973): 611-21; Guillermo O'Donnell, Modernization and Bureaucratic-Authoritarianism: Studies in South American Politics, Politics of Modernization Series No. 9 (Berkeley: Institute of International Studies, University of California, Berkeley, 1973); James R. Kurth, "Industrial Change and Political Change: A European Perspective," in The New Authoritarianism in Latin America, ed. David Collier (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1979), pp. 318-62; Dietrich Rueschemeyer, Evelyne Huber Stephens, and John D. Stephens, Capitalist Development and Democracy (Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 1992); and Burkhart and Lewis-Beck, "Comparative Democracy."
27. See, for example, Samuel P. Huntington, "Political Development and Political Decay," World Politics 17 (April 1965): 386-430; Barrington Moore, Social Origins of Democracy and Dictatorship: Lord and Peasant in the Making of the Modern World (Boston: Beacon, 1966); Robert W. Jackman, "On the Relation of Economic Development to Democratic Performance," American Journal of Political Science 17 (August 1973): 611-21; Guillermo O'Donnell, Modernization and Bureaucratic-Authoritarianism: Studies in South American Politics, Politics of Modernization Series No. 9 (Berkeley: Institute of International Studies, University of California, Berkeley, 1973); James R. Kurth, "Industrial Change and Political Change: A European Perspective," in The New Authoritarianism in Latin America, ed. David Collier (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1979), pp. 318-62; Dietrich Rueschemeyer, Evelyne Huber Stephens, and John D. Stephens, Capitalist Development and Democracy (Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 1992); and Burkhart and Lewis-Beck, "Comparative Democracy."
28. See, for example, Samuel P. Huntington, "Political Development and Political Decay," World Politics 17 (April 1965): 386-430; Barrington Moore, Social Origins of Democracy and Dictatorship: Lord and Peasant in the Making of the Modern World (Boston: Beacon, 1966); Robert W. Jackman, "On the Relation of Economic Development to Democratic Performance," American Journal of Political Science 17 (August 1973): 611-21; Guillermo O'Donnell, Modernization and Bureaucratic-Authoritarianism: Studies in South American Politics, Politics of Modernization Series No. 9 (Berkeley: Institute of International Studies, University of California, Berkeley, 1973); James R. Kurth, "Industrial Change and Political Change: A European Perspective," in The New Authoritarianism in Latin America, ed. David Collier (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1979), pp. 318-62; Dietrich Rueschemeyer, Evelyne Huber Stephens, and John D. Stephens, Capitalist Development and Democracy (Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 1992); and Burkhart and Lewis-Beck, "Comparative Democracy."
29. See, for example, Samuel P. Huntington, "Political Development and Political Decay," World Politics 17 (April 1965): 386-430; Barrington Moore, Social Origins of Democracy and Dictatorship: Lord and Peasant in the Making of the Modern World (Boston: Beacon, 1966); Robert W. Jackman, "On the Relation of Economic Development to Democratic Performance," American Journal of Political Science 17 (August 1973): 611-21; Guillermo O'Donnell, Modernization and Bureaucratic-Authoritarianism: Studies in South American Politics, Politics of Modernization Series No. 9 (Berkeley: Institute of International Studies, University of California, Berkeley, 1973); James R. Kurth, "Industrial Change and Political Change: A European Perspective," in The New Authoritarianism in Latin America, ed. David Collier (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1979), pp. 318-62; Dietrich Rueschemeyer, Evelyne Huber Stephens, and John D. Stephens, Capitalist Development and Democracy (Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 1992); and Burkhart and Lewis-Beck, "Comparative Democracy."
30. Seminal works include Gabriel Almond and Sidney Verba, The Civic Culture: Political Attitudes and Democracy in Five Nations (Boston, MA: Little, Brown, 1965); Alex Inkeles, "Making Men Modern: On the Causes and Consequences of Individual Change in Six Developing Countries," American Journal of Sociology 75 (September 1969): 208-25; Alex Inkeles and David H. Smith, Becoming Modern: Individual Change in Six Developing Countries (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1974); Lerner, Passing of Traditional Society; Lucien W. Pye and Sidney Verba, eds., Political Culture and Political Development (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1965). For important contemporary statements of the cultural approach, see Ronald Inglehart, Culture Shift in Advanced Industrial Society (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1990); and Robert D. Putnam with Robert Leonardi and Raffaella Y. Nanetti, Making Democracy Work: Civic Traditions in Modern Italy (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1993). Edward N. Muller and Mitchell A. Seligson, in "Civic Culture and Democracy: The Question of Causal Relationships," American Political Science Review 88 (September 1994): 635-52, offer a highly qualified statement of the importance of cultural attitudes.
31. Seminal works include Gabriel Almond and Sidney Verba, The Civic Culture: Political Attitudes and Democracy in Five Nations (Boston, MA: Little, Brown, 1965); Alex Inkeles, "Making Men Modern: On the Causes and Consequences of Individual Change in Six Developing Countries," American Journal of Sociology 75 (September 1969): 208-25; Alex Inkeles and David H. Smith, Becoming Modern: Individual Change in Six Developing Countries (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1974); Lerner, Passing of Traditional Society; Lucien W. Pye and Sidney Verba, eds., Political Culture and Political Development (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1965). For important contemporary statements of the cultural approach, see Ronald Inglehart, Culture Shift in Advanced Industrial Society (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1990); and Robert D. Putnam with Robert Leonardi and Raffaella Y. Nanetti, Making Democracy Work: Civic Traditions in Modern Italy (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1993). Edward N. Muller and Mitchell A. Seligson, in "Civic Culture and Democracy: The Question of Causal Relationships," American Political Science Review 88 (September 1994): 635-52, offer a highly qualified statement of the importance of cultural attitudes.
32. Seminal works include Gabriel Almond and Sidney Verba, The Civic Culture: Political Attitudes and Democracy in Five Nations (Boston, MA: Little, Brown, 1965); Alex Inkeles, "Making Men Modern: On the Causes and Consequences of Individual Change in Six Developing Countries," American Journal of Sociology 75 (September 1969): 208-25; Alex Inkeles and David H. Smith, Becoming Modern: Individual Change in Six Developing Countries (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1974); Lerner, Passing of Traditional Society; Lucien W. Pye and Sidney Verba, eds., Political Culture and Political Development (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1965). For important contemporary statements of the cultural approach, see Ronald Inglehart, Culture Shift in Advanced Industrial Society (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1990); and Robert D. Putnam with Robert Leonardi and Raffaella Y. Nanetti, Making Democracy Work: Civic Traditions in Modern Italy (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1993). Edward N. Muller and Mitchell A. Seligson, in "Civic Culture and Democracy: The Question of Causal Relationships," American Political Science Review 88 (September 1994): 635-52, offer a highly qualified statement of the importance of cultural attitudes.
33. Seminal works include Gabriel Almond and Sidney Verba, The Civic Culture: Political Attitudes and Democracy in Five Nations (Boston, MA: Little, Brown, 1965); Alex Inkeles, "Making Men Modern: On the Causes and Consequences of Individual Change in Six Developing Countries," American Journal of Sociology 75 (September 1969): 208-25; Alex Inkeles and David H. Smith, Becoming Modern: Individual Change in Six Developing Countries (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1974); Lerner, Passing of Traditional Society; Lucien W. Pye and Sidney Verba, eds., Political Culture and Political Development (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1965). For important contemporary statements of the cultural approach, see Ronald Inglehart, Culture Shift in Advanced Industrial Society (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1990); and Robert D. Putnam with Robert Leonardi and Raffaella Y. Nanetti, Making Democracy Work: Civic Traditions in Modern Italy (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1993). Edward N. Muller and Mitchell A. Seligson, in "Civic Culture and Democracy: The Question of Causal Relationships," American Political Science Review 88 (September 1994): 635-52, offer a highly qualified statement of the importance of cultural attitudes.
34. Seminal works include Gabriel Almond and Sidney Verba, The Civic Culture: Political Attitudes and Democracy in Five Nations (Boston, MA: Little, Brown, 1965); Alex Inkeles, "Making Men Modern: On the Causes and Consequences of Individual Change in Six Developing Countries," American Journal of Sociology 75 (September 1969): 208-25; Alex Inkeles and David H. Smith, Becoming Modern: Individual Change in Six Developing Countries (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1974); Lerner, Passing of Traditional Society; Lucien W. Pye and Sidney Verba, eds., Political Culture and Political Development (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1965). For important contemporary statements of the cultural approach, see Ronald Inglehart, Culture Shift in Advanced Industrial Society (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1990); and Robert D. Putnam with Robert Leonardi and Raffaella Y. Nanetti, Making Democracy Work: Civic Traditions in Modern Italy (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1993). Edward N. Muller and Mitchell A. Seligson, in "Civic Culture and Democracy: The Question of Causal Relationships," American Political Science Review 88 (September 1994): 635-52, offer a highly qualified statement of the importance of cultural attitudes.
35. Seminal works include Gabriel Almond and Sidney Verba, The Civic Culture: Political Attitudes and Democracy in Five Nations (Boston, MA: Little, Brown, 1965); Alex Inkeles, "Making Men Modern: On the Causes and Consequences of Individual Change in Six Developing Countries," American Journal of Sociology 75 (September 1969): 208-25; Alex Inkeles and David H. Smith, Becoming Modern: Individual Change in Six Developing Countries (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1974); Lerner, Passing of Traditional Society; Lucien W. Pye and Sidney Verba, eds., Political Culture and Political Development (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1965). For important contemporary statements of the cultural approach, see Ronald Inglehart, Culture Shift in Advanced Industrial Society (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1990); and Robert D. Putnam with Robert Leonardi and Raffaella Y. Nanetti, Making Democracy Work: Civic Traditions in Modern Italy (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1993). Edward N. Muller and Mitchell A. Seligson, in "Civic Culture and Democracy: The Question of Causal Relationships," American Political Science Review 88 (September 1994): 635-52, offer a highly qualified statement of the importance of cultural attitudes.
36. Seminal works include Gabriel Almond and Sidney Verba, The Civic Culture: Political Attitudes and Democracy in Five Nations (Boston, MA: Little, Brown, 1965); Alex Inkeles, "Making Men Modern: On the Causes and Consequences of Individual Change in Six Developing Countries," American Journal of Sociology 75 (September 1969): 208-25; Alex Inkeles and David H. Smith, Becoming Modern: Individual Change in Six Developing Countries (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1974); Lerner, Passing of Traditional Society; Lucien W. Pye and Sidney Verba, eds., Political Culture and Political Development (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1965). For important contemporary statements of the cultural approach, see Ronald Inglehart, Culture Shift in Advanced Industrial Society (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1990); and Robert D. Putnam with Robert Leonardi and Raffaella Y. Nanetti, Making Democracy Work: Civic Traditions in Modern Italy (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1993). Edward N. Muller and Mitchell A. Seligson, in "Civic Culture and Democracy: The Question of Causal Relationships," American Political Science Review 88 (September 1994): 635-52, offer a highly qualified statement of the importance of cultural attitudes.
37. Seminal works include Gabriel Almond and Sidney Verba, The Civic Culture: Political Attitudes and Democracy in Five Nations (Boston, MA: Little, Brown, 1965); Alex Inkeles, "Making Men Modern: On the Causes and Consequences of Individual Change in Six Developing Countries," American Journal of Sociology 75 (September 1969): 208-25; Alex Inkeles and David H. Smith, Becoming Modern: Individual Change in Six Developing Countries (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1974); Lerner, Passing of Traditional Society; Lucien W. Pye and Sidney Verba, eds., Political Culture and Political Development (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1965). For important contemporary statements of the cultural approach, see Ronald Inglehart, Culture Shift in Advanced Industrial Society (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1990); and Robert D. Putnam with Robert Leonardi and Raffaella Y. Nanetti, Making Democracy Work: Civic Traditions in Modern Italy (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1993). Edward N. Muller and Mitchell A. Seligson, in "Civic Culture and Democracy: The Question of Causal Relationships," American Political Science Review 88 (September 1994): 635-52, offer a highly qualified statement of the importance of cultural attitudes.
38. O'Donnell, Modernization and Bureaucratic-Authoritarianism; and David Collier, ed., The New Authoritarianism in Latin America (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1979).
39. O'Donnell, Modernization and Bureaucratic-Authoritarianism; and David Collier, ed., The New Authoritarianism in Latin America (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1979).
40. Kevin Neuhouser, "Democratic Stability in Venezuela: Elite Consensus or Class Compromise?" American Sociological Review 57 (February 1992): 117.
41. See, for example, Michael Wallerstein, "The Collapse of Democracy in Brazil: Its Economic Determinants," Latin American Research Review 15 (1980): 3-40; and Fernando Henrique Cardoso and Enzo Faletto, Dependency and Development in Latin America, trans. Marjory Mattingly Urquidi (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1979).
42. See, for example, Michael Wallerstein, "The Collapse of Democracy in Brazil: Its Economic Determinants," Latin American Research Review 15 (1980): 3-40; and Fernando Henrique Cardoso and Enzo Faletto, Dependency and Development in Latin America, trans. Marjory Mattingly Urquidi (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1979).
43. Lipset, "Some Social Requisites of Democracy," p. 91.
44. Larry Diamond, "Three Paradoxes of Democracy," in The Global Resurgence of Democracy, ed. Larry Diamond and Marc F. Plattner (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1993), p. 97. See also Archibald R. M. Ritter, Maxwell A. Cameron, and David H. Pollack, eds., Latin America to the Year 2000: Reactivating Growth, Improving Equity, Sustaining Democracy (New York: Praeger, 1992), p. xi.
45. Larry Diamond, "Three Paradoxes of Democracy," in The Global Resurgence of Democracy, ed. Larry Diamond and Marc F. Plattner (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1993), p. 97. See also Archibald R. M. Ritter, Maxwell A. Cameron, and David H. Pollack, eds., Latin America to the Year 2000: Reactivating Growth, Improving Equity, Sustaining Democracy (New York: Praeger, 1992), p. xi.
46. Seymour Martin Lipset, "The Social Requisites of Democracy Revisited," American Sociological Review 59 (February 1994): 17.
47. Howard J. Wiarda, The Democratic Revolution in Latin America: History, Politics, and U.S. Policy (New York: Holmes and Meier, 1990), p. 252. See also Francisco C. Weffort, "New Democracies, Which Democracies," Working Paper No. 198 (Woodrow Wilson Center, Latin American Program, Washington, DC, 1992), p. 20; Adam Przeworski, Democracy and the Market: Political and Economic Reforms in Eastern Europe and Latin America (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1991); and Stephan Haggard and Robert R. Kaufman, eds., The Politics of Economic Adjustment: International Constraints, Distributive Policies, and the State (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1992).
48. Howard J. Wiarda, The Democratic Revolution in Latin America: History, Politics, and U.S. Policy (New York: Holmes and Meier, 1990), p. 252. See also Francisco C. Weffort, "New Democracies, Which Democracies," Working Paper No. 198 (Woodrow Wilson Center, Latin American Program, Washington, DC, 1992), p. 20; Adam Przeworski, Democracy and the Market: Political and Economic Reforms in Eastern Europe and Latin America (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1991); and Stephan Haggard and Robert R. Kaufman, eds., The Politics of Economic Adjustment: International Constraints, Distributive Policies, and the State (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1992).
49. Howard J. Wiarda, The Democratic Revolution in Latin America: History, Politics, and U.S. Policy (New York: Holmes and Meier, 1990), p. 252. See also Francisco C. Weffort, "New Democracies, Which Democracies," Working Paper No. 198 (Woodrow Wilson Center, Latin American Program, Washington, DC, 1992), p. 20; Adam Przeworski, Democracy and the Market: Political and Economic Reforms in Eastern Europe and Latin America (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1991); and Stephan Haggard and Robert R. Kaufman, eds., The Politics of Economic Adjustment: International Constraints, Distributive Policies, and the State (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1992).
50. Howard J. Wiarda, The Democratic Revolution in Latin America: History, Politics, and U.S. Policy (New York: Holmes and Meier, 1990), p. 252. See also Francisco C. Weffort, "New Democracies, Which Democracies," Working Paper No. 198 (Woodrow Wilson Center, Latin American Program, Washington, DC, 1992), p. 20; Adam Przeworski, Democracy and the Market: Political and Economic Reforms in Eastern Europe and Latin America (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1991); and Stephan Haggard and Robert R. Kaufman, eds., The Politics of Economic Adjustment: International Constraints, Distributive Policies, and the State (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1992).
51. Adam Przeworski and Fernando Limongi, "Modernization: Theories and Facts," World Politics 49 (January 1997): 155-83. See also Mark J. Gasiorowski, "Economic Crisis and Political Regime Change: An Event History Analysis," American Political Science Review 89 (December 1995): 882-97; and John B. Londregan and Keith T. Poole, "Poverty, the Coup Trap, and the Seizure of Executive Power," World Politics 42 (January 1990): 151-83.
52. Adam Przeworski and Fernando Limongi, "Modernization: Theories and Facts," World Politics 49 (January 1997): 155-83. See also Mark J. Gasiorowski, "Economic Crisis and Political Regime Change: An Event History Analysis," American Political Science Review 89 (December 1995): 882-97; and John B. Londregan and Keith T. Poole, "Poverty, the Coup Trap, and the Seizure of Executive Power," World Politics 42 (January 1990): 151-83.
53. Adam Przeworski and Fernando Limongi, "Modernization: Theories and Facts," World Politics 49 (January 1997): 155-83. See also Mark J. Gasiorowski, "Economic Crisis and Political Regime Change: An Event History Analysis," American Political Science Review 89 (December 1995): 882-97; and John B. Londregan and Keith T. Poole, "Poverty, the Coup Trap, and the Seizure of Executive Power," World Politics 42 (January 1990): 151-83.
54. See Geoffrey Garrett and Peter Lange, "The Politics of Growth," Journal of Politics 47 (August 1985): 792-827; Peter A. Gourevitch, Politics in Hard Times: Comparative Responses to Economic Crises (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1986); Peter A. Hall, Governing the Economy: The Politics of State Intervention in Britain and France (New York: Oxford University Press, 1986); Peter J. Katzenstein, Corporatism and Change: Austria, Switzerland, and the Politics of Industry (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1984); and idem, Small States in World Markets: Industrial Policy in Europe (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1985).
55. See Geoffrey Garrett and Peter Lange, "The Politics of Growth," Journal of Politics 47 (August 1985): 792-827; Peter A. Gourevitch, Politics in Hard Times: Comparative Responses to Economic Crises (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1986); Peter A. Hall, Governing the Economy: The Politics of State Intervention in Britain and France (New York: Oxford University Press, 1986); Peter J. Katzenstein, Corporatism and Change: Austria, Switzerland, and the Politics of Industry (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1984); and idem, Small States in World Markets: Industrial Policy in Europe (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1985).
56. See Geoffrey Garrett and Peter Lange, "The Politics of Growth," Journal of Politics 47 (August 1985): 792-827; Peter A. Gourevitch, Politics in Hard Times: Comparative Responses to Economic Crises (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1986); Peter A. Hall, Governing the Economy: The Politics of State Intervention in Britain and France (New York: Oxford University Press, 1986); Peter J. Katzenstein, Corporatism and Change: Austria, Switzerland, and the Politics of Industry (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1984); and idem, Small States in World Markets: Industrial Policy in Europe (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1985).
57. See Geoffrey Garrett and Peter Lange, "The Politics of Growth," Journal of Politics 47 (August 1985): 792-827; Peter A. Gourevitch, Politics in Hard Times: Comparative Responses to Economic Crises (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1986); Peter A. Hall, Governing the Economy: The Politics of State Intervention in Britain and France (New York: Oxford University Press, 1986); Peter J. Katzenstein, Corporatism and Change: Austria, Switzerland, and the Politics of Industry (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1984); and idem, Small States in World Markets: Industrial Policy in Europe (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1985).
58. See Geoffrey Garrett and Peter Lange, "The Politics of Growth," Journal of Politics 47 (August 1985): 792-827; Peter A. Gourevitch, Politics in Hard Times: Comparative Responses to Economic Crises (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1986); Peter A. Hall, Governing the Economy: The Politics of State Intervention in Britain and France (New York: Oxford University Press, 1986); Peter J. Katzenstein, Corporatism and Change: Austria, Switzerland, and the Politics of Industry (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1984); and idem, Small States in World Markets: Industrial Policy in Europe (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1985).
59. See, for example, Alex Cukierman, "Central Bank Independence and Monetary Control," Economic Journal 104 (November 1994): 1437-49; Stephan Haggard and Steven B. Webb, eds., "Introduction," in Voting for Reform: Democracy, Political Liberalization, and Economic Adjustment (Washington, DC: World Bank, 1994), pp. 8-15; and Stephan Haggard and Robert R. Kaufman, "The Political Economy of Inflation and Stabilization in Middle-Income Countries," in Politics of Economic Adjustment, ed. idem, pp. 270-315.
60. See, for example, Alex Cukierman, "Central Bank Independence and Monetary Control," Economic Journal 104 (November 1994): 1437-49; Stephan Haggard and Steven B. Webb, eds., "Introduction," in Voting for Reform: Democracy, Political Liberalization, and Economic Adjustment (Washington, DC: World Bank, 1994), pp. 8-15; and Stephan Haggard and Robert R. Kaufman, "The Political Economy of Inflation and Stabilization in Middle-Income Countries," in Politics of Economic Adjustment, ed. idem, pp. 270-315.
61. See, for example, Alex Cukierman, "Central Bank Independence and Monetary Control," Economic Journal 104 (November 1994): 1437-49; Stephan Haggard and Steven B. Webb, eds., "Introduction," in Voting for Reform: Democracy, Political Liberalization, and Economic Adjustment (Washington, DC: World Bank, 1994), pp. 8-15; and Stephan Haggard and Robert R. Kaufman, "The Political Economy of Inflation and Stabilization in Middle-Income Countries," in Politics of Economic Adjustment, ed. idem, pp. 270-315.
62. Barbara Geddes, Politician's Dilemma: Building State Capacity in Latin America (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1994).
63. For a notable exception, see the recent study by Gasiorowski, "Economic Crisis and Political Regime Change," which evaluates the impact of political institutions within the framework of broader models exploring structural, performance, and international influences upon democratic breakdown and transition.
64. For elaboration of this point see Matthew S. Shugart, "Parliaments over Presidents?" Journal of Democracy 6 (April 1995): 168-72; and Scott Mainwaring and Matthew S. Shugart, "Introduction," in Presidentialism and Democracy in Latin America, ed. idem (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997), pp. 18-21.
65. For elaboration of this point see Matthew S. Shugart, "Parliaments over Presidents?" Journal of Democracy 6 (April 1995): 168-72; and Scott Mainwaring and Matthew S. Shugart, "Introduction," in Presidentialism and Democracy in Latin America, ed. idem (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997), pp. 18-21.
66. Harry Eckstein, "Case Study and Theory in Political Science," in Handbook of Political Science, vol. 7: Strategies of Inquiry (Reading, MA: Addison-Wesley, 1975), p. 118.
67. See, in particular, Przeworski, Democracy and the Market.
68. These consequences have not been lost on revolutionary strategists. See, for example, the discussion of the Guatemalan "electoral trap" of 1966 by Regis Débray and Ricardo Ramírez, in "Guatemala," A Critique of Arms, vol. 2: The Revolution on Trial, trans. Rosemary Sheed (New York: Penguin Books, 1978), pp. 294-304.
69. Recent applications of survival (or hazard) analysis in political science include Bruce Bueno de Mesquita and Randolph M. Siverson, "War and the Survival of Political Leaders: A Comparative Study of Regime Types and Political Accountability," American Political Science Review 89 (December 1995): 841-55; Paul Warwick, "Economic Trends and Government Survival in West European Parliamentary Democracies," American Political Science Review 86 (December 1992): 875-87; and D. Scott Bennett and Allan C. Stam III, "The Duration of Interstate Wars, 1816-1965," American Political Science Review 90 (June 1996): 239-57.
70. Recent applications of survival (or hazard) analysis in political science include Bruce Bueno de Mesquita and Randolph M. Siverson, "War and the Survival of Political Leaders: A Comparative Study of Regime Types and Political Accountability," American Political Science Review 89 (December 1995): 841-55; Paul Warwick, "Economic Trends and Government Survival in West European Parliamentary Democracies," American Political Science Review 86 (December 1992): 875-87; and D. Scott Bennett and Allan C. Stam III, "The Duration of Interstate Wars, 1816-1965," American Political Science Review 90 (June 1996): 239-57.
71. Recent applications of survival (or hazard) analysis in political science include Bruce Bueno de Mesquita and Randolph M. Siverson, "War and the Survival of Political Leaders: A Comparative Study of Regime Types and Political Accountability," American Political Science Review 89 (December 1995): 841-55; Paul Warwick, "Economic Trends and Government Survival in West European Parliamentary Democracies," American Political Science Review 86 (December 1992): 875-87; and D. Scott Bennett and Allan C. Stam III, "The Duration of Interstate Wars, 1816-1965," American Political Science Review 90 (June 1996): 239-57.
72. For further elaboration of the underlying assumptions and methodological advantages of survival analysis, see Paul D. Alison, Event History Analysis: Regression for Longitudinal Event Data (Beverly Hills, CA: Sage, 1984); John D. Kalbfleisch and Ross L. Prentice, The Statistical Analysis of Failure Time Data (New York: John Wiley, 1980); and Janet M. Box-Steffensmeier and Bradford S. Jones, "Time Is of the Essence: Event History Models in Political Science," American Journal of Political Science 41 (October 1997): 1414-61.
73. For further elaboration of the underlying assumptions and methodological advantages of survival analysis, see Paul D. Alison, Event History Analysis: Regression for Longitudinal Event Data (Beverly Hills, CA: Sage, 1984); John D. Kalbfleisch and Ross L. Prentice, The Statistical Analysis of Failure Time Data (New York: John Wiley, 1980); and Janet M. Box-Steffensmeier and Bradford S. Jones, "Time Is of the Essence: Event History Models in Political Science," American Journal of Political Science 41 (October 1997): 1414-61.
74. For further elaboration of the underlying assumptions and methodological advantages of survival analysis, see Paul D. Alison, Event History Analysis: Regression for Longitudinal Event Data (Beverly Hills, CA: Sage, 1984); John D. Kalbfleisch and Ross L. Prentice, The Statistical Analysis of Failure Time Data (New York: John Wiley, 1980); and Janet M. Box-Steffensmeier and Bradford S. Jones, "Time Is of the Essence: Event History Models in Political Science," American Journal of Political Science 41 (October 1997): 1414-61.
75. Both data sets are available from the author on request.
76. Freedom House data have been widely utilized in recent comparative research on human rights and political democracy (see, for example, Burkhart and Lewis-Beck, "Comparative Democracy; Muller and Seligson, "Civic Culture and Democracy"; and Seymour Martin Lipset, Kyoung-Ryung Seong, and John Charles Torres, "A Comparative Analysis of the Social Requisites of Democracy," International Social Science Journal 136 [May 1993]: 155-75), but the data are not available for the years before 1972. See Freedom House, Freedom in the World: 1978-1995 (New York: Freedom House, 1978-1995). The more comprehensive polity data set, which codes country years on separate authoritarian and democratic dimensions ranging from 0 to 10, has also been used extensively in recent research (see, for example, Zeev Maoz and Bruce Russett, "Normative and Structural Causes of Democratic Peace, 1946-1986," American Political Science Review 87 [September 1993]: 624-38; and Manuel Pastor, Jr., and Eric Hilt, "Private Investment and Democracy in Latin America," World Development 21, no. 4 [1993]: 489-507), but it includes too many inaccuracies and missing observations to be useful or appropriate for a limited regional study. To cite but a few examples, Costa Rica receives the highest possible democratic coding (10) for the years 1948-49, when the country was governed by a junta that seized power via military force, outlawed the leading leftist opposition party and its affiliated unions, removed all state employees from their posts, sent 7,000 people (nearly 1 percent of the population) into exile, and jailed another 3,000 (James Dunkerley, Power in the Isthmus: A Political History of Modern Central America [London: Verso, 1988], pp. 130-31); Honduras is given a democratic rating of 1 for the entire 1956-81 period, despite shifts back and forth between military and elected civilian governance; the degree of democracy (rated 0, despite regular elections) and authoritarianism (rated 6) in Mexico is seen as unvarying from 1930 to 1979; and El Salvador receives missing value codings for the 1948-49 and 1979-83 periods. A lack of cross-national consistency in the coding process is equally problematic. Compare El Salvador's democratic rating of 7 for the years 1984-90, when the country was engulfed in a civil war that made membership in social democratic political parties punishable by torture, imprisonment, and death (see William Stanley, The Protection Racket State: Elite Politics, Military Extortion, and Civil War in El Salvador [Philadelphia, PA: Temple University Press, 1996]) with Mexico's rating of 1 for these same years. Such idiosyncratic codings cannot be cross-validated: Freedom House data rated the two countries equally for the same set of years, while a panel of regional experts ranked El Salvador 14th out of 20 countries in the Latin American region in 1985 on the basis of the criteria of free speech, free elections, free party organization, civilian supremacy, and independent judiciary. Mexico ranked among the top 4 or 5 for the entire 1975-85 period (see Kenneth F. Johnson, "Measuring the Scholarly Image of Latin American Democracy," in Statistical Abstract of Latin America, ed. James W. Wilkie, vol. 17 [Los Angeles: Latin American Center, University of California, Los Angeles, 1976], pp. 348-65). Given these anomalies, the correlation between the Polity II democracy ratings and those utilized in this study is statistically significant, but anything but perfect (.817). For a more complete description of the Polity data set, see Ted Robert Gurr, "Polity II: Political Structures and Regime Change, 1800-1986" (Inter-University Consortium for Political and Social Research, Ann Arbor, Michigan, 1990). See also Kenneth Bollen, "Liberal Democracy: Validity and Method Factors in Cross-National Measures," American Journal of Political Science 37 (November 1993): 1207-30.
77. Freedom House data have been widely utilized in recent comparative research on human rights and political democracy (see, for example, Burkhart and Lewis-Beck, "Comparative Democracy; Muller and Seligson, "Civic Culture and Democracy"; and Seymour Martin Lipset, Kyoung-Ryung Seong, and John Charles Torres, "A Comparative Analysis of the Social Requisites of Democracy," International Social Science Journal 136 [May 1993]: 155-75), but the data are not available for the years before 1972. See Freedom House, Freedom in the World: 1978-1995 (New York: Freedom House, 1978-1995). The more comprehensive polity data set, which codes country years on separate authoritarian and democratic dimensions ranging from 0 to 10, has also been used extensively in recent research (see, for example, Zeev Maoz and Bruce Russett, "Normative and Structural Causes of Democratic Peace, 1946-1986," American Political Science Review 87 [September 1993]: 624-38; and Manuel Pastor, Jr., and Eric Hilt, "Private Investment and Democracy in Latin America," World Development 21, no. 4 [1993]: 489-507), but it includes too many inaccuracies and missing observations to be useful or appropriate for a limited regional study. To cite but a few examples, Costa Rica receives the highest possible democratic coding (10) for the years 1948-49, when the country was governed by a junta that seized power via military force, outlawed the leading leftist opposition party and its affiliated unions, removed all state employees from their posts, sent 7,000 people (nearly 1 percent of the population) into exile, and jailed another 3,000 (James Dunkerley, Power in the Isthmus: A Political History of Modern Central America [London: Verso, 1988], pp. 130-31); Honduras is given a democratic rating of 1 for the entire 1956-81 period, despite shifts back and forth between military and elected civilian governance; the degree of democracy (rated 0, despite regular elections) and authoritarianism (rated 6) in Mexico is seen as unvarying from 1930 to 1979; and El Salvador receives missing value codings for the 1948-49 and 1979-83 periods. A lack of cross-national consistency in the coding process is equally problematic. Compare El Salvador's democratic rating of 7 for the years 1984-90, when the country was engulfed in a civil war that made membership in social democratic political parties punishable by torture, imprisonment, and death (see William Stanley, The Protection Racket State: Elite Politics, Military Extortion, and Civil War in El Salvador [Philadelphia, PA: Temple University Press, 1996]) with Mexico's rating of 1 for these same years. Such idiosyncratic codings cannot be cross-validated: Freedom House data rated the two countries equally for the same set of years, while a panel of regional experts ranked El Salvador 14th out of 20 countries in the Latin American region in 1985 on the basis of the criteria of free speech, free elections, free party organization, civilian supremacy, and independent judiciary. Mexico ranked among the top 4 or 5 for the entire 1975-85 period (see Kenneth F. Johnson, "Measuring the Scholarly Image of Latin American Democracy," in Statistical Abstract of Latin America, ed. James W. Wilkie, vol. 17 [Los Angeles: Latin American Center, University of California, Los Angeles, 1976], pp. 348-65). Given these anomalies, the correlation between the Polity II democracy ratings and those utilized in this study is statistically significant, but anything but perfect (.817). For a more complete description of the Polity data set, see Ted Robert Gurr, "Polity II: Political Structures and Regime Change, 1800-1986" (Inter-University Consortium for Political and Social Research, Ann Arbor, Michigan, 1990). See also Kenneth Bollen, "Liberal Democracy: Validity and Method Factors in Cross-National Measures," American Journal of Political Science 37 (November 1993): 1207-30.
78. Freedom House data have been widely utilized in recent comparative research on human rights and political democracy (see, for example, Burkhart and Lewis-Beck, "Comparative Democracy; Muller and Seligson, "Civic Culture and Democracy"; and Seymour Martin Lipset, Kyoung-Ryung Seong, and John Charles Torres, "A Comparative Analysis of the Social Requisites of Democracy," International Social Science Journal 136 [May 1993]: 155-75), but the data are not available for the years before 1972. See Freedom House, Freedom in the World: 1978-1995 (New York: Freedom House, 1978-1995). The more comprehensive polity data set, which codes country years on separate authoritarian and democratic dimensions ranging from 0 to 10, has also been used extensively in recent research (see, for example, Zeev Maoz and Bruce Russett, "Normative and Structural Causes of Democratic Peace, 1946-1986," American Political Science Review 87 [September 1993]: 624-38; and Manuel Pastor, Jr., and Eric Hilt, "Private Investment and Democracy in Latin America," World Development 21, no. 4 [1993]: 489-507), but it includes too many inaccuracies and missing observations to be useful or appropriate for a limited regional study. To cite but a few examples, Costa Rica receives the highest possible democratic coding (10) for the years 1948-49, when the country was governed by a junta that seized power via military force, outlawed the leading leftist opposition party and its affiliated unions, removed all state employees from their posts, sent 7,000 people (nearly 1 percent of the population) into exile, and jailed another 3,000 (James Dunkerley, Power in the Isthmus: A Political History of Modern Central America [London: Verso, 1988], pp. 130-31); Honduras is given a democratic rating of 1 for the entire 1956-81 period, despite shifts back and forth between military and elected civilian governance; the degree of democracy (rated 0, despite regular elections) and authoritarianism (rated 6) in Mexico is seen as unvarying from 1930 to 1979; and El Salvador receives missing value codings for the 1948-49 and 1979-83 periods. A lack of cross-national consistency in the coding process is equally problematic. Compare El Salvador's democratic rating of 7 for the years 1984-90, when the country was engulfed in a civil war that made membership in social democratic political parties punishable by torture, imprisonment, and death (see William Stanley, The Protection Racket State: Elite Politics, Military Extortion, and Civil War in El Salvador [Philadelphia, PA: Temple University Press, 1996]) with Mexico's rating of 1 for these same years. Such idiosyncratic codings cannot be cross-validated: Freedom House data rated the two countries equally for the same set of years, while a panel of regional experts ranked El Salvador 14th out of 20 countries in the Latin American region in 1985 on the basis of the criteria of free speech, free elections, free party organization, civilian supremacy, and independent judiciary. Mexico ranked among the top 4 or 5 for the entire 1975-85 period (see Kenneth F. Johnson, "Measuring the Scholarly Image of Latin American Democracy," in Statistical Abstract of Latin America, ed. James W. Wilkie, vol. 17 [Los Angeles: Latin American Center, University of California, Los Angeles, 1976], pp. 348-65). Given these anomalies, the correlation between the Polity II democracy ratings and those utilized in this study is statistically significant, but anything but perfect (.817). For a more complete description of the Polity data set, see Ted Robert Gurr, "Polity II: Political Structures and Regime Change, 1800-1986" (Inter-University Consortium for Political and Social Research, Ann Arbor, Michigan, 1990). See also Kenneth Bollen, "Liberal Democracy: Validity and Method Factors in Cross-National Measures," American Journal of Political Science 37 (November 1993): 1207-30.
79. Freedom House data have been widely utilized in recent comparative research on human rights and political democracy (see, for example, Burkhart and Lewis-Beck, "Comparative Democracy; Muller and Seligson, "Civic Culture and Democracy"; and Seymour Martin Lipset, Kyoung-Ryung Seong, and John Charles Torres, "A Comparative Analysis of the Social Requisites of Democracy," International Social Science Journal 136 [May 1993]: 155-75), but the data are not available for the years before 1972. See Freedom House, Freedom in the World: 1978-1995 (New York: Freedom House, 1978-1995). The more comprehensive polity data set, which codes country years on separate authoritarian and democratic dimensions ranging from 0 to 10, has also been used extensively in recent research (see, for example, Zeev Maoz and Bruce Russett, "Normative and Structural Causes of Democratic Peace, 1946-1986," American Political Science Review 87 [September 1993]: 624-38; and Manuel Pastor, Jr., and Eric Hilt, "Private Investment and Democracy in Latin America," World Development 21, no. 4 [1993]: 489-507), but it includes too many inaccuracies and missing observations to be useful or appropriate for a limited regional study. To cite but a few examples, Costa Rica receives the highest possible democratic coding (10) for the years 1948-49, when the country was governed by a junta that seized power via military force, outlawed the leading leftist opposition party and its affiliated unions, removed all state employees from their posts, sent 7,000 people (nearly 1 percent of the population) into exile, and jailed another 3,000 (James Dunkerley, Power in the Isthmus: A Political History of Modern Central America [London: Verso, 1988], pp. 130-31); Honduras is given a democratic rating of 1 for the entire 1956-81 period, despite shifts back and forth between military and elected civilian governance; the degree of democracy (rated 0, despite regular elections) and authoritarianism (rated 6) in Mexico is seen as unvarying from 1930 to 1979; and El Salvador receives missing value codings for the 1948-49 and 1979-83 periods. A lack of cross-national consistency in the coding process is equally problematic. Compare El Salvador's democratic rating of 7 for the years 1984-90, when the country was engulfed in a civil war that made membership in social democratic political parties punishable by torture, imprisonment, and death (see William Stanley, The Protection Racket State: Elite Politics, Military Extortion, and Civil War in El Salvador [Philadelphia, PA: Temple University Press, 1996]) with Mexico's rating of 1 for these same years. Such idiosyncratic codings cannot be cross-validated: Freedom House data rated the two countries equally for the same set of years, while a panel of regional experts ranked El Salvador 14th out of 20 countries in the Latin American region in 1985 on the basis of the criteria of free speech, free elections, free party organization, civilian supremacy, and independent judiciary. Mexico ranked among the top 4 or 5 for the entire 1975-85 period (see Kenneth F. Johnson, "Measuring the Scholarly Image of Latin American Democracy," in Statistical Abstract of Latin America, ed. James W. Wilkie, vol. 17 [Los Angeles: Latin American Center, University of California, Los Angeles, 1976], pp. 348-65). Given these anomalies, the correlation between the Polity II democracy ratings and those utilized in this study is statistically significant, but anything but perfect (.817). For a more complete description of the Polity data set, see Ted Robert Gurr, "Polity II: Political Structures and Regime Change, 1800-1986" (Inter-University Consortium for Political and Social Research, Ann Arbor, Michigan, 1990). See also Kenneth Bollen, "Liberal Democracy: Validity and Method Factors in Cross-National Measures," American Journal of Political Science 37 (November 1993): 1207-30.
80. Freedom House data have been widely utilized in recent comparative research on human rights and political democracy (see, for example, Burkhart and Lewis-Beck, "Comparative Democracy; Muller and Seligson, "Civic Culture and Democracy"; and Seymour Martin Lipset, Kyoung-Ryung Seong, and John Charles Torres, "A Comparative Analysis of the Social Requisites of Democracy," International Social Science Journal 136 [May 1993]: 155-75), but the data are not available for the years before 1972. See Freedom House, Freedom in the World: 1978-1995 (New York: Freedom House, 1978-1995). The more comprehensive polity data set, which codes country years on separate authoritarian and democratic dimensions ranging from 0 to 10, has also been used extensively in recent research (see, for example, Zeev Maoz and Bruce Russett, "Normative and Structural Causes of Democratic Peace, 1946-1986," American Political Science Review 87 [September 1993]: 624-38; and Manuel Pastor, Jr., and Eric Hilt, "Private Investment and Democracy in Latin America," World Development 21, no. 4 [1993]: 489-507), but it includes too many inaccuracies and missing observations to be useful or appropriate for a limited regional study. To cite but a few examples, Costa Rica receives the highest possible democratic coding (10) for the years 1948-49, when the country was governed by a junta that seized power via military force, outlawed the leading leftist opposition party and its affiliated unions, removed all state employees from their posts, sent 7,000 people (nearly 1 percent of the population) into exile, and jailed another 3,000 (James Dunkerley, Power in the Isthmus: A Political History of Modern Central America [London: Verso, 1988], pp. 130-31); Honduras is given a democratic rating of 1 for the entire 1956-81 period, despite shifts back and forth between military and elected civilian governance; the degree of democracy (rated 0, despite regular elections) and authoritarianism (rated 6) in Mexico is seen as unvarying from 1930 to 1979; and El Salvador receives missing value codings for the 1948-49 and 1979-83 periods. A lack of cross-national consistency in the coding process is equally problematic. Compare El Salvador's democratic rating of 7 for the years 1984-90, when the country was engulfed in a civil war that made membership in social democratic political parties punishable by torture, imprisonment, and death (see William Stanley, The Protection Racket State: Elite Politics, Military Extortion, and Civil War in El Salvador [Philadelphia, PA: Temple University Press, 1996]) with Mexico's rating of 1 for these same years. Such idiosyncratic codings cannot be cross-validated: Freedom House data rated the two countries equally for the same set of years, while a panel of regional experts ranked El Salvador 14th out of 20 countries in the Latin American region in 1985 on the basis of the criteria of free speech, free elections, free party organization, civilian supremacy, and independent judiciary. Mexico ranked among the top 4 or 5 for the entire 1975-85 period (see Kenneth F. Johnson, "Measuring the Scholarly Image of Latin American Democracy," in Statistical Abstract of Latin America, ed. James W. Wilkie, vol. 17 [Los Angeles: Latin American Center, University of California, Los Angeles, 1976], pp. 348-65). Given these anomalies, the correlation between the Polity II democracy ratings and those utilized in this study is statistically significant, but anything but perfect (.817). For a more complete description of the Polity data set, see Ted Robert Gurr, "Polity II: Political Structures and Regime Change, 1800-1986" (Inter-University Consortium for Political and Social Research, Ann Arbor, Michigan, 1990). See also Kenneth Bollen, "Liberal Democracy: Validity and Method Factors in Cross-National Measures," American Journal of Political Science 37 (November 1993): 1207-30.
81. Freedom House data have been widely utilized in recent comparative research on human rights and political democracy (see, for example, Burkhart and Lewis-Beck, "Comparative Democracy; Muller and Seligson, "Civic Culture and Democracy"; and Seymour Martin Lipset, Kyoung-Ryung Seong, and John Charles Torres, "A Comparative Analysis of the Social Requisites of Democracy," International Social Science Journal 136 [May 1993]: 155-75), but the data are not available for the years before 1972. See Freedom House, Freedom in the World: 1978-1995 (New York: Freedom House, 1978-1995). The more comprehensive polity data set, which codes country years on separate authoritarian and democratic dimensions ranging from 0 to 10, has also been used extensively in recent research (see, for example, Zeev Maoz and Bruce Russett, "Normative and Structural Causes of Democratic Peace, 1946-1986," American Political Science Review 87 [September 1993]: 624-38; and Manuel Pastor, Jr., and Eric Hilt, "Private Investment and Democracy in Latin America," World Development 21, no. 4 [1993]: 489-507), but it includes too many inaccuracies and missing observations to be useful or appropriate for a limited regional study. To cite but a few examples, Costa Rica receives the highest possible democratic coding (10) for the years 1948-49, when the country was governed by a junta that seized power via military force, outlawed the leading leftist opposition party and its affiliated unions, removed all state employees from their posts, sent 7,000 people (nearly 1 percent of the population) into exile, and jailed another 3,000 (James Dunkerley, Power in the Isthmus: A Political History of Modern Central America [London: Verso, 1988], pp. 130-31); Honduras is given a democratic rating of 1 for the entire 1956-81 period, despite shifts back and forth between military and elected civilian governance; the degree of democracy (rated 0, despite regular elections) and authoritarianism (rated 6) in Mexico is seen as unvarying from 1930 to 1979; and El Salvador receives missing value codings for the 1948-49 and 1979-83 periods. A lack of cross-national consistency in the coding process is equally problematic. Compare El Salvador's democratic rating of 7 for the years 1984-90, when the country was engulfed in a civil war that made membership in social democratic political parties punishable by torture, imprisonment, and death (see William Stanley, The Protection Racket State: Elite Politics, Military Extortion, and Civil War in El Salvador [Philadelphia, PA: Temple University Press, 1996]) with Mexico's rating of 1 for these same years. Such idiosyncratic codings cannot be cross-validated: Freedom House data rated the two countries equally for the same set of years, while a panel of regional experts ranked El Salvador 14th out of 20 countries in the Latin American region in 1985 on the basis of the criteria of free speech, free elections, free party organization, civilian supremacy, and independent judiciary. Mexico ranked among the top 4 or 5 for the entire 1975-85 period (see Kenneth F. Johnson, "Measuring the Scholarly Image of Latin American Democracy," in Statistical Abstract of Latin America, ed. James W. Wilkie, vol. 17 [Los Angeles: Latin American Center, University of California, Los Angeles, 1976], pp. 348-65). Given these anomalies, the correlation between the Polity II democracy ratings and those utilized in this study is statistically significant, but anything but perfect (.817). For a more complete description of the Polity data set, see Ted Robert Gurr, "Polity II: Political Structures and Regime Change, 1800-1986" (Inter-University Consortium for Political and Social Research, Ann Arbor, Michigan, 1990). See also Kenneth Bollen, "Liberal Democracy: Validity and Method Factors in Cross-National Measures," American Journal of Political Science 37 (November 1993): 1207-30.
82. Freedom House data have been widely utilized in recent comparative research on human rights and political democracy (see, for example, Burkhart and Lewis-Beck, "Comparative Democracy; Muller and Seligson, "Civic Culture and Democracy"; and Seymour Martin Lipset, Kyoung-Ryung Seong, and John Charles Torres, "A Comparative Analysis of the Social Requisites of Democracy," International Social Science Journal 136 [May 1993]: 155-75), but the data are not available for the years before 1972. See Freedom House, Freedom in the World: 1978-1995 (New York: Freedom House, 1978-1995). The more comprehensive polity data set, which codes country years on separate authoritarian and democratic dimensions ranging from 0 to 10, has also been used extensively in recent research (see, for example, Zeev Maoz and Bruce Russett, "Normative and Structural Causes of Democratic Peace, 1946-1986," American Political Science Review 87 [September 1993]: 624-38; and Manuel Pastor, Jr., and Eric Hilt, "Private Investment and Democracy in Latin America," World Development 21, no. 4 [1993]: 489-507), but it includes too many inaccuracies and missing observations to be useful or appropriate for a limited regional study. To cite but a few examples, Costa Rica receives the highest possible democratic coding (10) for the years 1948-49, when the country was governed by a junta that seized power via military force, outlawed the leading leftist opposition party and its affiliated unions, removed all state employees from their posts, sent 7,000 people (nearly 1 percent of the population) into exile, and jailed another 3,000 (James Dunkerley, Power in the Isthmus: A Political History of Modern Central America [London: Verso, 1988], pp. 130-31); Honduras is given a democratic rating of 1 for the entire 1956-81 period, despite shifts back and forth between military and elected civilian governance; the degree of democracy (rated 0, despite regular elections) and authoritarianism (rated 6) in Mexico is seen as unvarying from 1930 to 1979; and El Salvador receives missing value codings for the 1948-49 and 1979-83 periods. A lack of cross-national consistency in the coding process is equally problematic. Compare El Salvador's democratic rating of 7 for the years 1984-90, when the country was engulfed in a civil war that made membership in social democratic political parties punishable by torture, imprisonment, and death (see William Stanley, The Protection Racket State: Elite Politics, Military Extortion, and Civil War in El Salvador [Philadelphia, PA: Temple University Press, 1996]) with Mexico's rating of 1 for these same years. Such idiosyncratic codings cannot be cross-validated: Freedom House data rated the two countries equally for the same set of years, while a panel of regional experts ranked El Salvador 14th out of 20 countries in the Latin American region in 1985 on the basis of the criteria of free speech, free elections, free party organization, civilian supremacy, and independent judiciary. Mexico ranked among the top 4 or 5 for the entire 1975-85 period (see Kenneth F. Johnson, "Measuring the Scholarly Image of Latin American Democracy," in Statistical Abstract of Latin America, ed. James W. Wilkie, vol. 17 [Los Angeles: Latin American Center, University of California, Los Angeles, 1976], pp. 348-65). Given these anomalies, the correlation between the Polity II democracy ratings and those utilized in this study is statistically significant, but anything but perfect (.817). For a more complete description of the Polity data set, see Ted Robert Gurr, "Polity II: Political Structures and Regime Change, 1800-1986" (Inter-University Consortium for Political and Social Research, Ann Arbor, Michigan, 1990). See also Kenneth Bollen, "Liberal Democracy: Validity and Method Factors in Cross-National Measures," American Journal of Political Science 37 (November 1993): 1207-30.
83. Freedom House data have been widely utilized in recent comparative research on human rights and political democracy (see, for example, Burkhart and Lewis-Beck, "Comparative Democracy; Muller and Seligson, "Civic Culture and Democracy"; and Seymour Martin Lipset, Kyoung-Ryung Seong, and John Charles Torres, "A Comparative Analysis of the Social Requisites of Democracy," International Social Science Journal 136 [May 1993]: 155-75), but the data are not available for the years before 1972. See Freedom House, Freedom in the World: 1978-1995 (New York: Freedom House, 1978-1995). The more comprehensive polity data set, which codes country years on separate authoritarian and democratic dimensions ranging from 0 to 10, has also been used extensively in recent research (see, for example, Zeev Maoz and Bruce Russett, "Normative and Structural Causes of Democratic Peace, 1946-1986," American Political Science Review 87 [September 1993]: 624-38; and Manuel Pastor, Jr., and Eric Hilt, "Private Investment and Democracy in Latin America," World Development 21, no. 4 [1993]: 489-507), but it includes too many inaccuracies and missing observations to be useful or appropriate for a limited regional study. To cite but a few examples, Costa Rica receives the highest possible democratic coding (10) for the years 1948-49, when the country was governed by a junta that seized power via military force, outlawed the leading leftist opposition party and its affiliated unions, removed all state employees from their posts, sent 7,000 people (nearly 1 percent of the population) into exile, and jailed another 3,000 (James Dunkerley, Power in the Isthmus: A Political History of Modern Central America [London: Verso, 1988], pp. 130-31); Honduras is given a democratic rating of 1 for the entire 1956-81 period, despite shifts back and forth between military and elected civilian governance; the degree of democracy (rated 0, despite regular elections) and authoritarianism (rated 6) in Mexico is seen as unvarying from 1930 to 1979; and El Salvador receives missing value codings for the 1948-49 and 1979-83 periods. A lack of cross-national consistency in the coding process is equally problematic. Compare El Salvador's democratic rating of 7 for the years 1984-90, when the country was engulfed in a civil war that made membership in social democratic political parties punishable by torture, imprisonment, and death (see William Stanley, The Protection Racket State: Elite Politics, Military Extortion, and Civil War in El Salvador [Philadelphia, PA: Temple University Press, 1996]) with Mexico's rating of 1 for these same years. Such idiosyncratic codings cannot be cross-validated: Freedom House data rated the two countries equally for the same set of years, while a panel of regional experts ranked El Salvador 14th out of 20 countries in the Latin American region in 1985 on the basis of the criteria of free speech, free elections, free party organization, civilian supremacy, and independent judiciary. Mexico ranked among the top 4 or 5 for the entire 1975-85 period (see Kenneth F. Johnson, "Measuring the Scholarly Image of Latin American Democracy," in Statistical Abstract of Latin America, ed. James W. Wilkie, vol. 17 [Los Angeles: Latin American Center, University of California, Los Angeles, 1976], pp. 348-65). Given these anomalies, the correlation between the Polity II democracy ratings and those utilized in this study is statistically significant, but anything but perfect (.817). For a more complete description of the Polity data set, see Ted Robert Gurr, "Polity II: Political Structures and Regime Change, 1800-1986" (Inter-University Consortium for Political and Social Research, Ann Arbor, Michigan, 1990). See also Kenneth Bollen, "Liberal Democracy: Validity and Method Factors in Cross-National Measures," American Journal of Political Science 37 (November 1993): 1207-30.
84. Freedom House data have been widely utilized in recent comparative research on human rights and political democracy (see, for example, Burkhart and Lewis-Beck, "Comparative Democracy; Muller and Seligson, "Civic Culture and Democracy"; and Seymour Martin Lipset, Kyoung-Ryung Seong, and John Charles Torres, "A Comparative Analysis of the Social Requisites of Democracy," International Social Science Journal 136 [May 1993]: 155-75), but the data are not available for the years before 1972. See Freedom House, Freedom in the World: 1978-1995 (New York: Freedom House, 1978-1995). The more comprehensive polity data set, which codes country years on separate authoritarian and democratic dimensions ranging from 0 to 10, has also been used extensively in recent research (see, for example, Zeev Maoz and Bruce Russett, "Normative and Structural Causes of Democratic Peace, 1946-1986," American Political Science Review 87 [September 1993]: 624-38; and Manuel Pastor, Jr., and Eric Hilt, "Private Investment and Democracy in Latin America," World Development 21, no. 4 [1993]: 489-507), but it includes too many inaccuracies and missing observations to be useful or appropriate for a limited regional study. To cite but a few examples, Costa Rica receives the highest possible democratic coding (10) for the years 1948-49, when the country was governed by a junta that seized power via military force, outlawed the leading leftist opposition party and its affiliated unions, removed all state employees from their posts, sent 7,000 people (nearly 1 percent of the population) into exile, and jailed another 3,000 (James Dunkerley, Power in the Isthmus: A Political History of Modern Central America [London: Verso, 1988], pp. 130-31); Honduras is given a democratic rating of 1 for the entire 1956-81 period, despite shifts back and forth between military and elected civilian governance; the degree of democracy (rated 0, despite regular elections) and authoritarianism (rated 6) in Mexico is seen as unvarying from 1930 to 1979; and El Salvador receives missing value codings for the 1948-49 and 1979-83 periods. A lack of cross-national consistency in the coding process is equally problematic. Compare El Salvador's democratic rating of 7 for the years 1984-90, when the country was engulfed in a civil war that made membership in social democratic political parties punishable by torture, imprisonment, and death (see William Stanley, The Protection Racket State: Elite Politics, Military Extortion, and Civil War in El Salvador [Philadelphia, PA: Temple University Press, 1996]) with Mexico's rating of 1 for these same years. Such idiosyncratic codings cannot be cross-validated: Freedom House data rated the two countries equally for the same set of years, while a panel of regional experts ranked El Salvador 14th out of 20 countries in the Latin American region in 1985 on the basis of the criteria of free speech, free elections, free party organization, civilian supremacy, and independent judiciary. Mexico ranked among the top 4 or 5 for the entire 1975-85 period (see Kenneth F. Johnson, "Measuring the Scholarly Image of Latin American Democracy," in Statistical Abstract of Latin America, ed. James W. Wilkie, vol. 17 [Los Angeles: Latin American Center, University of California, Los Angeles, 1976], pp. 348-65). Given these anomalies, the correlation between the Polity II democracy ratings and those utilized in this study is statistically significant, but anything but perfect (.817). For a more complete description of the Polity data set, see Ted Robert Gurr, "Polity II: Political Structures and Regime Change, 1800-1986" (Inter-University Consortium for Political and Social Research, Ann Arbor, Michigan, 1990). See also Kenneth Bollen, "Liberal Democracy: Validity and Method Factors in Cross-National Measures," American Journal of Political Science 37 (November 1993): 1207-30.
85. Freedom House data have been widely utilized in recent comparative research on human rights and political democracy (see, for example, Burkhart and Lewis-Beck, "Comparative Democracy; Muller and Seligson, "Civic Culture and Democracy"; and Seymour Martin Lipset, Kyoung-Ryung Seong, and John Charles Torres, "A Comparative Analysis of the Social Requisites of Democracy," International Social Science Journal 136 [May 1993]: 155-75), but the data are not available for the years before 1972. See Freedom House, Freedom in the World: 1978-1995 (New York: Freedom House, 1978-1995). The more comprehensive polity data set, which codes country years on separate authoritarian and democratic dimensions ranging from 0 to 10, has also been used extensively in recent research (see, for example, Zeev Maoz and Bruce Russett, "Normative and Structural Causes of Democratic Peace, 1946-1986," American Political Science Review 87 [September 1993]: 624-38; and Manuel Pastor, Jr., and Eric Hilt, "Private Investment and Democracy in Latin America," World Development 21, no. 4 [1993]: 489-507), but it includes too many inaccuracies and missing observations to be useful or appropriate for a limited regional study. To cite but a few examples, Costa Rica receives the highest possible democratic coding (10) for the years 1948-49, when the country was governed by a junta that seized power via military force, outlawed the leading leftist opposition party and its affiliated unions, removed all state employees from their posts, sent 7,000 people (nearly 1 percent of the population) into exile, and jailed another 3,000 (James Dunkerley, Power in the Isthmus: A Political History of Modern Central America [London: Verso, 1988], pp. 130-31); Honduras is given a democratic rating of 1 for the entire 1956-81 period, despite shifts back and forth between military and elected civilian governance; the degree of democracy (rated 0, despite regular elections) and authoritarianism (rated 6) in Mexico is seen as unvarying from 1930 to 1979; and El Salvador receives missing value codings for the 1948-49 and 1979-83 periods. A lack of cross-national consistency in the coding process is equally problematic. Compare El Salvador's democratic rating of 7 for the years 1984-90, when the country was engulfed in a civil war that made membership in social democratic political parties punishable by torture, imprisonment, and death (see William Stanley, The Protection Racket State: Elite Politics, Military Extortion, and Civil War in El Salvador [Philadelphia, PA: Temple University Press, 1996]) with Mexico's rating of 1 for these same years. Such idiosyncratic codings cannot be cross-validated: Freedom House data rated the two countries equally for the same set of years, while a panel of regional experts ranked El Salvador 14th out of 20 countries in the Latin American region in 1985 on the basis of the criteria of free speech, free elections, free party organization, civilian supremacy, and independent judiciary. Mexico ranked among the top 4 or 5 for the entire 1975-85 period (see Kenneth F. Johnson, "Measuring the Scholarly Image of Latin American Democracy," in Statistical Abstract of Latin America, ed. James W. Wilkie, vol. 17 [Los Angeles: Latin American Center, University of California, Los Angeles, 1976], pp. 348-65). Given these anomalies, the correlation between the Polity II democracy ratings and those utilized in this study is statistically significant, but anything but perfect (.817). For a more complete description of the Polity data set, see Ted Robert Gurr, "Polity II: Political Structures and Regime Change, 1800-1986" (Inter-University Consortium for Political and Social Research, Ann Arbor, Michigan, 1990). See also Kenneth Bollen, "Liberal Democracy: Validity and Method Factors in Cross-National Measures," American Journal of Political Science 37 (November 1993): 1207-30.
86. Freedom House data have been widely utilized in recent comparative research on human rights and political democracy (see, for example, Burkhart and Lewis-Beck, "Comparative Democracy; Muller and Seligson, "Civic Culture and Democracy"; and Seymour Martin Lipset, Kyoung-Ryung Seong, and John Charles Torres, "A Comparative Analysis of the Social Requisites of Democracy," International Social Science Journal 136 [May 1993]: 155-75), but the data are not available for the years before 1972. See Freedom House, Freedom in the World: 1978-1995 (New York: Freedom House, 1978-1995). The more comprehensive polity data set, which codes country years on separate authoritarian and democratic dimensions ranging from 0 to 10, has also been used extensively in recent research (see, for example, Zeev Maoz and Bruce Russett, "Normative and Structural Causes of Democratic Peace, 1946-1986," American Political Science Review 87 [September 1993]: 624-38; and Manuel Pastor, Jr., and Eric Hilt, "Private Investment and Democracy in Latin America," World Development 21, no. 4 [1993]: 489-507), but it includes too many inaccuracies and missing observations to be useful or appropriate for a limited regional study. To cite but a few examples, Costa Rica receives the highest possible democratic coding (10) for the years 1948-49, when the country was governed by a junta that seized power via military force, outlawed the leading leftist opposition party and its affiliated unions, removed all state employees from their posts, sent 7,000 people (nearly 1 percent of the population) into exile, and jailed another 3,000 (James Dunkerley, Power in the Isthmus: A Political History of Modern Central America [London: Verso, 1988], pp. 130-31); Honduras is given a democratic rating of 1 for the entire 1956-81 period, despite shifts back and forth between military and elected civilian governance; the degree of democracy (rated 0, despite regular elections) and authoritarianism (rated 6) in Mexico is seen as unvarying from 1930 to 1979; and El Salvador receives missing value codings for the 1948-49 and 1979-83 periods. A lack of cross-national consistency in the coding process is equally problematic. Compare El Salvador's democratic rating of 7 for the years 1984-90, when the country was engulfed in a civil war that made membership in social democratic political parties punishable by torture, imprisonment, and death (see William Stanley, The Protection Racket State: Elite Politics, Military Extortion, and Civil War in El Salvador [Philadelphia, PA: Temple University Press, 1996]) with Mexico's rating of 1 for these same years. Such idiosyncratic codings cannot be cross-validated: Freedom House data rated the two countries equally for the same set of years, while a panel of regional experts ranked El Salvador 14th out of 20 countries in the Latin American region in 1985 on the basis of the criteria of free speech, free elections, free party organization, civilian supremacy, and independent judiciary. Mexico ranked among the top 4 or 5 for the entire 1975-85 period (see Kenneth F. Johnson, "Measuring the Scholarly Image of Latin American Democracy," in Statistical Abstract of Latin America, ed. James W. Wilkie, vol. 17 [Los Angeles: Latin American Center, University of California, Los Angeles, 1976], pp. 348-65). Given these anomalies, the correlation between the Polity II democracy ratings and those utilized in this study is statistically significant, but anything but perfect (.817). For a more complete description of the Polity data set, see Ted Robert Gurr, "Polity II: Political Structures and Regime Change, 1800-1986" (Inter-University Consortium for Political and Social Research, Ann Arbor, Michigan, 1990). See also Kenneth Bollen, "Liberal Democracy: Validity and Method Factors in Cross-National Measures," American Journal of Political Science 37 (November 1993): 1207-30.
87. Kenneth Ruddle and Philip Gillette, eds., Latin American Political Statistics: Supplement to the Statistical Abstract of Latin America (Los Angeles: Latin American Center, University of California, Los Angeles, 1972); Dieter Nohlen, ed., Enciclopedia electoral latinoamericana y del Caribe (San José, Costa Rica: Instituto Inter-americano de Derechos Humanos, 1993); Howard J. Wiarda and Harvey F. Kline, Latin American Politics and Development, 3d ed. (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1990); Thomas P. Anderson, Politics in Central America: Guatemala, El Salvador, Honduras, and Nicaragua, rev. ed. (New York: Praeger, 1988); Dunkerley, Power in the Isthmus; Ralph Lee Woodward, Jr., Central America: A Nation Divided, 2d ed. (New York: Oxford University Press, 1985); Steve C. Ropp and James A. Morris, Central America: Crisis and Adaptation (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1984); Robert Debs Heinl, Jr., and Nancy Gordon Heinl, Written in Blood: The Story of the Haitian People, 1492-1971 (Boston, MA: Houghton Mifflin, 1978); Suzanne Jonas, The Battle for Guatemala: Rebels, Death Squads, and U.S. Power (Boulder, CO: Westview, 1991); Eduardo Oconitrillo, Un siglo de política costarricense: Crónica de 23 campañas presidenciales (San José, Costa Rica: Editorial Universidad Estatal a Distancia, 1981); Enrique Baloyra, El Salvador in Transition (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1982); Amilcar Figueroa Salazar, El Salvador: Elementos de su historia y sus luchas (1932-1985) (Caracas: Fondo Editorial Tropykos, 1987); Eduardo Latorre, Política dominicana contemporánea (Santo Domingo: Instituto Tecnológico de Santo Domingo, 1975); Steve C. Ropp, Panamanian Politics: From Guarded Nation to National Guard (New York: Praeger, 1992); Brittmarie Janson Pérez, En nuestras propias voces: Panamá protesta, 1968-1989 (Panamá: La Prensa, 1993); Knut Walter, The Regime of Anastasio Somoza, 1936-1956 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1993); James A. Morris, Honduras: Caudillo Politics and Military Rulers (Boulder, CO: Westview, 1984); Milton Martinez H., Panamá: Una crisis sin fin (El Dorado, Panama: Centro de Estudios y Acción Social Panameño, 1990); and Chester Zelaya et al., Democracia en Costa Rica? Cinco opiniones polémicas, 2d ed. (San José, Costa Rica: Editorial Universidad Estatal a Distancia, 1981).
88. Kenneth Ruddle and Philip Gillette, eds., Latin American Political Statistics: Supplement to the Statistical Abstract of Latin America (Los Angeles: Latin American Center, University of California, Los Angeles, 1972); Dieter Nohlen, ed., Enciclopedia electoral latinoamericana y del Caribe (San José, Costa Rica: Instituto Inter-americano de Derechos Humanos, 1993); Howard J. Wiarda and Harvey F. Kline, Latin American Politics and Development, 3d ed. (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1990); Thomas P. Anderson, Politics in Central America: Guatemala, El Salvador, Honduras, and Nicaragua, rev. ed. (New York: Praeger, 1988); Dunkerley, Power in the Isthmus; Ralph Lee Woodward, Jr., Central America: A Nation Divided, 2d ed. (New York: Oxford University Press, 1985); Steve C. Ropp and James A. Morris, Central America: Crisis and Adaptation (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1984); Robert Debs Heinl, Jr., and Nancy Gordon Heinl, Written in Blood: The Story of the Haitian People, 1492-1971 (Boston, MA: Houghton Mifflin, 1978); Suzanne Jonas, The Battle for Guatemala: Rebels, Death Squads, and U.S. Power (Boulder, CO: Westview, 1991); Eduardo Oconitrillo, Un siglo de política costarricense: Crónica de 23 campañas presidenciales (San José, Costa Rica: Editorial Universidad Estatal a Distancia, 1981); Enrique Baloyra, El Salvador in Transition (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1982); Amilcar Figueroa Salazar, El Salvador: Elementos de su historia y sus luchas (1932-1985) (Caracas: Fondo Editorial Tropykos, 1987); Eduardo Latorre, Política dominicana contemporánea (Santo Domingo: Instituto Tecnológico de Santo Domingo, 1975); Steve C. Ropp, Panamanian Politics: From Guarded Nation to National Guard (New York: Praeger, 1992); Brittmarie Janson Pérez, En nuestras propias voces: Panamá protesta, 1968-1989 (Panamá: La Prensa, 1993); Knut Walter, The Regime of Anastasio Somoza, 1936-1956 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1993); James A. Morris, Honduras: Caudillo Politics and Military Rulers (Boulder, CO: Westview, 1984); Milton Martinez H., Panamá: Una crisis sin fin (El Dorado, Panama: Centro de Estudios y Acción Social Panameño, 1990); and Chester Zelaya et al., Democracia en Costa Rica? Cinco opiniones polémicas, 2d ed. (San José, Costa Rica: Editorial Universidad Estatal a Distancia, 1981).
89. Kenneth Ruddle and Philip Gillette, eds., Latin American Political Statistics: Supplement to the Statistical Abstract of Latin America (Los Angeles: Latin American Center, University of California, Los Angeles, 1972); Dieter Nohlen, ed., Enciclopedia electoral latinoamericana y del Caribe (San José, Costa Rica: Instituto Inter-americano de Derechos Humanos, 1993); Howard J. Wiarda and Harvey F. Kline, Latin American Politics and Development, 3d ed. (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1990); Thomas P. Anderson, Politics in Central America: Guatemala, El Salvador, Honduras, and Nicaragua, rev. ed. (New York: Praeger, 1988); Dunkerley, Power in the Isthmus; Ralph Lee Woodward, Jr., Central America: A Nation Divided, 2d ed. (New York: Oxford University Press, 1985); Steve C. Ropp and James A. Morris, Central America: Crisis and Adaptation (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1984); Robert Debs Heinl, Jr., and Nancy Gordon Heinl, Written in Blood: The Story of the Haitian People, 1492-1971 (Boston, MA: Houghton Mifflin, 1978); Suzanne Jonas, The Battle for Guatemala: Rebels, Death Squads, and U.S. Power (Boulder, CO: Westview, 1991); Eduardo Oconitrillo, Un siglo de política costarricense: Crónica de 23 campañas presidenciales (San José, Costa Rica: Editorial Universidad Estatal a Distancia, 1981); Enrique Baloyra, El Salvador in Transition (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1982); Amilcar Figueroa Salazar, El Salvador: Elementos de su historia y sus luchas (1932-1985) (Caracas: Fondo Editorial Tropykos, 1987); Eduardo Latorre, Política dominicana contemporánea (Santo Domingo: Instituto Tecnológico de Santo Domingo, 1975); Steve C. Ropp, Panamanian Politics: From Guarded Nation to National Guard (New York: Praeger, 1992); Brittmarie Janson Pérez, En nuestras propias voces: Panamá protesta, 1968-1989 (Panamá: La Prensa, 1993); Knut Walter, The Regime of Anastasio Somoza, 1936-1956 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1993); James A. Morris, Honduras: Caudillo Politics and Military Rulers (Boulder, CO: Westview, 1984); Milton Martinez H., Panamá: Una crisis sin fin (El Dorado, Panama: Centro de Estudios y Acción Social Panameño, 1990); and Chester Zelaya et al., Democracia en Costa Rica? Cinco opiniones polémicas, 2d ed. (San José, Costa Rica: Editorial Universidad Estatal a Distancia, 1981).
90. Kenneth Ruddle and Philip Gillette, eds., Latin American Political Statistics: Supplement to the Statistical Abstract of Latin America (Los Angeles: Latin American Center, University of California, Los Angeles, 1972); Dieter Nohlen, ed., Enciclopedia electoral latinoamericana y del Caribe (San José, Costa Rica: Instituto Inter-americano de Derechos Humanos, 1993); Howard J. Wiarda and Harvey F. Kline, Latin American Politics and Development, 3d ed. (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1990); Thomas P. Anderson, Politics in Central America: Guatemala, El Salvador, Honduras, and Nicaragua, rev. ed. (New York: Praeger, 1988); Dunkerley, Power in the Isthmus; Ralph Lee Woodward, Jr., Central America: A Nation Divided, 2d ed. (New York: Oxford University Press, 1985); Steve C. Ropp and James A. Morris, Central America: Crisis and Adaptation (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1984); Robert Debs Heinl, Jr., and Nancy Gordon Heinl, Written in Blood: The Story of the Haitian People, 1492-1971 (Boston, MA: Houghton Mifflin, 1978); Suzanne Jonas, The Battle for Guatemala: Rebels, Death Squads, and U.S. Power (Boulder, CO: Westview, 1991); Eduardo Oconitrillo, Un siglo de política costarricense: Crónica de 23 campañas presidenciales (San José, Costa Rica: Editorial Universidad Estatal a Distancia, 1981); Enrique Baloyra, El Salvador in Transition (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1982); Amilcar Figueroa Salazar, El Salvador: Elementos de su historia y sus luchas (1932-1985) (Caracas: Fondo Editorial Tropykos, 1987); Eduardo Latorre, Política dominicana contemporánea (Santo Domingo: Instituto Tecnológico de Santo Domingo, 1975); Steve C. Ropp, Panamanian Politics: From Guarded Nation to National Guard (New York: Praeger, 1992); Brittmarie Janson Pérez, En nuestras propias voces: Panamá protesta, 1968-1989 (Panamá: La Prensa, 1993); Knut Walter, The Regime of Anastasio Somoza, 1936-1956 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1993); James A. Morris, Honduras: Caudillo Politics and Military Rulers (Boulder, CO: Westview, 1984); Milton Martinez H., Panamá: Una crisis sin fin (El Dorado, Panama: Centro de Estudios y Acción Social Panameño, 1990); and Chester Zelaya et al., Democracia en Costa Rica? Cinco opiniones polémicas, 2d ed. (San José, Costa Rica: Editorial Universidad Estatal a Distancia, 1981).
91. Kenneth Ruddle and Philip Gillette, eds., Latin American Political Statistics: Supplement to the Statistical Abstract of Latin America (Los Angeles: Latin American Center, University of California, Los Angeles, 1972); Dieter Nohlen, ed., Enciclopedia electoral latinoamericana y del Caribe (San José, Costa Rica: Instituto Inter-americano de Derechos Humanos, 1993); Howard J. Wiarda and Harvey F. Kline, Latin American Politics and Development, 3d ed. (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1990); Thomas P. Anderson, Politics in Central America: Guatemala, El Salvador, Honduras, and Nicaragua, rev. ed. (New York: Praeger, 1988); Dunkerley, Power in the Isthmus; Ralph Lee Woodward, Jr., Central America: A Nation Divided, 2d ed. (New York: Oxford University Press, 1985); Steve C. Ropp and James A. Morris, Central America: Crisis and Adaptation (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1984); Robert Debs Heinl, Jr., and Nancy Gordon Heinl, Written in Blood: The Story of the Haitian People, 1492-1971 (Boston, MA: Houghton Mifflin, 1978); Suzanne Jonas, The Battle for Guatemala: Rebels, Death Squads, and U.S. Power (Boulder, CO: Westview, 1991); Eduardo Oconitrillo, Un siglo de política costarricense: Crónica de 23 campañas presidenciales (San José, Costa Rica: Editorial Universidad Estatal a Distancia, 1981); Enrique Baloyra, El Salvador in Transition (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1982); Amilcar Figueroa Salazar, El Salvador: Elementos de su historia y sus luchas (1932-1985) (Caracas: Fondo Editorial Tropykos, 1987); Eduardo Latorre, Política dominicana contemporánea (Santo Domingo: Instituto Tecnológico de Santo Domingo, 1975); Steve C. Ropp, Panamanian Politics: From Guarded Nation to National Guard (New York: Praeger, 1992); Brittmarie Janson Pérez, En nuestras propias voces: Panamá protesta, 1968-1989 (Panamá: La Prensa, 1993); Knut Walter, The Regime of Anastasio Somoza, 1936-1956 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1993); James A. Morris, Honduras: Caudillo Politics and Military Rulers (Boulder, CO: Westview, 1984); Milton Martinez H., Panamá: Una crisis sin fin (El Dorado, Panama: Centro de Estudios y Acción Social Panameño, 1990); and Chester Zelaya et al., Democracia en Costa Rica? Cinco opiniones polémicas, 2d ed. (San José, Costa Rica: Editorial Universidad Estatal a Distancia, 1981).
92. Kenneth Ruddle and Philip Gillette, eds., Latin American Political Statistics: Supplement to the Statistical Abstract of Latin America (Los
93. Kenneth Ruddle and Philip Gillette, eds., Latin American Political Statistics: Supplement to the Statistical Abstract of Latin America (Los Angeles: Latin American Center, University of California, Los Angeles, 1972); Dieter Nohlen, ed., Enciclopedia electoral latinoamericana y del Caribe (San José, Costa Rica: Instituto Inter-americano de Derechos Humanos, 1993); Howard J. Wiarda and Harvey F. Kline, Latin American Politics and Development, 3d ed. (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1990); Thomas P. Anderson, Politics in Central America: Guatemala, El Salvador, Honduras, and Nicaragua, rev. ed. (New York: Praeger, 1988); Dunkerley, Power in the Isthmus; Ralph Lee Woodward, Jr., Central America: A Nation Divided, 2d ed. (New York: Oxford University Press, 1985); Steve C. Ropp and James A. Morris, Central America: Crisis and Adaptation (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1984); Robert Debs Heinl, Jr., and Nancy Gordon Heinl, Written in Blood: The Story of the Haitian People, 1492-1971 (Boston, MA: Houghton Mifflin, 1978); Suzanne Jonas, The Battle for Guatemala: Rebels, Death Squads, and U.S. Power (Boulder, CO: Westview, 1991); Eduardo Oconitrillo, Un siglo de política costarricense: Crónica de 23 campañas presidenciales (San José, Costa Rica: Editorial Universidad Estatal a Distancia, 1981); Enrique Baloyra, El Salvador in Transition (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1982); Amilcar Figueroa Salazar, El Salvador: Elementos de su historia y sus luchas (1932-1985) (Caracas: Fondo Editorial Tropykos, 1987); Eduardo Latorre, Política dominicana contemporánea (Santo Domingo: Instituto Tecnológico de Santo Domingo, 1975); Steve C. Ropp, Panamanian Politics: From Guarded Nation to National Guard (New York: Praeger, 1992); Brittmarie Janson Pérez, En nuestras propias voces: Panamá protesta, 1968-1989 (Panamá: La Prensa, 1993); Knut Walter, The Regime of Anastasio Somoza, 1936-1956 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1993); James A. Morris, Honduras: Caudillo Politics and Military Rulers (Boulder, CO: Westview, 1984); Milton Martinez H., Panamá: Una crisis sin fin (El Dorado, Panama: Centro de Estudios y Acción Social Panameño, 1990); and Chester Zelaya et al., Democracia en Costa Rica? Cinco opiniones polémicas, 2d ed. (San José, Costa Rica: Editorial Universidad Estatal a Distancia, 1981).
94. Kenneth Ruddle and Philip Gillette, eds., Latin American Political Statistics: Supplement to the Statistical Abstract of Latin America (Los Angeles: Latin American Center, University of California, Los Angeles, 1972); Dieter Nohlen, ed., Enciclopedia electoral latinoamericana y del Caribe (San José, Costa Rica: Instituto Inter-americano de Derechos Humanos, 1993); Howard J. Wiarda and Harvey F. Kline, Latin American Politics and Development, 3d ed. (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1990); Thomas P. Anderson, Politics in Central America: Guatemala, El Salvador, Honduras, and Nicaragua, rev. ed. (New York: Praeger, 1988); Dunkerley, Power in the Isthmus; Ralph Lee Woodward, Jr., Central America: A Nation Divided, 2d ed. (New York: Oxford University Press, 1985); Steve C. Ropp and James A. Morris, Central America: Crisis and Adaptation (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1984); Robert Debs Heinl, Jr., and Nancy Gordon Heinl, Written in Blood: The Story of the Haitian People, 1492-1971 (Boston, MA: Houghton Mifflin, 1978); Suzanne Jonas, The Battle for Guatemala: Rebels, Death Squads, and U.S. Power (Boulder, CO: Westview, 1991); Eduardo Oconitrillo, Un siglo de política costarricense: Crónica de 23 campañas presidenciales (San José, Costa Rica: Editorial Universidad Estatal a Distancia, 1981); Enrique Baloyra, El Salvador in Transition (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1982); Amilcar Figueroa Salazar, El Salvador: Elementos de su historia y sus luchas (1932-1985) (Caracas: Fondo Editorial Tropykos, 1987); Eduardo Latorre, Política dominicana contemporánea (Santo Domingo: Instituto Tecnológico de Santo Domingo, 1975); Steve C. Ropp, Panamanian Politics: From Guarded Nation to National Guard (New York: Praeger, 1992); Brittmarie Janson Pérez, En nuestras propias voces: Panamá protesta, 1968-1989 (Panamá: La Prensa, 1993); Knut Walter, The Regime of Anastasio Somoza, 1936-1956 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1993); James A. Morris, Honduras: Caudillo Politics and Military Rulers (Boulder, CO: Westview, 1984); Milton Martinez H., Panamá: Una crisis sin fin (El Dorado, Panama: Centro de Estudios y Acción Social Panameño, 1990); and Chester Zelaya et al., Democracia en Costa Rica? Cinco opiniones polémicas, 2d ed. (San José, Costa Rica: Editorial Universidad Estatal a Distancia, 1981).
95. Kenneth Ruddle and Philip Gillette, eds., Latin American Political Statistics: Supplement to the Statistical Abstract of Latin America (Los Angeles: Latin American Center, University of California, Los Angeles, 1972); Dieter Nohlen, ed., Enciclopedia electoral latinoamericana y del Caribe (San José, Costa Rica: Instituto Inter-americano de Derechos Humanos, 1993); Howard J. Wiarda and Harvey F. Kline, Latin American Politics and Development, 3d ed. (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1990); Thomas P. Anderson, Politics in Central America: Guatemala, El Salvador, Honduras, and Nicaragua, rev. ed. (New York: Praeger, 1988); Dunkerley, Power in the Isthmus; Ralph Lee Woodward, Jr., Central America: A Nation Divided, 2d ed. (New York: Oxford University Press, 1985); Steve C. Ropp and James A. Morris, Central America: Crisis and Adaptation (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1984); Robert Debs Heinl, Jr., and Nancy Gordon Heinl, Written in Blood: The Story of the Haitian People, 1492-1971 (Boston, MA: Houghton Mifflin, 1978); Suzanne Jonas, The Battle for Guatemala: Rebels, Death Squads, and U.S. Power (Boulder, CO: Westview, 1991); Eduardo Oconitrillo, Un siglo de política costarricense: Crónica de 23 campañas presidenciales (San José, Costa Rica: Editorial Universidad Estatal a Distancia, 1981); Enrique Baloyra, El Salvador in Transition (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1982); Amilcar Figueroa Salazar, El Salvador: Elementos de su historia y sus luchas (1932-1985) (Caracas: Fondo Editorial Tropykos, 1987); Eduardo Latorre, Política dominicana contemporánea (Santo Domingo: Instituto Tecnológico de Santo Domingo, 1975); Steve C. Ropp, Panamanian Politics: From Guarded Nation to National Guard (New York: Praeger, 1992); Brittmarie Janson Pérez, En nuestras propias voces: Panamá protesta, 1968-1989 (Panamá: La Prensa, 1993); Knut Walter, The Regime of Anastasio Somoza, 1936-1956 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1993); James A. Morris, Honduras: Caudillo Politics and Military Rulers (Boulder, CO: Westview, 1984); Milton Martinez H., Panamá: Una crisis sin fin (El Dorado, Panama: Centro de Estudios y Acción Social Panameño, 1990); and Chester Zelaya et al., Democracia en Costa Rica? Cinco opiniones polémicas, 2d ed. (San José, Costa Rica: Editorial Universidad Estatal a Distancia, 1981).
96. Kenneth Ruddle and Philip Gillette, eds., Latin American Political Statistics: Supplement to the Statistical Abstract of Latin America (Los Angeles: Latin American Center, University of California, Los Angeles, 1972); Dieter Nohlen, ed., Enciclopedia electoral latinoamericana y del Caribe (San José, Costa Rica: Instituto Inter-americano de Derechos Humanos, 1993); Howard J. Wiarda and Harvey F. Kline, Latin American Politics and Development, 3d ed. (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1990); Thomas P. Anderson, Politics in Central America: Guatemala, El Salvador, Honduras, and Nicaragua, rev. ed. (New York: Praeger, 1988); Dunkerley, Power in the Isthmus; Ralph Lee Woodward, Jr., Central America: A Nation Divided, 2d ed. (New York: Oxford University Press, 1985); Steve C. Ropp and James A. Morris, Central America: Crisis and Adaptation (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1984); Robert Debs Heinl, Jr., and Nancy Gordon Heinl, Written in Blood: The Story of the Haitian People, 1492-1971 (Boston, MA: Houghton Mifflin, 1978); Suzanne Jonas, The Battle for Guatemala: Rebels, Death Squads, and U.S. Power (Boulder, CO: Westview, 1991); Eduardo Oconitrillo, Un siglo de política costarricense: Crónica de 23 campañas presidenciales (San José, Costa Rica: Editorial Universidad Estatal a Distancia, 1981); Enrique Baloyra, El Salvador in Transition (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1982); Amilcar Figueroa Salazar, El Salvador: Elementos de su historia y sus luchas (1932-1985) (Caracas: Fondo Editorial Tropykos, 1987); Eduardo Latorre, Política dominicana contemporánea (Santo Domingo: Instituto Tecnológico de Santo Domingo, 1975); Steve C. Ropp, Panamanian Politics: From Guarded Nation to National Guard (New York: Praeger, 1992); Brittmarie Janson Pérez, En nuestras propias voces: Panamá protesta, 1968-1989 (Panamá: La Prensa, 1993); Knut Walter, The Regime of Anastasio Somoza, 1936-1956 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1993); James A. Morris, Honduras: Caudillo Politics and Military Rulers (Boulder, CO: Westview, 1984); Milton Martinez H., Panamá: Una crisis sin fin (El Dorado, Panama: Centro de Estudios y Acción Social Panameño, 1990); and Chester Zelaya et al., Democracia en Costa Rica? Cinco opiniones polémicas, 2d ed. (San José, Costa Rica: Editorial Universidad Estatal a Distancia, 1981).
97. Kenneth Ruddle and Philip Gillette, eds., Latin American Political Statistics: Supplement to the Statistical Abstract of Latin America (Los Angeles: Latin American Center, University of California, Los Angeles, 1972); Dieter Nohlen, ed., Enciclopedia electoral latinoamericana y del Caribe (San José, Costa Rica: Instituto Inter-americano de Derechos Humanos, 1993); Howard J. Wiarda and Harvey F. Kline, Latin American Politics and Development, 3d ed. (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1990); Thomas P. Anderson, Politics in Central America: Guatemala, El Salvador, Honduras, and Nicaragua, rev. ed. (New York: Praeger, 1988); Dunkerley, Power in the Isthmus; Ralph Lee Woodward, Jr., Central America: A Nation Divided, 2d ed. (New York: Oxford University Press, 1985); Steve C. Ropp and James A. Morris, Central America: Crisis and Adaptation (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1984); Robert Debs Heinl, Jr., and Nancy Gordon Heinl, Written in Blood: The Story of the Haitian People, 1492-1971 (Boston, MA: Houghton Mifflin, 1978); Suzanne Jonas, The Battle for Guatemala: Rebels, Death Squads, and U.S. Power (Boulder, CO: Westview, 1991); Eduardo Oconitrillo, Un siglo de política costarricense: Crónica de 23 campañas presidenciales (San José, Costa Rica: Editorial Universidad Estatal a Distancia, 1981); Enrique Baloyra, El Salvador in Transition (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1982); Amilcar Figueroa Salazar, El Salvador: Elementos de su historia y sus luchas (1932-1985) (Caracas: Fondo Editorial Tropykos, 1987); Eduardo Latorre, Política dominicana contemporánea (Santo Domingo: Instituto Tecnológico de Santo Domingo, 1975); Steve C. Ropp, Panamanian Politics: From Guarded Nation to National Guard (New York: Praeger, 1992); Brittmarie Janson Pérez, En nuestras propias voces: Panamá protesta, 1968-1989 (Panamá: La Prensa, 1993); Knut Walter, The Regime of Anastasio Somoza, 1936-1956 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1993); James A. Morris, Honduras: Caudillo Politics and Military Rulers (Boulder, CO: Westview, 1984); Milton Martinez H., Panamá: Una crisis sin fin (El Dorado, Panama: Centro de Estudios y Acción Social Panameño, 1990); and Chester Zelaya et al., Democracia en Costa Rica? Cinco opiniones polémicas, 2d ed. (San José, Costa Rica: Editorial Universidad Estatal a Distancia, 1981).
98. Kenneth Ruddle and Philip Gillette, eds., Latin American Political Statistics: Supplement to the Statistical Abstract of Latin America (Los Angeles: Latin American Center, University of California, Los Angeles, 1972); Dieter Nohlen, ed., Enciclopedia electoral latinoamericana y del Caribe (San José, Costa Rica: Instituto Inter-americano de Derechos Humanos, 1993); Howard J. Wiarda and Harvey F. Kline, Latin American Politics and Development, 3d ed. (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1990); Thomas P. Anderson, Politics in Central America: Guatemala, El Salvador, Honduras, and Nicaragua, rev. ed. (New York: Praeger, 1988); Dunkerley, Power in the Isthmus; Ralph Lee Woodward, Jr., Central America: A Nation Divided, 2d ed. (New York: Oxford University Press, 1985); Steve C. Ropp and James A. Morris, Central America: Crisis and Adaptation (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1984); Robert Debs Heinl, Jr., and Nancy Gordon Heinl, Written in Blood: The Story of the Haitian People, 1492-1971 (Boston, MA: Houghton Mifflin, 1978); Suzanne Jonas, The Battle for Guatemala: Rebels, Death Squads, and U.S. Power (Boulder, CO: Westview, 1991); Eduardo Oconitrillo, Un siglo de política costarricense: Crónica de 23 campañas presidenciales (San José, Costa Rica: Editorial Universidad Estatal a Distancia, 1981); Enrique Baloyra, El Salvador in Transition (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1982); Amilcar Figueroa Salazar, El Salvador: Elementos de su historia y sus luchas (1932-1985) (Caracas: Fondo Editorial Tropykos, 1987); Eduardo Latorre, Política dominicana contemporánea (Santo Domingo: Instituto Tecnológico de Santo Domingo, 1975); Steve C. Ropp, Panamanian Politics: From Guarded Nation to National Guard (New York: Praeger, 1992); Brittmarie Janson Pérez, En nuestras propias voces: Panamá protesta, 1968-1989 (Panamá: La Prensa, 1993); Knut Walter, The Regime of Anastasio Somoza, 1936-1956 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1993); James A. Morris, Honduras: Caudillo Politics and Military Rulers (Boulder, CO: Westview, 1984); Milton Martinez H., Panamá: Una crisis sin fin (El Dorado, Panama: Centro de Estudios y Acción Social Panameño, 1990); and Chester Zelaya et al., Democracia en Costa Rica? Cinco opiniones polémicas, 2d ed. (San José, Costa Rica: Editorial Universidad Estatal a Distancia, 1981).
99. Kenneth Ruddle and Philip Gillette, eds., Latin American Political Statistics: Supplement to the Statistical Abstract of Latin America (Los Angeles: Latin American Center, University of California, Los Angeles, 1972); Dieter Nohlen, ed., Enciclopedia electoral latinoamericana y del Caribe (San José, Costa Rica: Instituto Inter-americano de Derechos Humanos, 1993); Howard J. Wiarda and Harvey F. Kline, Latin American Politics and Development, 3d ed. (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1990); Thomas P. Anderson, Politics in Central America: Guatemala, El Salvador, Honduras, and Nicaragua, rev. ed. (New York: Praeger, 1988); Dunkerley, Power in the Isthmus; Ralph Lee Woodward, Jr., Central America: A Nation Divided, 2d ed. (New York: Oxford University Press, 1985); Steve C. Ropp and James A. Morris, Central America: Crisis and Adaptation (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1984); Robert Debs Heinl, Jr., and Nancy Gordon Heinl, Written in Blood: The Story of the Haitian People, 1492-1971 (Boston, MA: Houghton Mifflin, 1978); Suzanne Jonas, The Battle for Guatemala: Rebels, Death Squads, and U.S. Power (Boulder, CO: Westview, 1991); Eduardo Oconitrillo, Un siglo de política costarricense: Crónica de 23 campañas presidenciales (San José, Costa Rica: Editorial Universidad Estatal a Distancia, 1981); Enrique Baloyra, El Salvador in Transition (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1982); Amilcar Figueroa Salazar, El Salvador: Elementos de su historia y sus luchas (1932-1985) (Caracas: Fondo Editorial Tropykos, 1987); Eduardo Latorre, Política dominicana contemporánea (Santo Domingo: Instituto Tecnológico de Santo Domingo, 1975); Steve C. Ropp, Panamanian Politics: From Guarded Nation to National Guard (New York: Praeger, 1992); Brittmarie Janson Pérez, En nuestras propias voces: Panamá protesta, 1968-1989 (Panamá: La Prensa, 1993); Knut Walter, The Regime of Anastasio Somoza, 1936-1956 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1993); James A. Morris, Honduras: Caudillo Politics and Military Rulers (Boulder, CO: Westview, 1984); Milton Martinez H., Panamá: Una crisis sin fin (El Dorado, Panama: Centro de Estudios y Acción Social Panameño, 1990); and Chester Zelaya et al., Democracia en Costa Rica? Cinco opiniones polémicas, 2d ed. (San José, Costa Rica: Editorial Universidad Estatal a Distancia, 1981).
100. Kenneth Ruddle and Philip Gillette, eds., Latin American Political Statistics: Supplement to the Statistical Abstract of Latin America (Los Angeles: Latin American Center, University of California, Los Angeles, 1972); Dieter Nohlen, ed., Enciclopedia electoral latinoamericana y del Caribe (San José, Costa Rica: Instituto Inter-americano de Derechos Humanos, 1993); Howard J. Wiarda and Harvey F. Kline, Latin American Politics and Development, 3d ed. (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1990); Thomas P. Anderson, Politics in Central America: Guatemala, El Salvador, Honduras, and Nicaragua, rev. ed. (New York: Praeger, 1988); Dunkerley, Power in the Isthmus; Ralph Lee Woodward, Jr., Central America: A Nation Divided, 2d ed. (New York: Oxford University Press, 1985); Steve C. Ropp and James A. Morris, Central America: Crisis and Adaptation (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1984); Robert Debs Heinl, Jr., and Nancy Gordon Heinl, Written in Blood: The Story of the Haitian People, 1492-1971 (Boston, MA: Houghton Mifflin, 1978); Suzanne Jonas, The Battle for Guatemala: Rebels, Death Squads, and U.S. Power (Boulder, CO: Westview, 1991); Eduardo Oconitrillo, Un siglo de política costarricense: Crónica de 23 campañas presidenciales (San José, Costa Rica: Editorial Universidad Estatal a Distancia, 1981); Enrique Baloyra, El Salvador in Transition (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1982); Amilcar Figueroa Salazar, El Salvador: Elementos de su historia y sus luchas (1932-1985) (Caracas: Fondo Editorial Tropykos, 1987); Eduardo Latorre, Política dominicana contemporánea (Santo Domingo: Instituto Tecnológico de Santo Domingo, 1975); Steve C. Ropp, Panamanian Politics: From Guarded Nation to National Guard (New York: Praeger, 1992); Brittmarie Janson Pérez, En nuestras propias voces: Panamá protesta, 1968-1989 (Panamá: La Prensa, 1993); Knut Walter, The Regime of Anastasio Somoza, 1936-1956 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1993); James A. Morris, Honduras: Caudillo Politics and Military Rulers (Boulder, CO: Westview, 1984); Milton Martinez H., Panamá: Una crisis sin fin (El Dorado, Panama: Centro de Estudios y Acción Social Panameño, 1990); and Chester Zelaya et al., Democracia en Costa Rica? Cinco opiniones polémicas, 2d ed. (San José, Costa Rica: Editorial Universidad Estatal a Distancia, 1981).
101. Kenneth Ruddle and Philip Gillette, eds., Latin American Political Statistics: Supplement to the Statistical Abstract of Latin America (Los Angeles: Latin American Center, University of California, Los Angeles, 1972); Dieter Nohlen, ed., Enciclopedia electoral latinoamericana y del Caribe (San José, Costa Rica: Instituto Inter-americano de Derechos Humanos, 1993); Howard J. Wiarda and Harvey F. Kline, Latin American Politics and Development, 3d ed. (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1990); Thomas P. Anderson, Politics in Central America: Guatemala, El Salvador, Honduras, and Nicaragua, rev. ed. (New York: Praeger, 1988); Dunkerley, Power in the Isthmus; Ralph Lee Woodward, Jr., Central America: A Nation Divided, 2d ed. (New York: Oxford University Press, 1985); Steve C. Ropp and James A. Morris, Central America: Crisis and Adaptation (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1984); Robert Debs Heinl, Jr., and Nancy Gordon Heinl, Written in Blood: The Story of the Haitian People, 1492-1971 (Boston, MA: Houghton Mifflin, 1978); Suzanne Jonas, The Battle for Guatemala: Rebels, Death Squads, and U.S. Power (Boulder, CO: Westview, 1991); Eduardo Oconitrillo, Un siglo de política costarricense: Crónica de 23 campañas presidenciales (San José, Costa Rica: Editorial Universidad Estatal a Distancia, 1981); Enrique Baloyra, El Salvador in Transition (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1982); Amilcar Figueroa Salazar, El Salvador: Elementos de su historia y sus luchas (1932-1985) (Caracas: Fondo Editorial Tropykos, 1987); Eduardo Latorre, Política dominicana contemporánea (Santo Domingo: Instituto Tecnológico de Santo Domingo, 1975); Steve C. Ropp, Panamanian Politics: From Guarded Nation to National Guard (New York: Praeger, 1992); Brittmarie Janson Pérez, En nuestras propias voces: Panamá protesta, 1968-1989 (Panamá: La Prensa, 1993); Knut Walter, The Regime of Anastasio Somoza, 1936-1956 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1993); James A. Morris, Honduras: Caudillo Politics and Military Rulers (Boulder, CO: Westview, 1984); Milton Martinez H., Panamá: Una crisis sin fin (El Dorado, Panama: Centro de Estudios y Acción Social Panameño, 1990); and Chester Zelaya et al., Democracia en Costa Rica? Cinco opiniones polémicas, 2d ed. (San José, Costa Rica: Editorial Universidad Estatal a Distancia, 1981).
102. Kenneth Ruddle and Philip Gillette, eds., Latin American Political Statistics: Supplement to the Statistical Abstract of Latin America (Los Angeles: Latin American Center, University of California, Los Angeles, 1972); Dieter Nohlen, ed., Enciclopedia electoral latinoamericana y del Caribe (San José, Costa Rica: Instituto Inter-americano de Derechos Humanos, 1993); Howard J. Wiarda and Harvey F. Kline, Latin American Politics and Development, 3d ed. (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1990); Thomas P. Anderson, Politics in Central America: Guatemala, El Salvador, Honduras, and Nicaragua, rev. ed. (New York: Praeger, 1988); Dunkerley, Power in the Isthmus; Ralph Lee Woodward, Jr., Central America: A Nation Divided, 2d ed. (New York: Oxford University Press, 1985); Steve C. Ropp and James A. Morris, Central America: Crisis and Adaptation (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1984); Robert Debs Heinl, Jr., and Nancy Gordon Heinl, Written in Blood: The Story of the Haitian People, 1492-1971 (Boston, MA: Houghton Mifflin, 1978); Suzanne Jonas, The Battle for Guatemala: Rebels, Death Squads, and U.S. Power (Boulder, CO: Westview, 1991); Eduardo Oconitrillo, Un siglo de política costarricense: Crónica de 23 campañas presidenciales (San José, Costa Rica: Editorial Universidad Estatal a Distancia, 1981); Enrique Baloyra, El Salvador in Transition (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1982); Amilcar Figueroa Salazar, El Salvador: Elementos de su historia y sus luchas (1932-1985) (Caracas: Fondo Editorial Tropykos, 1987); Eduardo Latorre, Política dominicana contemporánea (Santo Domingo: Instituto Tecnológico de Santo Domingo, 1975); Steve C. Ropp, Panamanian Politics: From Guarded Nation to National Guard (New York: Praeger, 1992); Brittmarie Janson Pérez, En nuestras propias voces: Panamá protesta, 1968-1989 (Panamá: La Prensa, 1993); Knut Walter, The Regime of Anastasio Somoza, 1936-1956 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1993); James A. Morris, Honduras: Caudillo Politics and Military Rulers (Boulder, CO: Westview, 1984); Milton Martinez H., Panamá: Una crisis sin fin (El Dorado, Panama: Centro de Estudios y Acción Social Panameño, 1990); and Chester Zelaya et al., Democracia en Costa Rica? Cinco opiniones polémicas, 2d ed. (San José, Costa Rica: Editorial Universidad Estatal a Distancia, 1981).
103. Kenneth Ruddle and Philip Gillette, eds., Latin American Political Statistics: Supplement to the Statistical Abstract of Latin America (Los Angeles: Latin American Center, University of California, Los Angeles, 1972); Dieter Nohlen, ed., Enciclopedia electoral latinoamericana y del Caribe (San José, Costa Rica: Instituto Inter-americano de Derechos Humanos, 1993); Howard J. Wiarda and Harvey F. Kline, Latin American Politics and Development, 3d ed. (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1990); Thomas P. Anderson, Politics in Central America: Guatemala, El Salvador, Honduras, and Nicaragua, rev. ed. (New York: Praeger, 1988); Dunkerley, Power in the Isthmus; Ralph Lee Woodward, Jr., Central America: A Nation Divided, 2d ed. (New York: Oxford University Press, 1985); Steve C. Ropp and James A. Morris, Central America: Crisis and Adaptation (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1984); Robert Debs Heinl, Jr., and Nancy Gordon Heinl, Written in Blood: The Story of the Haitian People, 1492-1971 (Boston, MA: Houghton Mifflin, 1978); Suzanne Jonas, The Battle for Guatemala: Rebels, Death Squads, and U.S. Power (Boulder, CO: Westview, 1991); Eduardo Oconitrillo, Un siglo de política costarricense: Crónica de 23 campañas presidenciales (San José, Costa Rica: Editorial Universidad Estatal a Distancia, 1981); Enrique Baloyra, El Salvador in Transition (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1982); Amilcar Figueroa Salazar, El Salvador: Elementos de su historia y sus luchas (1932-1985) (Caracas: Fondo Editorial Tropykos, 1987); Eduardo Latorre, Política dominicana contemporánea (Santo Domingo: Instituto Tecnológico de Santo Domingo, 1975); Steve C. Ropp, Panamanian Politics: From Guarded Nation to National Guard (New York: Praeger, 1992); Brittmarie Janson Pérez, En nuestras propias voces: Panamá protesta, 1968-1989 (Panamá: La Prensa, 1993); Knut Walter, The Regime of Anastasio Somoza, 1936-1956 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1993); James A. Morris, Honduras: Caudillo Politics and Military Rulers (Boulder, CO: Westview, 1984); Milton Martinez H., Panamá: Una crisis sin fin (El Dorado, Panama: Centro de Estudios y Acción Social Panameño, 1990); and Chester Zelaya et al., Democracia en Costa Rica? Cinco opiniones polémicas, 2d ed. (San José, Costa Rica: Editorial Universidad Estatal a Distancia, 1981).
104. Kenneth Ruddle and Philip Gillette, eds., Latin American Political Statistics: Supplement to the Statistical Abstract of Latin America (Los Angeles: Latin American Center, University of California, Los Angeles, 1972); Dieter Nohlen, ed., Enciclopedia electoral latinoamericana y del Caribe (San José, Costa Rica: Instituto Inter-americano de Derechos Humanos, 1993); Howard J. Wiarda and Harvey F. Kline, Latin American Politics and Development, 3d ed. (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1990); Thomas P. Anderson, Politics in Central America: Guatemala, El Salvador, Honduras, and Nicaragua, rev. ed. (New York: Praeger, 1988); Dunkerley, Power in the Isthmus; Ralph Lee Woodward, Jr., Central America: A Nation Divided, 2d ed. (New York: Oxford University Press, 1985); Steve C. Ropp and James A. Morris, Central America: Crisis and Adaptation (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1984); Robert Debs Heinl, Jr., and Nancy Gordon Heinl, Written in Blood: The Story of the Haitian People, 1492-1971 (Boston, MA: Houghton Mifflin, 1978); Suzanne Jonas, The Battle for Guatemala: Rebels, Death Squads, and U.S. Power (Boulder, CO: Westview, 1991); Eduardo Oconitrillo, Un siglo de política costarricense: Crónica de 23 campañas presidenciales (San José, Costa Rica: Editorial Universidad Estatal a Distancia, 1981); Enrique Baloyra, El Salvador in Transition (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1982); Amilcar Figueroa Salazar, El Salvador: Elementos de su historia y sus luchas (1932-1985) (Caracas: Fondo Editorial Tropykos, 1987); Eduardo Latorre, Política dominicana contemporánea (Santo Domingo: Instituto Tecnológico de Santo Domingo, 1975); Steve C. Ropp, Panamanian Politics: From Guarded Nation to National Guard (New York: Praeger, 1992); Brittmarie Janson Pérez, En nuestras propias voces: Panamá protesta, 1968-1989 (Panamá: La Prensa, 1993); Knut Walter, The Regime of Anastasio Somoza, 1936-1956 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1993); James A. Morris, Honduras: Caudillo Politics and Military Rulers (Boulder, CO: Westview, 1984); Milton Martinez H., Panamá: Una crisis sin fin (El Dorado, Panama: Centro de Estudios y Acción Social Panameño, 1990); and Chester Zelaya et al., Democracia en Costa Rica? Cinco opiniones polémicas, 2d ed. (San José, Costa Rica: Editorial Universidad Estatal a Distancia, 1981).
105. Kenneth Ruddle and Philip Gillette, eds., Latin American Political Statistics: Supplement to the Statistical Abstract of Latin America (Los Angeles: Latin American Center, University of California, Los Angeles, 1972); Dieter Nohlen, ed., Enciclopedia electoral latinoamericana y del Caribe (San José, Costa Rica: Instituto Inter-americano de Derechos Humanos, 1993); Howard J. Wiarda and Harvey F. Kline, Latin American Politics and Development, 3d ed. (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1990); Thomas P. Anderson, Politics in Central America: Guatemala, El Salvador, Honduras, and Nicaragua, rev. ed. (New York: Praeger, 1988); Dunkerley, Power in the Isthmus; Ralph Lee Woodward, Jr., Central America: A Nation Divided, 2d ed. (New York: Oxford University Press, 1985); Steve C. Ropp and James A. Morris, Central America: Crisis and Adaptation (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1984); Robert Debs Heinl, Jr., and Nancy Gordon Heinl, Written in Blood: The Story of the Haitian People, 1492-1971 (Boston, MA: Houghton Mifflin, 1978); Suzanne Jonas, The Battle for Guatemala: Rebels, Death Squads, and U.S. Power (Boulder, CO: Westview, 1991); Eduardo Oconitrillo, Un siglo de política costarricense: Crónica de 23 campañas presidenciales (San José, Costa Rica: Editorial Universidad Estatal a Distancia, 1981); Enrique Baloyra, El Salvador in Transition (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1982); Amilcar Figueroa Salazar, El Salvador: Elementos de su historia y sus luchas (1932-1985) (Caracas: Fondo Editorial Tropykos, 1987); Eduardo Latorre, Política dominicana contemporánea (Santo Domingo: Instituto Tecnológico de Santo Domingo, 1975); Steve C. Ropp, Panamanian Politics: From Guarded Nation to National Guard (New York: Praeger, 1992); Brittmarie Janson Pérez, En nuestras propias voces: Panamá protesta, 1968-1989 (Panamá: La Prensa, 1993); Knut Walter, The Regime of Anastasio Somoza, 1936-1956 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1993); James A. Morris, Honduras: Caudillo Politics and Military Rulers (Boulder, CO: Westview, 1984); Milton Martinez H., Panamá: Una crisis sin fin (El Dorado, Panama: Centro de Estudios y Acción Social Panameño, 1990); and Chester Zelaya et al., Democracia en Costa Rica? Cinco opiniones polémicas, 2d ed. (San José, Costa Rica: Editorial Universidad Estatal a Distancia, 1981).
106. The coding accords with existing historical treatments. According to Dunkerly, Power in the Isthmus, p. 351, "the form of political domination between 1950 and 1979 may . . . be seen as essentially consistent even if marked by shifts in style and interrupted by periodic crises."
107. International Monetary Fund (IMF), International Financial Statistics Yearbook (Washington, DC: IMF, 1979-94); idem, International Financial Statistics (Washington, DC: IMF, 1948-95); and James W. Wilkie, Carlos Alberto Contreras, and Catherine Komisaruk, eds., Statistical Abstract of Latin America, vol. 31, part 2 (Los Angeles: UCLA Latin American Center Publications, University of California, 1995), 1110-22 (gross domestic product [GDP] estimates for the years 1944-52).
108. International Monetary Fund (IMF), International Financial Statistics Yearbook (Washington, DC: IMF, 1979-94); idem, International Financial Statistics (Washington, DC: IMF, 1948-95); and James W. Wilkie, Carlos Alberto Contreras, and Catherine Komisaruk, eds., Statistical Abstract of Latin America, vol. 31, part 2 (Los Angeles: UCLA Latin American Center Publications, University of California, 1995), 1110-22 (gross domestic product [GDP] estimates for the years 1944-52).
109. International Monetary Fund (IMF), International Financial Statistics Yearbook (Washington, DC: IMF, 1979-94); idem, International Financial Statistics (Washington, DC: IMF, 1948-95); and James W. Wilkie, Carlos Alberto Contreras, and Catherine Komisaruk, eds., Statistical Abstract of Latin America, vol. 31, part 2 (Los Angeles: UCLA Latin American Center Publications, University of California, 1995), 1110-22 (gross domestic product [GDP] estimates for the years 1944-52).
110. The data on total U.S. grants and loans have been drawn from James W. Wilkie, ed., Statistical Abstract of Latin America, Supplement 3: Statistics and National Policy (Los Angeles: UCLA Latin American Center Publications, University of California, 1974), pp. 339-60; and Wilkie, Contreras, and Komisaruk, eds., Statistical Abstract of Latin America, vol. 31, part 2, pp. 890-94.
111. The data on total U.S. grants and loans have been drawn from James W. Wilkie, ed., Statistical Abstract of Latin America, Supplement 3: Statistics and National Policy (Los Angeles: UCLA Latin American Center Publications, University of California, 1974), pp. 339-60; and Wilkie, Contreras, and Komisaruk, eds., Statistical Abstract of Latin America, vol. 31, part 2, pp. 890-94.
112. James W. Wilkie, Catherine Komisaruk, and José Guadalupe Ortega, eds., Statistical Abstract of Latin America, vol. 32 (Los Angeles: UCLA Latin American Center Publications, University of California, 1996): 1097-98. Missing values at the beginning and end of the series have been estimated on the basis of GDP growth. For the Dominican Republic, Haiti, and Panama, where the data are insufficient to estimate per capita income for 1944 on this basis, the statistical analysis relies upon the 1945 per capita income estimate.
113. j is the number of breakdowns.
114. Recent research on the South American region indicates that 80 percent of post-1944 authoritarian regimes have left office within a period of 10 years, giving South American authoritarianism a survival rate approximately half that of democracy. See Karen L. Remmer, "The Sustainability of Political Democracy: Lessons from South America," Comparative Political Studies 29 (December 1996): 611-34. See also Adam Przeworski and Fernando Limongi, "Political Regimes and Economic Growth," Journal of Economic Perspectives 7 (Summer 1993): 51-69.
115. Recent research on the South American region indicates that 80 percent of post-1944 authoritarian regimes have left office within a period of 10 years, giving South American authoritarianism a survival rate approximately half that of democracy. See Karen L. Remmer, "The Sustainability of Political Democracy: Lessons from South America," Comparative Political Studies 29 (December 1996): 611-34. See also Adam Przeworski and Fernando Limongi, "Political Regimes and Economic Growth," Journal of Economic Perspectives 7 (Summer 1993): 51-69.
116. See Kalbfleisch and Prentice, Statistical Analysis of Failure Time Data, p. 24.
117. 0(t), which can assume any shape. See Kalbfleisch and Prentice, Statistical Analysis of Failure Time Data.
118. Nolan, Enciclopedia electoral, p. 557.
119. Ibid, p. 469; see also Walter, Regime of Anastasio Somoza.
120. Ibid, p. 469; see also Walter, Regime of Anastasio Somoza.
121. See Woodward, Central America: A Nation Divided, pp. 218-19, 255.
122. Given the small n for democratic regimes and the results shown in table 3, no indicators of the structure of party competition have been included in table 4. It may be noted, however, that the size of the winning party vote remains insignificant after controlling for per capita GDP.
123. For the combined model reported in table 4, for example, the log relative hazard Weibull regression results yield the following coefficients (with standard errors shown in parentheses): Durability = 2.005 (1.521) - .006 (.003) per capita GDP - .000 (.060) GDP growth - 2.477 (.484) legislature - 3.944 (1.508) regime + .006 (.003) regime*GDP per capita, with the model chi-square = 26.352 and log likelihood = -41.891.
124. For authoritarian regimes that have held power for 5 or more years, F = 9.018, p = .003. For those surviving 10 or more years, F = 14.869, p = .000.
125. It may be noted that the lagged inflation rate does not significantly alter the risk of breakdown for either set of regimes.
126. See Przeworski and Limongi, "Political Regimes and Economic Growth"; and Remmer, "Sustainability of Political Democracy." Compare, however, Gasiorowski's broader cross-national study of 97 Third World countries ("Economic Crisis and Political Regime Change"), which suggests that economic growth reduces the risk of democratic breakdown.
127. See Przeworski and Limongi, "Political Regimes and Economic Growth"; and Remmer, "Sustainability of Political Democracy." Compare, however, Gasiorowski's broader cross-national study of 97 Third World countries ("Economic Crisis and Political Regime Change"), which suggests that economic growth reduces the risk of democratic breakdown.
128. See Przeworski and Limongi, "Political Regimes and Economic Growth"; and Remmer, "Sustainability of Political Democracy." Compare, however, Gasiorowski's broader cross-national study of 97 Third World countries ("Economic Crisis and Political Regime Change"), which suggests that economic growth reduces the risk of democratic breakdown.
129. Anderson, Politics in Central America, p. 116.
130. See Jonathan Hartlyn, "The Dominican Republic: The Legacy of Intermittent Engagement," Exporting Democracy: The United States and Latin America, vol. 2: Case Studies, ed. Abraham F. Lowenthal (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1991), p. 71.
131. Hartlyn, "Dominican Republic," pp. 81-82; and Stephen G. Rabe, Eisenhower and Latin America: The Foreign Policy of Anticommunism (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1988), pp. 153-73.
132. Hartlyn, "Dominican Republic," pp. 81-82; and Stephen G. Rabe, Eisenhower and Latin America: The Foreign Policy of Anticommunism (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1988), pp. 153-73.