Unreliable mills: Maintenance practices in early modern papermaking

Technology and Culture

Volumn 40, Issue 2, 1999, Pages 237-262

  Reynard, Pierre Claude ^a  

^a UNIVERSITY OF WESTERN ONTARIO   (Canada)

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[No Author keywords available]

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EID: 0033447213     PISSN: 0040165X     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1353/tech.1999.0105     Document Type: Article

References (98)

1. Description of the Prélat, notaire (public notary, hereafter not.) Journet, 14 January 1772 and 6 August 1772, B AM 193, Archives départementales du Puy-de-Dôme (unless otherwise noted, all primary sources cited in this article may be found in this archive). A record exists of the modest repairs made to the mill over the following five years (see table 2). Many other inventories describe similar conditions. For a record of the repair needs of a prestigious industrial site, see C. Quenouille, "Les Salines à Salins (Jura) à l'époque moderne: Étude des visites de bâtiment" (master's thesis, University of Besançon, France).
2. See A. Cotta, La dépréciation du capital et le sujet économique (Paris, 1958), 50. Works devoted to the question of maintenance and aimed at practitioners deplore the fact that substantial reflections on the question have begun to appear only in recent decades; see, for instance, R. K. Mobley, An Introduction to Predictive Maintenance (New York, 1990), and A. Kelly, Maintenance Planning and Control (London, 1984).
3. See A. Cotta, La dépréciation du capital et le sujet économique (Paris, 1958), 50. Works devoted to the question of maintenance and aimed at practitioners deplore the fact that substantial reflections on the question have begun to appear only in recent decades; see, for instance, R. K. Mobley, An Introduction to Predictive Maintenance (New York, 1990), and A. Kelly, Maintenance Planning and Control (London, 1984).
4. See A. Cotta, La dépréciation du capital et le sujet économique (Paris, 1958), 50. Works devoted to the question of maintenance and aimed at practitioners deplore the fact that substantial reflections on the question have begun to appear only in recent decades; see, for instance, R. K. Mobley, An Introduction to Predictive Maintenance (New York, 1990), and A. Kelly, Maintenance Planning and Control (London, 1984).
5. F. Braudel, Les jeux de l'échange, vol. 2 of Civilisation matérielle, économie et capitalisme, XVe-XVIIIe siècle (Paris, 1979), 209-16. All translations in this article are the author's.
6. C. Sabel and J. Zeitlin, eds., World of Possibilities: Flexibility and Mass Production in Western Industrialization (Cambridge, 1997); C. Sabel and J. Zeitlin, "Historical Alternatives to Mass Production: Politics, Markets and Technology in Nineteenth-Century Industrialization," Past and Present 108 (1985): 133-76; R. S. Duplessis and M. C. Howel, "Reconsidering the Early Modern Urban Economy: The Cases of Leiden and Lille," Past and Present 94 (1982): 49-84; P. Scranton, Proprietary Capitalism: The Textile Manufacture at Philadelphia, 1800-1885 (Cambridge, 1983); J. Mokyr, The Lever of Riches: Technological Creativity and Economic Progress (Oxford, 1990). The essays collected in P. Lemonnier, ed., Technological Choices: Transformations in Material Cultures since the Neolithic (London, 1993), put these questions in the widest context possible. Among many important case studies: F. T. Evans, "Road, Railways, and Canals: Technical Choices in 19th-century Britain," Technology and Culture 22 (1981): 1-34; E. Schatzberg, "Ideology and Technical Choice: The Decline of the Wooden Airplane in the United States, 1920-1945," Technology and Culture 35 (1994): 34-69; J. Tann and R. G. Jones, "Technology and Transformation: The Diffusion of the Roller Mill in the British Flour Milling Industry," Technology and Culture 37 (1996): 36-69.
7. C. Sabel and J. Zeitlin, eds., World of Possibilities: Flexibility and Mass Production in Western Industrialization (Cambridge, 1997); C. Sabel and J. Zeitlin, "Historical Alternatives to Mass Production: Politics, Markets and Technology in Nineteenth-Century Industrialization," Past and Present 108 (1985): 133-76; R. S. Duplessis and M. C. Howel, "Reconsidering the Early Modern Urban Economy: The Cases of Leiden and Lille," Past and Present 94 (1982): 49-84; P. Scranton, Proprietary Capitalism: The Textile Manufacture at Philadelphia, 1800-1885 (Cambridge, 1983); J. Mokyr, The Lever of Riches: Technological Creativity and Economic Progress (Oxford, 1990). The essays collected in P. Lemonnier, ed., Technological Choices: Transformations in Material Cultures since the Neolithic (London, 1993), put these questions in the widest context possible. Among many important case studies: F. T. Evans, "Road, Railways, and Canals: Technical Choices in 19th-century Britain," Technology and Culture 22 (1981): 1-34; E. Schatzberg, "Ideology and Technical Choice: The Decline of the Wooden Airplane in the United States, 1920-1945," Technology and Culture 35 (1994): 34-69; J. Tann and R. G. Jones, "Technology and Transformation: The Diffusion of the Roller Mill in the British Flour Milling Industry," Technology and Culture 37 (1996): 36-69.
8. C. Sabel and J. Zeitlin, eds., World of Possibilities: Flexibility and Mass Production in Western Industrialization (Cambridge, 1997); C. Sabel and J. Zeitlin, "Historical Alternatives to Mass Production: Politics, Markets and Technology in Nineteenth-Century Industrialization," Past and Present 108 (1985): 133-76; R. S. Duplessis and M. C. Howel, "Reconsidering the Early Modern Urban Economy: The Cases of Leiden and Lille," Past and Present 94 (1982): 49-84; P. Scranton, Proprietary Capitalism: The Textile Manufacture at Philadelphia, 1800-1885 (Cambridge, 1983); J. Mokyr, The Lever of Riches: Technological Creativity and Economic Progress (Oxford, 1990). The essays collected in P. Lemonnier, ed., Technological Choices: Transformations in Material Cultures since the Neolithic (London, 1993), put these questions in the widest context possible. Among many important case studies: F. T. Evans, "Road, Railways, and Canals: Technical Choices in 19th-century Britain," Technology and Culture 22 (1981): 1-34; E. Schatzberg, "Ideology and Technical Choice: The Decline of the Wooden Airplane in the United States, 1920-1945," Technology and Culture 35 (1994): 34-69; J. Tann and R. G. Jones, "Technology and Transformation: The Diffusion of the Roller Mill in the British Flour Milling Industry," Technology and Culture 37 (1996): 36-69.
9. C. Sabel and J. Zeitlin, eds., World of Possibilities: Flexibility and Mass Production in Western Industrialization (Cambridge, 1997); C. Sabel and J. Zeitlin, "Historical Alternatives to Mass Production: Politics, Markets and Technology in Nineteenth-Century Industrialization," Past and Present 108 (1985): 133-76; R. S. Duplessis and M. C. Howel, "Reconsidering the Early Modern Urban Economy: The Cases of Leiden and Lille," Past and Present 94 (1982): 49-84; P. Scranton, Proprietary Capitalism: The Textile Manufacture at Philadelphia, 1800-1885 (Cambridge, 1983); J. Mokyr, The Lever of Riches: Technological Creativity and Economic Progress (Oxford, 1990). The essays collected in P. Lemonnier, ed., Technological Choices: Transformations in Material Cultures since the Neolithic (London, 1993), put these questions in the widest context possible. Among many important case studies: F. T. Evans, "Road, Railways, and Canals: Technical Choices in 19th-century Britain," Technology and Culture 22 (1981): 1-34; E. Schatzberg, "Ideology and Technical Choice: The Decline of the Wooden Airplane in the United States, 1920-1945," Technology and Culture 35 (1994): 34-69; J. Tann and R. G. Jones, "Technology and Transformation: The Diffusion of the Roller Mill in the British Flour Milling Industry," Technology and Culture 37 (1996): 36-69.
10. C. Sabel and J. Zeitlin, eds., World of Possibilities: Flexibility and Mass Production in Western Industrialization (Cambridge, 1997); C. Sabel and J. Zeitlin, "Historical Alternatives to Mass Production: Politics, Markets and Technology in Nineteenth-Century Industrialization," Past and Present 108 (1985): 133-76; R. S. Duplessis and M. C. Howel, "Reconsidering the Early Modern Urban Economy: The Cases of Leiden and Lille," Past and Present 94 (1982): 49-84; P. Scranton, Proprietary Capitalism: The Textile Manufacture at Philadelphia, 1800-1885 (Cambridge, 1983); J. Mokyr, The Lever of Riches: Technological Creativity and Economic Progress (Oxford, 1990). The essays collected in P. Lemonnier, ed., Technological Choices: Transformations in Material Cultures since the Neolithic (London, 1993), put these questions in the widest context possible. Among many important case studies: F. T. Evans, "Road, Railways, and Canals: Technical Choices in 19th-century Britain," Technology and Culture 22 (1981): 1-34; E. Schatzberg, "Ideology and Technical Choice: The Decline of the Wooden Airplane in the United States, 1920-1945," Technology and Culture 35 (1994): 34-69; J. Tann and R. G. Jones, "Technology and Transformation: The Diffusion of the Roller Mill in the British Flour Milling Industry," Technology and Culture 37 (1996): 36-69.
11. C. Sabel and J. Zeitlin, eds., World of Possibilities: Flexibility and Mass Production in Western Industrialization (Cambridge, 1997); C. Sabel and J. Zeitlin, "Historical Alternatives to Mass Production: Politics, Markets and Technology in Nineteenth-Century Industrialization," Past and Present 108 (1985): 133-76; R. S. Duplessis and M. C. Howel, "Reconsidering the Early Modern Urban Economy: The Cases of Leiden and Lille," Past and Present 94 (1982): 49-84; P. Scranton, Proprietary Capitalism: The Textile Manufacture at Philadelphia, 1800-1885 (Cambridge, 1983); J. Mokyr, The Lever of Riches: Technological Creativity and Economic Progress (Oxford, 1990). The essays collected in P. Lemonnier, ed., Technological Choices: Transformations in Material Cultures since the Neolithic (London, 1993), put these questions in the widest context possible. Among many important case studies: F. T. Evans, "Road, Railways, and Canals: Technical Choices in 19th-century Britain," Technology and Culture 22 (1981): 1-34; E. Schatzberg, "Ideology and Technical Choice: The Decline of the Wooden Airplane in the United States, 1920-1945," Technology and Culture 35 (1994): 34-69; J. Tann and R. G. Jones, "Technology and Transformation: The Diffusion of the Roller Mill in the British Flour Milling Industry," Technology and Culture 37 (1996): 36-69.
12. C. Sabel and J. Zeitlin, eds., World of Possibilities: Flexibility and Mass Production in Western Industrialization (Cambridge, 1997); C. Sabel and J. Zeitlin, "Historical Alternatives to Mass Production: Politics, Markets and Technology in Nineteenth-Century Industrialization," Past and Present 108 (1985): 133-76; R. S. Duplessis and M. C. Howel, "Reconsidering the Early Modern Urban Economy: The Cases of Leiden and Lille," Past and Present 94 (1982): 49-84; P. Scranton, Proprietary Capitalism: The Textile Manufacture at Philadelphia, 1800-1885 (Cambridge, 1983); J. Mokyr, The Lever of Riches: Technological Creativity and Economic Progress (Oxford, 1990). The essays collected in P. Lemonnier, ed., Technological Choices: Transformations in Material Cultures since the Neolithic (London, 1993), put these questions in the widest context possible. Among many important case studies: F. T. Evans, "Road, Railways, and Canals: Technical Choices in 19th-century Britain," Technology and Culture 22 (1981): 1-34; E. Schatzberg, "Ideology and Technical Choice: The Decline of the Wooden Airplane in the United States, 1920-1945," Technology and Culture 35 (1994): 34-69; J. Tann and R. G. Jones, "Technology and Transformation: The Diffusion of the Roller Mill in the British Flour Milling Industry," Technology and Culture 37 (1996): 36-69.
13. C. Sabel and J. Zeitlin, eds., World of Possibilities: Flexibility and Mass Production in Western Industrialization (Cambridge, 1997); C. Sabel and J. Zeitlin, "Historical Alternatives to Mass Production: Politics, Markets and Technology in Nineteenth-Century Industrialization," Past and Present 108 (1985): 133-76; R. S. Duplessis and M. C. Howel, "Reconsidering the Early Modern Urban Economy: The Cases of Leiden and Lille," Past and Present 94 (1982): 49-84; P. Scranton, Proprietary Capitalism: The Textile Manufacture at Philadelphia, 1800-1885 (Cambridge, 1983); J. Mokyr, The Lever of Riches: Technological Creativity and Economic Progress (Oxford, 1990). The essays collected in P. Lemonnier, ed., Technological Choices: Transformations in Material Cultures since the Neolithic (London, 1993), put these questions in the widest context possible. Among many important case studies: F. T. Evans, "Road, Railways, and Canals: Technical Choices in 19th-century Britain," Technology and Culture 22 (1981): 1-34; E. Schatzberg, "Ideology and Technical Choice: The Decline of the Wooden Airplane in the United States, 1920-1945," Technology and Culture 35 (1994): 34-69; J. Tann and R. G. Jones, "Technology and Transformation: The Diffusion of the Roller Mill in the British Flour Milling Industry," Technology and Culture 37 (1996): 36-69.
14. C. Sabel and J. Zeitlin, eds., World of Possibilities: Flexibility and Mass Production in Western Industrialization (Cambridge, 1997); C. Sabel and J. Zeitlin, "Historical Alternatives to Mass Production: Politics, Markets and Technology in Nineteenth-Century Industrialization," Past and Present 108 (1985): 133-76; R. S. Duplessis and M. C. Howel, "Reconsidering the Early Modern Urban Economy: The Cases of Leiden and Lille," Past and Present 94 (1982): 49-84; P. Scranton, Proprietary Capitalism: The Textile Manufacture at Philadelphia, 1800-1885 (Cambridge, 1983); J. Mokyr, The Lever of Riches: Technological Creativity and Economic Progress (Oxford, 1990). The essays collected in P. Lemonnier, ed., Technological Choices: Transformations in Material Cultures since the Neolithic (London, 1993), put these questions in the widest context possible. Among many important case studies: F. T. Evans, "Road, Railways, and Canals: Technical Choices in 19th-century Britain," Technology and Culture 22 (1981): 1-34; E. Schatzberg, "Ideology and Technical Choice: The Decline of the Wooden Airplane in the United States, 1920-1945," Technology and Culture 35 (1994): 34-69; J. Tann and R. G. Jones, "Technology and Transformation: The Diffusion of the Roller Mill in the British Flour Milling Industry," Technology and Culture 37 (1996): 36-69.
15. Other definitions qualify the state of repair with terms such as acceptable, appropriate, efficient, existing, etc. For definitions, one can refer to the opening chapters of the works cited in n. 2, and to C. J. Robinson and A. P. Ginder, Implementing TPM: The North American Experience (Portland, 1995).
16. Mobley, I, locates food-related industries at the bottom of this scale, and iron, steel, pulp, and paper producers at its top.
17. G. Sicard, Les moulins de Toulouse au Moyen Age (Paris, 1953), 214-18; R. Holt, The Mills of Medieval England (Oxford, 1988), chaps. 5, 6, 8; G. Despy, Les campagnes du Roman Pays de Brabant au Moyen Age (Louvain, 1981), 103-4; M. Bruwier, "La gestion des moulins, revenus et rendements," in Moulins en Hainaut (n.p., 1987), 109, 118; S. Calonne and D. Clauzel, "Conjoncture et société à Lille pendant la période bourguignonne," Revue du Nord 61, no. 222 (1974): 371. Eighteenth-century French tax collectors assumed that one-fifth of a mill's yearly revenue had to be spent on maintenance; see Jonathan Dewald, Pont-St.-Pierre, 1398-1789: Lordship, Community, and Capitalism in Early Modern France (Berkeley, 1987), 62 (Vauban's estimate), 83.
18. G. Sicard, Les moulins de Toulouse au Moyen Age (Paris, 1953), 214-18; R. Holt, The Mills of Medieval England (Oxford, 1988), chaps. 5, 6, 8; G. Despy, Les campagnes du Roman Pays de Brabant au Moyen Age (Louvain, 1981), 103-4; M. Bruwier, "La gestion des moulins, revenus et rendements," in Moulins en Hainaut (n.p., 1987), 109, 118; S. Calonne and D. Clauzel, "Conjoncture et société à Lille pendant la période bourguignonne," Revue du Nord 61, no. 222 (1974): 371. Eighteenth-century French tax collectors assumed that one-fifth of a mill's yearly revenue had to be spent on maintenance; see Jonathan Dewald, Pont-St.-Pierre, 1398-1789: Lordship, Community, and Capitalism in Early Modern France (Berkeley, 1987), 62 (Vauban's estimate), 83.
19. G. Sicard, Les moulins de Toulouse au Moyen Age (Paris, 1953), 214-18; R. Holt, The Mills of Medieval England (Oxford, 1988), chaps. 5, 6, 8; G. Despy, Les campagnes du Roman Pays de Brabant au Moyen Age (Louvain, 1981), 103-4; M. Bruwier, "La gestion des moulins, revenus et rendements," in Moulins en Hainaut (n.p., 1987), 109, 118; S. Calonne and D. Clauzel, "Conjoncture et société à Lille pendant la période bourguignonne," Revue du Nord 61, no. 222 (1974): 371. Eighteenth-century French tax collectors assumed that one-fifth of a mill's yearly revenue had to be spent on maintenance; see Jonathan Dewald, Pont-St.-Pierre, 1398-1789: Lordship, Community, and Capitalism in Early Modern France (Berkeley, 1987), 62 (Vauban's estimate), 83.
20. G. Sicard, Les moulins de Toulouse au Moyen Age (Paris, 1953), 214-18; R. Holt, The Mills of Medieval England (Oxford, 1988), chaps. 5, 6, 8; G. Despy, Les campagnes du Roman Pays de Brabant au Moyen Age (Louvain, 1981), 103-4; M. Bruwier, "La gestion des moulins, revenus et rendements," in Moulins en Hainaut (n.p., 1987), 109, 118; S. Calonne and D. Clauzel, "Conjoncture et société à Lille pendant la période bourguignonne," Revue du Nord 61, no. 222 (1974): 371. Eighteenth-century French tax collectors assumed that one-fifth of a mill's yearly revenue had to be spent on maintenance; see Jonathan Dewald, Pont-St.-Pierre, 1398-1789: Lordship, Community, and Capitalism in Early Modern France (Berkeley, 1987), 62 (Vauban's estimate), 83.
21. G. Sicard, Les moulins de Toulouse au Moyen Age (Paris, 1953), 214-18; R. Holt, The Mills of Medieval England (Oxford, 1988), chaps. 5, 6, 8; G. Despy, Les campagnes du Roman Pays de Brabant au Moyen Age (Louvain, 1981), 103-4; M. Bruwier, "La gestion des moulins, revenus et rendements," in Moulins en Hainaut (n.p., 1987), 109, 118; S. Calonne and D. Clauzel, "Conjoncture et société à Lille pendant la période bourguignonne," Revue du Nord 61, no. 222 (1974): 371. Eighteenth-century French tax collectors assumed that one-fifth of a mill's yearly revenue had to be spent on maintenance; see Jonathan Dewald, Pont-St.-Pierre, 1398-1789: Lordship, Community, and Capitalism in Early Modern France (Berkeley, 1987), 62 (Vauban's estimate), 83.
22. G. Sicard, Les moulins de Toulouse au Moyen Age (Paris, 1953), 214-18; R. Holt, The Mills of Medieval England (Oxford, 1988), chaps. 5, 6, 8; G. Despy, Les campagnes du Roman Pays de Brabant au Moyen Age (Louvain, 1981), 103-4; M. Bruwier, "La gestion des moulins, revenus et rendements," in Moulins en Hainaut (n.p., 1987), 109, 118; S. Calonne and D. Clauzel, "Conjoncture et société à Lille pendant la période bourguignonne," Revue du Nord 61, no. 222 (1974): 371. Eighteenth-century French tax collectors assumed that one-fifth of a mill's yearly revenue had to be spent on maintenance; see Jonathan Dewald, Pont-St.-Pierre, 1398-1789: Lordship, Community, and Capitalism in Early Modern France (Berkeley, 1987), 62 (Vauban's estimate), 83.
23. J. Muendel, "The Internal Functions of a Fourteenth Century Florentine Flour Factory" Technology and Culture 32 (1991): 510-19. Elsewhere Muendel notes the large number of mills in a very poor state of repair (besides those entirely abandoned) in the medieval Florentine contado; see "The Distribution of Mills in the Florentine Countryside During the Late Middle Ages," in Pathways to Medieval Peasants, ed. J. A. Raftis (Toronto, 1981).
24. J. Muendel, "The Internal Functions of a Fourteenth Century Florentine Flour Factory" Technology and Culture 32 (1991): 510-19. Elsewhere Muendel notes the large number of mills in a very poor state of repair (besides those entirely abandoned) in the medieval Florentine contado; see "The Distribution of Mills in the Florentine Countryside During the Late Middle Ages," in Pathways to Medieval Peasants, ed. J. A. Raftis (Toronto, 1981).
25. E. Gauldie, The Scottish Country Miller, 1700-1900 (Edinburgh, 1981), chaps. 6-9; T. S. Reynolds, Stronger than a Hundred Men: A History of the Vertical Water Wheel (Baltimore, 1983), 287; J. Langdon, "The Birth and Demise of a Medieval Windmill," History of Technology 33 (1992): 54-76, and "The Mobilization of Labour in the Milling Industry of Thirteenth- and Early Fourteenth-Century England," Canadian Journal of History/Annales canadiennes d'histoire 31 (1996): 37-58. The lifespan of a mill may be compared to that of a ship, estimated at ten to twenty years by R. W. Unger in the case of the early-modern Dutch fleet; see "Technological and Industrial Organization: Dutch Shipbuilding to 1810," Business History 17 (1975): 56-72. G. Piccard also suggests that a paper mill needed a thorough renovation approximately every fifteen years; "Cartiere e Gualchiere," Produttivita et Tecnologie nei Secoli XII-XVII (Florence, 1981), 223-26.
26. E. Gauldie, The Scottish Country Miller, 1700-1900 (Edinburgh, 1981), chaps. 6-9; T. S. Reynolds, Stronger than a Hundred Men: A History of the Vertical Water Wheel (Baltimore, 1983), 287; J. Langdon, "The Birth and Demise of a Medieval Windmill," History of Technology 33 (1992): 54-76, and "The Mobilization of Labour in the Milling Industry of Thirteenth- and Early Fourteenth-Century England," Canadian Journal of History/Annales canadiennes d'histoire 31 (1996): 37-58. The lifespan of a mill may be compared to that of a ship, estimated at ten to twenty years by R. W. Unger in the case of the early-modern Dutch fleet; see "Technological and Industrial Organization: Dutch Shipbuilding to 1810," Business History 17 (1975): 56-72. G. Piccard also suggests that a paper mill needed a thorough renovation approximately every fifteen years; "Cartiere e Gualchiere," Produttivita et Tecnologie nei Secoli XII-XVII (Florence, 1981), 223-26.
27. E. Gauldie, The Scottish Country Miller, 1700-1900 (Edinburgh, 1981), chaps. 6-9; T. S. Reynolds, Stronger than a Hundred Men: A History of the Vertical Water Wheel (Baltimore, 1983), 287; J. Langdon, "The Birth and Demise of a Medieval Windmill," History of Technology 33 (1992): 54-76, and "The Mobilization of Labour in the Milling Industry of Thirteenth- and Early Fourteenth-Century England," Canadian Journal of History/Annales canadiennes d'histoire 31 (1996): 37-58. The lifespan of a mill may be compared to that of a ship, estimated at ten to twenty years by R. W. Unger in the case of the early-modern Dutch fleet; see "Technological and Industrial Organization: Dutch Shipbuilding to 1810," Business History 17 (1975): 56-72. G. Piccard also suggests that a paper mill needed a thorough renovation approximately every fifteen years; "Cartiere e Gualchiere," Produttivita et Tecnologie nei Secoli XII-XVII (Florence, 1981), 223-26.
28. E. Gauldie, The Scottish Country Miller, 1700-1900 (Edinburgh, 1981), chaps. 6-9; T. S. Reynolds, Stronger than a Hundred Men: A History of the Vertical Water Wheel (Baltimore, 1983), 287; J. Langdon, "The Birth and Demise of a Medieval Windmill," History of Technology 33 (1992): 54-76, and "The Mobilization of Labour in the Milling Industry of Thirteenth- and Early Fourteenth-Century England," Canadian Journal of History/Annales canadiennes d'histoire 31 (1996): 37-58. The lifespan of a mill may be compared to that of a ship, estimated at ten to twenty years by R. W. Unger in the case of the early-modern Dutch fleet; see "Technological and Industrial Organization: Dutch Shipbuilding to 1810," Business History 17 (1975): 56-72. G. Piccard also suggests that a paper mill needed a thorough renovation approximately every fifteen years; "Cartiere e Gualchiere," Produttivita et Tecnologie nei Secoli XII-XVII (Florence, 1981), 223-26.
29. E. Gauldie, The Scottish Country Miller, 1700-1900 (Edinburgh, 1981), chaps. 6-9; T. S. Reynolds, Stronger than a Hundred Men: A History of the Vertical Water Wheel (Baltimore, 1983), 287; J. Langdon, "The Birth and Demise of a Medieval Windmill," History of Technology 33 (1992): 54-76, and "The Mobilization of Labour in the Milling Industry of Thirteenth- and Early Fourteenth-Century England," Canadian Journal of History/Annales canadiennes d'histoire 31 (1996): 37-58. The lifespan of a mill may be compared to that of a ship, estimated at ten to twenty years by R. W. Unger in the case of the early-modern Dutch fleet; see "Technological and Industrial Organization: Dutch Shipbuilding to 1810," Business History 17 (1975): 56-72. G. Piccard also suggests that a paper mill needed a thorough renovation approximately every fifteen years; "Cartiere e Gualchiere," Produttivita et Tecnologie nei Secoli XII-XVII (Florence, 1981), 223-26.
30. E. Gauldie, The Scottish Country Miller, 1700-1900 (Edinburgh, 1981), chaps. 6-9; T. S. Reynolds, Stronger than a Hundred Men: A History of the Vertical Water Wheel (Baltimore, 1983), 287; J. Langdon, "The Birth and Demise of a Medieval Windmill," History of Technology 33 (1992): 54-76, and "The Mobilization of Labour in the Milling Industry of Thirteenth- and Early Fourteenth-Century England," Canadian Journal of History/Annales canadiennes d'histoire 31 (1996): 37-58. The lifespan of a mill may be compared to that of a ship, estimated at ten to twenty years by R. W. Unger in the case of the early-modern Dutch fleet; see "Technological and Industrial Organization: Dutch Shipbuilding to 1810," Business History 17 (1975): 56-72. G. Piccard also suggests that a paper mill needed a thorough renovation approximately every fifteen years; "Cartiere e Gualchiere," Produttivita et Tecnologie nei Secoli XII-XVII (Florence, 1981), 223-26.
31. D. Woronoff, L'industrie sidérurgique en France pendant la Révolution et l'Empire (Paris, 1984), 471-73; J.-F. Belhoste et al., Les Forges du Pays de Châteaubriant (Loire-Atlantique, 1984), 134; J. A. McGaw, "The Sources and Impact of Mechanization: The Berkshire County, Massachusetts Paper Industry, 1801-1885 as a Case Study" (Ph.D. diss., New York University, 1977), 138.
32. D. Woronoff, L'industrie sidérurgique en France pendant la Révolution et l'Empire (Paris, 1984), 471-73; J.-F. Belhoste et al., Les Forges du Pays de Châteaubriant (Loire-Atlantique, 1984), 134; J. A. McGaw, "The Sources and Impact of Mechanization: The Berkshire County, Massachusetts Paper Industry, 1801-1885 as a Case Study" (Ph.D. diss., New York University, 1977), 138.
33. D. Woronoff, L'industrie sidérurgique en France pendant la Révolution et l'Empire (Paris, 1984), 471-73; J.-F. Belhoste et al., Les Forges du Pays de Châteaubriant (Loire-Atlantique, 1984), 134; J. A. McGaw, "The Sources and Impact of Mechanization: The Berkshire County, Massachusetts Paper Industry, 1801-1885 as a Case Study" (Ph.D. diss., New York University, 1977), 138.
34. The best analysis of these methods is T. Barrett, "Early European Papermaking Methods, 1400-1800," The Paper Conservator 13 (1989): 7-27. A classic account of various milling techniques, including that of paper mills, was inspired by a visit to the Low Countries; see L. C. Stürm, Vollständige Mühlen Baukunft (Augsburg, 1718). See also T. Collings and D. Milner, "A New Chronology of Papermaking Technology," The Paper Conservator 14 (1990): 58-61, and D. C. Coleman, "Early Techniques and their Economic Significance," The British Paper Industry 1495-1860 (Oxford, 1958), chap. 2.
35. The best analysis of these methods is T. Barrett, "Early European Papermaking Methods, 1400-1800," The Paper Conservator 13 (1989): 7-27. A classic account of various milling techniques, including that of paper mills, was inspired by a visit to the Low Countries; see L. C. Stürm, Vollständige Mühlen Baukunft (Augsburg, 1718). See also T. Collings and D. Milner, "A New Chronology of Papermaking Technology," The Paper Conservator 14 (1990): 58-61, and D. C. Coleman, "Early Techniques and their Economic Significance," The British Paper Industry 1495-1860 (Oxford, 1958), chap. 2.
36. The best analysis of these methods is T. Barrett, "Early European Papermaking Methods, 1400-1800," The Paper Conservator 13 (1989): 7-27. A classic account of various milling techniques, including that of paper mills, was inspired by a visit to the Low Countries; see L. C. Stürm, Vollständige Mühlen Baukunft (Augsburg, 1718). See also T. Collings and D. Milner, "A New Chronology of Papermaking Technology," The Paper Conservator 14 (1990): 58-61, and D. C. Coleman, "Early Techniques and their Economic Significance," The British Paper Industry 1495-1860 (Oxford, 1958), chap. 2.
37. The best analysis of these methods is T. Barrett, "Early European Papermaking Methods, 1400-1800," The Paper Conservator 13 (1989): 7-27. A classic account of various milling techniques, including that of paper mills, was inspired by a visit to the Low Countries; see L. C. Stürm, Vollständige Mühlen Baukunft (Augsburg, 1718). See also T. Collings and D. Milner, "A New Chronology of Papermaking Technology," The Paper Conservator 14 (1990): 58-61, and D. C. Coleman, "Early Techniques and their Economic Significance," The British Paper Industry 1495-1860 (Oxford, 1958), chap. 2.
38. Although data is lacking, French supremacy in this area (in part related to the size of the kingdom) can be inferred from the fact that the rapid development of the British, Dutch, Ligurian, and Venetian industries in the eighteenth century was widely seen as marking the end of the domination of French paper in Northern European as well as Iberian (and attendant colonial) markets; see Coleman, 18, n. 2. J. de La Lande sketched the hierarchy and the context of the French industry at mid-eighteenth century; Art de faire le papier (1762; reprint, Geneva, 1984). For a brief but recent introduction to the French paper industry in the eighteenth century, see A. Chevallier, "La matière première: Le papier," Histoire de l'édition françion, éd. H.-J. Martin and R. Chartier, (Paris, 1984), 2:34-41.
39. Although data is lacking, French supremacy in this area (in part related to the size of the kingdom) can be inferred from the fact that the rapid development of the British, Dutch, Ligurian, and Venetian industries in the eighteenth century was widely seen as marking the end of the domination of French paper in Northern European as well as Iberian (and attendant colonial) markets; see Coleman, 18, n. 2. J. de La Lande sketched the hierarchy and the context of the French industry at mid-eighteenth century; Art de faire le papier (1762; reprint, Geneva, 1984). For a brief but recent introduction to the French paper industry in the eighteenth century, see A. Chevallier, "La matière première: Le papier," Histoire de l'édition françion, éd. H.-J. Martin and R. Chartier, (Paris, 1984), 2:34-41.
40. A paper mill required: one or more water wheels, as many axles and sets of four or five stampers (each equipped with three or four heavy iron-tipped mallets), at least two or three screw presses, and, later in the period, a glazing hammer; a wide range of indispensable handtools (some used repetitively in a rapid, tight-fitting combination, such as the mould and its "deckle"); a series of large watertight vats (the main or "forming" vat incorporated a small coal stove); a complex network of moveable ropes and adjustable louvered windows in drying lofts; a series of sluices, channels, filtration pools and pipes to deliver water as power source and process material; a size-making boiler, large sorting tables, trimming knives, scales, carting equipment, etc. Circulating capital could double the investment, which also encompassed the land that inevitably accompanied a mill. For output figures, see "Situation des fabriques de papier ...," 1758, 1772, and 1776, 1 C 520, 530, 532. For references to wages, see n. 31 below. A note on currency: Livres tournois was the currency of account used in the ancien regime, and is to be distinguished from a variety of circulating currencies. For brevity's sake I've simply used the term livre throughout this article, but unless otherwise noted the reference is to livres tournois.
41. W. van Riesen, "Les débuts de la papeterie charentaise," Bulletins et Mémoires de la Société Archéologique et Historique de la Charente 3 (1985): 167-205; P.C. Reynard, "La papeterie ambertoise au XVIIIe siècle: Une prospérité fragile et stérile" (Ph.D. diss., York University, 1994).
42. W. van Riesen, "Les débuts de la papeterie charentaise," Bulletins et Mémoires de la Société Archéologique et Historique de la Charente 3 (1985): 167-205; P.C. Reynard, "La papeterie ambertoise au XVIIIe siècle: Une prospérité fragile et stérile" (Ph.D. diss., York University, 1994).
43. H. Gachet, "La réglementation en papeterie aux XVIIe et XVIIIe siècles," Courrier graphique 38 (1948): 41-48.
44. The overwhelming importance of wood in mills led to the not infrequent blending of the skills of papermaking and carpentry. See E. Creveaux, "Les anciennes papeteries des Ardennes," Contribution àl 'histoire de la papeterie française (Grenoble, 1935), 33. See also nots. Micolon, 28 November 1766; Maignet, 11 June 1780, 1 February 1790, 27 November 1790.
45. Ambert midcentury records put the price of iron at 0.27 livres per pound, that of copper at 1.75 livres per pound, and the labor of a construction worker at 0.8 livres per day (food not included). References to the use of metal in paper mills in nots. J. Ponchon, 14 April 1760; Journet, 14 and 15 January 1772; 4 J 521; "Enquête' Vimal, 15 May 1720, B AM 56; M.-H. Reynaud, Les moulins à papier d'Annonay à l'ère pré-industrielle (Annonay, 1981), 111-12; M. Boy and T. Remuzon, Le livre de raison du maîtrepapetier Louis Richard (1720-1771) (Ambert, 1991), 12, 17. General comments by D. S. Landes, The Unbound Prometheus: Technological Change and Industrial Development in Western Europe from 1750 to the Present (Cambridge, 1969), 94-95. A growing use of metal can be seen in the hollander beaters installed in most mills, which used not only an all-metal cylinder but had vats entirely lined with lead: see, for instance, the case of the Meyriat paper mill, Archives départementales de l'Ain, H399, Livre des dépenses à notre charge, 1788; F. Gerbaux, "La papeterie de Buges," Bibliographe moderne nos. 1 and 2 (1903): 55-58; E. Carlier, "Un cas de description technique: L'inventaire et l'évaluation des moulins de Beloeil en 1775," in Moulins en Hainaut (n.p., 1987), 75.
46. Ambert midcentury records put the price of iron at 0.27 livres per pound, that of copper at 1.75 livres per pound, and the labor of a construction worker at 0.8 livres per day (food not included). References to the use of metal in paper mills in nots. J. Ponchon, 14 April 1760; Journet, 14 and 15 January 1772; 4 J 521; "Enquête' Vimal, 15 May 1720, B AM 56; M.-H. Reynaud, Les moulins à papier d'Annonay à l'ère pré-industrielle (Annonay, 1981), 111-12; M. Boy and T. Remuzon, Le livre de raison du maîtrepapetier Louis Richard (1720-1771) (Ambert, 1991), 12, 17. General comments by D. S. Landes, The Unbound Prometheus: Technological Change and Industrial Development in Western Europe from 1750 to the Present (Cambridge, 1969), 94-95. A growing use of metal can be seen in the hollander beaters installed in most mills, which used not only an all-metal cylinder but had vats entirely lined with lead: see, for instance, the case of the Meyriat paper mill, Archives départementales de l'Ain, H399, Livre des dépenses à notre charge, 1788; F. Gerbaux, "La papeterie de Buges," Bibliographe moderne nos. 1 and 2 (1903): 55-58; E. Carlier, "Un cas de description technique: L'inventaire et l'évaluation des moulins de Beloeil en 1775," in Moulins en Hainaut (n.p., 1987), 75.
47. Ambert midcentury records put the price of iron at 0.27 livres per pound, that of copper at 1.75 livres per pound, and the labor of a construction worker at 0.8 livres per day (food not included). References to the use of metal in paper mills in nots. J. Ponchon, 14 April 1760; Journet, 14 and 15 January 1772; 4 J 521; "Enquête' Vimal, 15 May 1720, B AM 56; M.-H. Reynaud, Les moulins à papier d'Annonay à l'ère pré-industrielle (Annonay, 1981), 111-12; M. Boy and T. Remuzon, Le livre de raison du maîtrepapetier Louis Richard (1720-1771) (Ambert, 1991), 12, 17. General comments by D. S. Landes, The Unbound Prometheus: Technological Change and Industrial Development in Western Europe from 1750 to the Present (Cambridge, 1969), 94-95. A growing use of metal can be seen in the hollander beaters installed in most mills, which used not only an all-metal cylinder but had vats entirely lined with lead: see, for instance, the case of the Meyriat paper mill, Archives départementales de l'Ain, H399, Livre des dépenses à notre charge, 1788; F. Gerbaux, "La papeterie de Buges," Bibliographe moderne nos. 1 and 2 (1903): 55-58; E. Carlier, "Un cas de description technique: L'inventaire et l'évaluation des moulins de Beloeil en 1775," in Moulins en Hainaut (n.p., 1987), 75.
48. Ambert midcentury records put the price of iron at 0.27 livres per pound, that of copper at 1.75 livres per pound, and the labor of a construction worker at 0.8 livres per day (food not included). References to the use of metal in paper mills in nots. J. Ponchon, 14 April 1760; Journet, 14 and 15 January 1772; 4 J 521; "Enquête' Vimal, 15 May 1720, B AM 56; M.-H. Reynaud, Les moulins à papier d'Annonay à l'ère pré-industrielle (Annonay, 1981), 111-12; M. Boy and T. Remuzon, Le livre de raison du maîtrepapetier Louis Richard (1720-1771) (Ambert, 1991), 12, 17. General comments by D. S. Landes, The Unbound Prometheus: Technological Change and Industrial Development in Western Europe from 1750 to the Present (Cambridge, 1969), 94-95. A growing use of metal can be seen in the hollander beaters installed in most mills, which used not only an all-metal cylinder but had vats entirely lined with lead: see, for instance, the case of the Meyriat paper mill, Archives départementales de l'Ain, H399, Livre des dépenses à notre charge, 1788; F. Gerbaux, "La papeterie de Buges," Bibliographe moderne nos. 1 and 2 (1903): 55-58; E. Carlier, "Un cas de description technique: L'inventaire et l'évaluation des moulins de Beloeil en 1775," in Moulins en Hainaut (n.p., 1987), 75.
49. Ambert midcentury records put the price of iron at 0.27 livres per pound, that of copper at 1.75 livres per pound, and the labor of a construction worker at 0.8 livres per day (food not included). References to the use of metal in paper mills in nots. J. Ponchon, 14 April 1760; Journet, 14 and 15 January 1772; 4 J 521; "Enquête' Vimal, 15 May 1720, B AM 56; M.-H. Reynaud, Les moulins à papier d'Annonay à l'ère pré-industrielle (Annonay, 1981), 111-12; M. Boy and T. Remuzon, Le livre de raison du maîtrepapetier Louis Richard (1720-1771) (Ambert, 1991), 12, 17. General comments by D. S. Landes, The Unbound Prometheus: Technological Change and Industrial Development in Western Europe from 1750 to the Present (Cambridge, 1969), 94-95. A growing use of metal can be seen in the hollander beaters installed in most mills, which used not only an all-metal cylinder but had vats entirely lined with lead: see, for instance, the case of the Meyriat paper mill, Archives départementales de l'Ain, H399, Livre des dépenses à notre charge, 1788; F. Gerbaux, "La papeterie de Buges," Bibliographe moderne nos. 1 and 2 (1903): 55-58; E. Carlier, "Un cas de description technique: L'inventaire et l'évaluation des moulins de Beloeil en 1775," in Moulins en Hainaut (n.p., 1987), 75.
50. The merits of wood have been used to suggest that arguments other than those strictly related to the qualities of a material are often called on to end a period of technical indeterminacy during which several materials compete for a particular duty. See, for instance, A. Guillerme, "Wood versus Iron: The Strength of Materials in Early Nineteenth Century France," History and Technology 6 (1988): 239-52; Schatzberg (n. 4 above); and several essays in B. Hindle, ed., Material Culture of the Wooden Age (Tarrytown, N.Y., 1981).
51. The merits of wood have been used to suggest that arguments other than those strictly related to the qualities of a material are often called on to end a period of technical indeterminacy during which several materials compete for a particular duty. See, for instance, A. Guillerme, "Wood versus Iron: The Strength of Materials in Early Nineteenth Century France," History and Technology 6 (1988): 239-52; Schatzberg (n. 4 above); and several essays in B. Hindle, ed., Material Culture of the Wooden Age (Tarrytown, N.Y., 1981).
52. At least two observations suggest that Ambert carpenters favored lorgevity over strength. While T. S. Reynolds notes that oak was generally used for the axle, because of its strength, Ambert water wheels rotated upon a great pine trunk cured under water for two or three years. What may have been lost in strength was likely gained in reliability, notably through the greater flexibility of pine. In the same way, Ambert builders preferred the "clasp arm" method of attaching the wheel to the axle to the "compass arm" design. The latter would have delivered a stronger power train because it avoided a thinning of axle and spokes. However, a clasp arm attachment lasted longer because it did not introduce water into the heart of the axle trunk; see Reynolds (n. 9 above), 102, 158, and J.-L. Boithias and C. Mondin, Les moulins à papier et les anciens papetiers d'Auvergne (n.p., 1981).
53. Two early drafts (apparently addressed to the administration) have been preserved. A list of local mill owners dates them approximately. Gourbeyre owned several mills at Noyras. 4 J 521.
54. Boy and Remuzon, 30, 31; M. Audin,"Les vieux moulins à papier du Beaujolais," Contributions à l'histoire de la papeterie en France (Grenoble, 1937), 89; M. Leymarie, "Les moulins à papier de la vallée de la Jordanne," Revue de la Haute-Auvergne 47 (1980): 540.
55. Boy and Remuzon, 30, 31; M. Audin,"Les vieux moulins à papier du Beaujolais," Contributions à l'histoire de la papeterie en France (Grenoble, 1937), 89; M. Leymarie, "Les moulins à papier de la vallée de la Jordanne," Revue de la Haute-Auvergne 47 (1980): 540.
56. Boy and Remuzon, 30, 31; M. Audin,"Les vieux moulins à papier du Beaujolais," Contributions à l'histoire de la papeterie en France (Grenoble, 1937), 89; M. Leymarie, "Les moulins à papier de la vallée de la Jordanne," Revue de la Haute-Auvergne 47 (1980): 540.
57. See, for example, the "visites" dated 6 June 1721 (B AM 57), 4 May 1723, 11 March 1724 (B AM 60), 12 August 1749 (not. Celeyron), 13 August 1751 (not. Ponchon), 22 pluviose, year 2 (not. Chassaigne). For the impact of moisture on wood, see J. E. Gordon, The New Science of Strong Materials (London, 1968), 131-33, and, more generally, ch. 6.
58. Tranchecotié, 30 September 1680, B AM 47; Châteaugay, 6 June 1721, B AM 57; Longuechaud-le-Bas, 4 May 1723, B AM 60; moulin de C. Joubert, 11 March 1724, B AM 60; Rolland, September 1739, B AM 161; Petit-Vimal, 7 May 1797, not. C. Ponchon. The structural deterioration at the Toulouse mill between 1774 and 1786 illustrates the rapidity with which masonry decayed; nots. Mathias, 24 February 1774, Maignet, 27 June 1786.
59. J. M. Chaplain adds that the new units retained a plurality of functions; La chambre des tisseurs: Louviers, cité drapière (Seyssel, 1984), 127-44, 194-206. Among prestigious realizations, one may cite the Langlée paper mills, chosen to illustrate the Encyclopédie, or the Villeneuvette textile manufacture; see J. K. J. Thomson, Clermont de Lodève, 1633-1789 (Cambridge, 1982), 152-61. See also the comments of S. D. Chapman and S. Chassagne on the role of prestige building, European Textile Printers in the 18th Century (London, 1981), 202.
60. J. M. Chaplain adds that the new units retained a plurality of functions; La chambre des tisseurs: Louviers, cité drapière (Seyssel, 1984), 127-44, 194-206. Among prestigious realizations, one may cite the Langlée paper mills, chosen to illustrate the Encyclopédie, or the Villeneuvette textile manufacture; see J. K. J. Thomson, Clermont de Lodève, 1633-1789 (Cambridge, 1982), 152-61. See also the comments of S. D. Chapman and S. Chassagne on the role of prestige building, European Textile Printers in the 18th Century (London, 1981), 202.
61. J. M. Chaplain adds that the new units retained a plurality of functions; La chambre des tisseurs: Louviers, cité drapière (Seyssel, 1984), 127-44, 194-206. Among prestigious realizations, one may cite the Langlée paper mills, chosen to illustrate the Encyclopédie, or the Villeneuvette textile manufacture; see J. K. J. Thomson, Clermont de Lodève, 1633-1789 (Cambridge, 1982), 152-61. See also the comments of S. D. Chapman and S. Chassagne on the role of prestige building, European Textile Printers in the 18th Century (London, 1981), 202.
62. The cost of the equipment considered reached almost three thousand livres, for an annual burden of 642 livres per year. Most obviously absent from this list are the mill buildings themselves, but also missing are many small tools, several indispensable pieces of furniture, etc.
63. Examples of leases: nots. Mathias, 11 July 1767; Herbier-Laroche, 13 June 1753, 8 October 1760; Micolon, 4 November 1767. For the case of the Angoumois paper mills, see G. Delâge, Moulins à papier d'Angoumois, Périgord et Limousin (Paris, 1991), 18. See also Archives départementales du Doubs, B.J.C. 15 B 1319, 27 October 1753, convention Daclin-Rochet. In the context of iron making, Woronoff (n. 10 above, 284-85) suggested that the division of responsibilities could engender conflicts that tended tc postpone repairs.
64. See also M. Boy, Histoire de la papeterie livradoise (Ambert, 1995), 108. For a mid-seventeenth-century one-vat mill Boy computed an estimate for annual maintenance and cost of replacement of the mill's main parts. Expenses totaled 6,300 livres, breaking down as follows: raw materials, 4,300 livres; labor, including food, 1,500 livres; supplies such as coal, firewood, grease, string, etc., 250 livres; minor and major maintenance, 250 livres. He estimated that revenues varied from 6,550 livres to 9,000 livres according to the type of paper produced.
65. For estimates of labor costs (including various traditional components of remuneration converted to cash toward the end of the period), see 1 C 506, 520, 527. The five "standard" accounts in table 4 recorded the following expenses for labor and raw materials: Dauphiné, total expenses of 10,620 livres, of which labor costs accounted for 4,000 livres and the cost of rags accounted for 4,650 livres; Auvergne, 9,387 livres (2,883 livres labor costs, 5,328 livres cost of rags); unknown, 7,269 livres (1,819 livres labor, 4,800 livres rags); Ardennes (1785), 302 livres (108 livres labor, 120 livres rags); Ardennes (1823), 7,355 francs (3,120 francs labor, 3,000 francs rags). A focus on quality paper may explain the higher cost of rags in the Auvergne.
66. These expenditures ranged from a minimum of 1,247 livres needed at Lagat-le-Bas in 1767 to the 11,600 livres spent in 1724 at Barot (nots. Celeyron, 25 September 1724, and Maignet, 30 September and 17 December 1767. Further sources cited below.)
67. Not. Celeyron, 3 June 1730, 1 May and 7 May 1731; B. Ponchon, 22 June 1792.
68. Vimal and La Terasse (fonds Imberdis, 27 May 1761; not. Micolon, 18 May 1764); Noyras (lease Marcheval, 320 livres, not. Maignet, 11 June 1780; lease Varesnes, 450 livres, not. Maignet, 27 November 1790); Vimal (leases Dandrieu, 450 livres, not. B. Ponchon, 2 October 1779, 530 livres, 29 April 1782, in 15 C 319); Boissonie (leases Vimal, 240 livres, not. Micolon, 3 September 1764; 360 livres, 1770 but cited in not. Maignet, 12 to 17 July 1779).
69. Delâge, 109-96. The date and the name of the mill will lead to the relevant section of the book, which provides references to the notarial records.
70. In Angouléme, see also Lussaud, 1725, Pont-de-Ruelle, 1720, in Delâge. In Ambert, a comparable situation is found at Taboulet (renovated on the occasion of the 1772 and 1776 leases), Tranchecotié, Toulouse, and Ribeyre: see nots. Mathias, March 1772, Micolon, 11 July 1776; B AM 47, 30 September and 7 November 1680; nots. Mathias, 24 February 1774; Micolon, 5 March 1758.
71. For a statement of appreciation of a well-kept mill, see Delâge, 147, 31 July 1680. On the distinction between the production of white and brown paper, see not. Micolon, 28 November 1762.
72. M. Sauvade's comment in lease dated 18 May 1778, registered 16 July 1780, B AM 26. Regarding A. Artaud's bankruptcy, see "Séparation A. Artaud - Magdeleine Micolon," 12 November 1783, B AM 117; visit to A. Artaud's mill, not. Maignet, 28 September 1791. End of C. Béraud's lease in nots. Maignet, 9 November 1757; Micolon, 28 June 1758; J. Ponchon, 22 February 1760.
73. Gordon (n. 22 above), 129, noted wood's "[astonishing resistance] to stress concentrations." In his recent study of the quest for the interchangeability of parts, K. Alder notes that early successes came in areas of wooden parts, thanks to the "relaxed tolerance" of woodworking; see Engineering the Revolution: Arms and Enlightenment in France, 1763-1815 (Princeton, 1997), 237. Most mills' inventories report various pieces of lumber and timber stored for eventual repair or reconstruction work; see for instance the inventory of the Prélat mill, 6 and 7 August 1772, B AM 193.
74. Gordon, 130.
75. Mills at Bresmond, Brandes, Tudeboeuf, Beauvais, and elsewhere also remained in a state of disrepair for long periods during the last decades of the reign of Louis XIV; see Delâge (n. 31 above). Similarly, a 1717 report on Ambert mills notes that 60 of 120 wheels were inactive, and of those at least 20 were said to be "fully destroyed"; 1 C 485.
76. The Sembrèves paper mill in the Nièvre was renovated immediately after being confiscated by the new regime, at a cost of 3,772 livres; M. Saint-Eloy, "Vie et mort d'une industrie nivernaise: La papeterie de Sembrèves," Actes du 92e Congrès national des Sociétés savantes (1967), 2:341.
77. Chadernolles leases: 1770, 480 livres per year; 1773, 350 livres per year; 1777, 320 livres per year; 1780, 300 livres per year. See nots. C. Ponchon, 22 July 1780; B. Ponchon, 22 June 1792; Herbier-Laroche, 9 to 12 August 1755; Micolon, 25 May 1768; Journet, 20 December 1770; Fayolle, 1 January 1774 and 20 September 1777; Friteyre, 17 February 1780.
78. See Delâge.
79. When Pierre Favier let out Boule-Basse to Claude Coerchon, he stated his intention to regain possession of his mill should the one he operated at Tance-en-Velay be destroyed; lease Coerchon, not. Herbier-Laroche, 8 October 1760. For examples of fire, see Tamisier, 28 July 1787, 1 J 757; Valcivière, 1709, B OO1011; same mill again, not. Celeyron, 12 August 1749; Boys, 1755, 1 C 519; Petit-Vimal, not. Herbier-Laroche, 9 to 12 August 1755. Damage from flooding was an even more frequent occurrence in Ambert, and the administration complained that papermakers failed to build the structures necessary to prevent such destruction; 1 C 500 (1738), 1 C 511 (1740), 1 C 522 (1768), 1 C 526 (1772), 1 C 3373 (1736). On fire retardants, see G. Kulik, "A Factory System of Wood: Cultural and Technological Change in the Building of the First Cotton Mills," in Hindle (n. 18 above), 300-335, 362-69. On insurance, see A. G. Thomson, The Paper Industry in Scotland, 1590-1861 (Edinburgh, 1974).
80. When Pierre Favier let out Boule-Basse to Claude Coerchon, he stated his intention to regain possession of his mill should the one he operated at Tance-en-Velay be destroyed; lease Coerchon, not. Herbier-Laroche, 8 October 1760. For examples of fire, see Tamisier, 28 July 1787, 1 J 757; Valcivière, 1709, B OO1011; same mill again, not. Celeyron, 12 August 1749; Boys, 1755, 1 C 519; Petit-Vimal, not. Herbier-Laroche, 9 to 12 August 1755. Damage from flooding was an even more frequent occurrence in Ambert, and the administration complained that papermakers failed to build the structures necessary to prevent such destruction; 1 C 500 (1738), 1 C 511 (1740), 1 C 522 (1768), 1 C 526 (1772), 1 C 3373 (1736). On fire retardants, see G. Kulik, "A Factory System of Wood: Cultural and Technological Change in the Building of the First Cotton Mills," in Hindle (n. 18 above), 300-335, 362-69. On insurance, see A. G. Thomson, The Paper Industry in Scotland, 1590-1861 (Edinburgh, 1974).
81. Woronoff (n. 10 above), 267. The practice had been institutionalized in the naval context in France as well as in England, and H. Vérin reminds us of its importance in the training of technicians (La gloire des ingénieurs: L'intelligence technique du XVIe au XVIIIe siècle [Paris, 1993], 341-43).
82. Delâge (n. 31 above), 193, 23 March 1689; not. Maignet, 30 September 1767. In a modern context, see Kelly (n. 2 above), 21-25, and Cotta (n. 2 above), 7-50.
83. J. R. Pannabecker, "Representing Mechanical Arts in Diderot's Encyclopédie," Technology and Culture 39 (1998): 33-73.
84. A clear example of intensification of work is found in the efforts of Berkshire papermakers to promote, through greater capitalization, fuller employment of skilled workers in the 1820s in response to growing demand from New York City; J. A. McGaw, "Accounting for Innovation: Technological Change and Business Practice in the Berkshire Country Paper Industry," Technology and Culture 26 (1985): 722-23. See also comments on the irregular patterns of use of charcoal blast furnaces, R. H. Schallenberg, "Charcoal Iron: The Coal Mines of the Forest," in Hindle (n. 18 above), 271-99; and Woronoff, 474.
85. A clear example of intensification of work is found in the efforts of Berkshire papermakers to promote, through greater capitalization, fuller employment of skilled workers in the 1820s in response to growing demand from New York City; J. A. McGaw, "Accounting for Innovation: Technological Change and Business Practice in the Berkshire Country Paper Industry," Technology and Culture 26 (1985): 722-23. See also comments on the irregular patterns of use of charcoal blast furnaces, R. H. Schallenberg, "Charcoal Iron: The Coal Mines of the Forest," in Hindle (n. 18 above), 271-99; and Woronoff, 474.
86. A clear example of intensification of work is found in the efforts of Berkshire papermakers to promote, through greater capitalization, fuller employment of skilled workers in the 1820s in response to growing demand from New York City; J. A. McGaw, "Accounting for Innovation: Technological Change and Business Practice in the Berkshire Country Paper Industry,"
87. R. H. Parker and B. S. Yamey, eds., Accounting History: Some British Contributions (Oxford, 1994); R. K. Fleischman and T. N. Tyson, "Cost Accounting during the Industrial Revolution: The Present State of Historical Knowledge," Economic History Review 46 (1993): 503-17; S. Chassagne, Le coton et ses patrons (Paris, 1991), 629-30; Woronoff, 307-11, 470-71. Examples of bilans (the inventories used to assess the performance of a business): Joubert, father and son, Grivel-Peghon, father and son-in-law, Lebon-Tixier, father and son-in-law (nots. Maignet, 7 September 1764, 25 September 1774, Maignet, 5 June and 5 July 1789 and 26 June 1792, Maignet, 16 May 1764, J. Ponchon, 7 June 1776). The same methods were followed by the Montgolfiers of Annonay, among the most dynamic papermakers of the kingdom at the end of the eighteenth century, and even by the owners of the gigantic paper mill of Langlée, whose investment approached one million livres; Reynaud (n. 17 above), 210-12; H. Gachet, "L'apparition du capitalisme au XVIIIe siècle dans la papeterie française," Cahiers internationaux d'histoire économique et sociale 1 (1972): 20-21.
88. R. H. Parker and B. S. Yamey, eds., Accounting History: Some British Contributions (Oxford, 1994); R. K. Fleischman and T. N. Tyson, "Cost Accounting during the Industrial Revolution: The Present State of Historical Knowledge," Economic History Review 46 (1993): 503-17; S. Chassagne, Le coton et ses patrons (Paris, 1991), 629-30; Woronoff, 307-11, 470-71. Examples of bilans (the inventories used to assess the performance of a business): Joubert, father and son, Grivel-Peghon, father and son-in-law, Lebon-Tixier, father and son-in-law (nots. Maignet, 7 September 1764, 25 September 1774, Maignet, 5 June and 5 July 1789 and 26 June 1792, Maignet, 16 May 1764, J. Ponchon, 7 June 1776). The same methods were followed by the Montgolfiers of Annonay, among the most dynamic papermakers of the kingdom at the end of the eighteenth century, and even by the owners of the gigantic paper mill of Langlée, whose investment approached one million livres; Reynaud (n. 17 above), 210-12; H. Gachet, "L'apparition du capitalisme au XVIIIe siècle dans la papeterie française," Cahiers internationaux d'histoire économique et sociale 1 (1972): 20-21.
89. R. H. Parker and B. S. Yamey, eds., Accounting History: Some British Contributions (Oxford, 1994); R. K. Fleischman and T. N. Tyson, "Cost Accounting during the Industrial Revolution: The Present State of Historical Knowledge," Economic History Review 46 (1993): 503-17; S. Chassagne, Le coton et ses patrons (Paris, 1991), 629-30; Woronoff, 307-11, 470-71. Examples of bilans (the inventories used to assess the performance of a business): Joubert, father and son, Grivel-Peghon, father and son-in-law, Lebon-Tixier, father and son-in-law (nots. Maignet, 7 September 1764, 25 September 1774, Maignet, 5 June and 5 July 1789 and 26 June 1792, Maignet, 16 May 1764, J. Ponchon, 7 June 1776). The same methods were followed by the Montgolfiers of Annonay, among the most dynamic papermakers of the kingdom at the end of the eighteenth century, and even by the owners of the gigantic paper mill of Langlée, whose investment approached one million livres; Reynaud (n. 17 above), 210-12; H. Gachet, "L'apparition du capitalisme au XVIIIe siècle dans la papeterie française," Cahiers internationaux d'histoire économique et sociale 1 (1972): 20-21.
90. R. H. Parker and B. S. Yamey, eds., Accounting History: Some British Contributions (Oxford, 1994); R. K. Fleischman and T. N. Tyson, "Cost Accounting during the Industrial Revolution: The Present State of Historical Knowledge," Economic History Review 46 (1993): 503-17; S. Chassagne, Le coton et ses patrons (Paris, 1991), 629-30; Woronoff, 307-11, 470-71. Examples of bilans (the inventories used to assess the performance of a business): Joubert, father and son, Grivel-Peghon, father and son-in-law, Lebon-Tixier, father and son-in-law (nots. Maignet, 7 September 1764, 25 September 1774, Maignet, 5 June and 5 July 1789 and 26 June 1792, Maignet, 16 May 1764, J. Ponchon, 7 June 1776). The same methods were followed by the Montgolfiers of Annonay, among the most dynamic papermakers of the kingdom at the end of the eighteenth century, and even by the owners of the gigantic paper mill of Langlée, whose investment approached one million livres; Reynaud (n. 17 above), 210-12; H. Gachet, "L'apparition du capitalisme au XVIIIe siècle dans la papeterie française," Cahiers internationaux d'histoire économique et sociale 1 (1972): 20-21.
91. Those resisting the "interchangeability" efforts deployed by a few pioneers at the end of the eighteenth century advanced a parallel argument, suggesting that increased standards of precision in the production process made repairs more difficult, often requiring specialists - an unsettling argument because ease of repair was one of the central promises of the proponents of interchangeable parts; Alder (n. 41 above), 159-60.
92. Reynaud, 91-95; de La Lande (n. 12 above), 32; Lacroix, Historique de la papeterie d'Angoulême (Paris, 1863), 61. It is interesting to note that the beaters installed in the Berkshire mills studied by J. A. McGaw were still using wooden cylinders and wooden wedges to adjust this gap in the mid-nineteenth century; Most Wonderful Machine: Mechanization and Social Change in Berkshire Paper Making, 1801-1885 (Princeton, 1987), 42-43.
93. Reynaud, 91-95; de La Lande (n. 12 above), 32; Lacroix, Historique de la papeterie d'Angoulême (Paris, 1863), 61. It is interesting to note that the beaters installed in the Berkshire mills studied by J. A. McGaw were still using wooden cylinders and wooden wedges to adjust this gap in the mid-nineteenth century; Most Wonderful Machine: Mechanization and Social Change in Berkshire Paper Making, 1801-1885 (Princeton, 1987), 42-43.
94. Reynaud, 91-95; de La Lande (n. 12 above), 32; Lacroix, Historique de la papeterie d'Angoulême (Paris, 1863), 61. It is interesting to note that the beaters installed in the Berkshire mills studied by J. A. McGaw were still using wooden cylinders and wooden wedges to adjust this gap in the mid-nineteenth century; Most Wonderful Machine: Mechanization and Social Change in Berkshire Paper Making, 1801-1885 (Princeton, 1987), 42-43.
95. Two thorough investigations of early-nineteenth-century developments are McGaw, "Sources and Impact of Mechanization" (n. 10 above), and L. André, "La papeterie en France, 1799-1860: Aspects d'une mécanisation" (Ph.D. diss., University of Paris I, 1992). Invented in 1799, the Foudrinier machine did not spread through France until the 1820s. For a reference to Meyriat, Archives départementales de l'Ain, H399; on the spread of wove paper in France, see M. Audin, "De l'origine du papier velin," in Contributions à l'histoire de la papeterie en France (Grenoble, 1934).
96. Two thorough investigations of early-nineteenth-century developments are McGaw, "Sources and Impact of Mechanization" (n. 10 above), and L. André, "La papeterie en France, 1799-1860: Aspects d'une mécanisation" (Ph.D. diss., University of Paris I, 1992). Invented in 1799, the Foudrinier machine did not spread through France until the 1820s. For a reference to Meyriat, Archives départementales de l'Ain, H399; on the spread of wove paper in France, see M. Audin, "De l'origine du papier velin," in Contributions à l'histoire de la papeterie en France (Grenoble, 1934).
97. Two thorough investigations of early-nineteenth-century developments are McGaw, "Sources and Impact of Mechanization" (n. 10 above), and L. André, "La papeterie en France, 1799-1860: Aspects d'une mécanisation" (Ph.D. diss., University of Paris I, 1992). Invented in 1799, the Foudrinier machine did not spread through France until the 1820s. For a reference to Meyriat, Archives départementales de l'Ain, H399; on the spread of wove paper in France, see M. Audin, "De l'origine du papier velin," in Contributions à l'histoire de la papeterie en France (Grenoble, 1934).
98. H. B. Hancock and N. B. Wilkinson, "Joshua Gilpin: An American Manufacturer in England and Wales, 1795-1801," Transactions of the Newcomen Society 33 (1960-1961): 57-66.