The "Chauffeur problem" in the early auto era: Structuration theory and the users of technology

Technology and Culture

Volumn 40, Issue 4, 1999, Pages 797-832

  Borg, Kevin ^a  

^a NONE

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EID: 0033406902     PISSN: 0040165X     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1353/tech.1999.0165     Document Type: Article

References (212)

1. "Chauffeurs Lord it Over Their Employers," New York Times, 12 August 1906.
2. Historians have not only overlooked the chauffeur problem, they have largely overlooked the whole automobile maintenance and repair industry. Two notable exceptions are Stephen L. McIntyre, "'The Repairman Will Gyp You': Mechanics, Managers, and Customers in the Automobile Repair Industry, 1896-1940," (Ph.D. diss. University of Missouri - Columbia, 1995), and Joseph J. Corn, "Work and Vehicles: A Comment and Note," in The Car and the City: The Automobile, the Built Environment, and Daily Urban Life, ed. Martin Wachs and Margaret Crawford (Ann Arbor, Mich., 1992), 25-34. See also Douglas Harper, Working Knowledge: Skill and Community in a Small Shop (Chicago, 1987), an insightful sociological study of a modern Saab mechanic in upstate New York, and James J. Flink, America Adopts the Automobile, 1895-1910 (Cambridge, Mass., 1970), 216-31. A lack of traditional sources goes a long way toward explaining the dearth of historical writing on the automobile maintenance and repair industry in particular and on small business in general. See Mansel G. Blackford, "Small Business in America: A Historiographic Survey," Business History Review 65 (1991): 1-26.
3. Historians have not only overlooked the chauffeur problem, they have largely overlooked the whole automobile maintenance and repair industry. Two notable exceptions are Stephen L. McIntyre, "'The Repairman Will Gyp You': Mechanics, Managers, and Customers in the Automobile Repair Industry, 1896-1940," (Ph.D. diss. University of Missouri - Columbia, 1995), and Joseph J. Corn, "Work and Vehicles: A Comment and Note," in The Car and the City: The Automobile, the Built Environment, and Daily Urban Life, ed. Martin Wachs and Margaret Crawford (Ann Arbor, Mich., 1992), 25-34. See also Douglas Harper, Working Knowledge: Skill and Community in a Small Shop (Chicago, 1987), an insightful sociological study of a modern Saab mechanic in upstate New York, and James J. Flink, America Adopts the Automobile, 1895-1910 (Cambridge, Mass., 1970), 216-31. A lack of traditional sources goes a long way toward explaining the dearth of historical writing on the automobile maintenance and repair industry in particular and on small business in general. See Mansel G. Blackford, "Small Business in America: A Historiographic Survey," Business History Review 65 (1991): 1-26.
4. Historians have not only overlooked the chauffeur problem, they have largely overlooked the whole automobile maintenance and repair industry. Two notable exceptions are Stephen L. McIntyre, "'The Repairman Will Gyp You': Mechanics, Managers, and Customers in the Automobile Repair Industry, 1896-1940," (Ph.D. diss. University of Missouri - Columbia, 1995), and Joseph J. Corn, "Work and Vehicles: A Comment and Note," in The Car and the City: The Automobile, the Built Environment, and Daily Urban Life, ed. Martin Wachs and Margaret Crawford (Ann Arbor, Mich., 1992), 25-34. See also Douglas Harper, Working Knowledge: Skill and Community in a Small Shop (Chicago, 1987), an insightful sociological study of a modern Saab mechanic in upstate New York, and James J. Flink, America Adopts the Automobile, 1895-1910 (Cambridge, Mass., 1970), 216-31. A lack of traditional sources goes a long way toward explaining the dearth of historical writing on the automobile maintenance and repair industry in particular and on small business in general. See Mansel G. Blackford, "Small Business in America: A Historiographic Survey," Business History Review 65 (1991): 1-26.
5. Historians have not only overlooked the chauffeur problem, they have largely overlooked the whole automobile maintenance and repair industry. Two notable exceptions are Stephen L. McIntyre, "'The Repairman Will Gyp You': Mechanics, Managers, and Customers in the Automobile Repair Industry, 1896-1940," (Ph.D. diss. University of Missouri - Columbia, 1995), and Joseph J. Corn, "Work and Vehicles: A Comment and Note," in The Car and the City: The Automobile, the Built Environment, and Daily Urban Life, ed. Martin Wachs and Margaret Crawford (Ann Arbor, Mich., 1992), 25-34. See also Douglas Harper, Working Knowledge: Skill and Community in a Small Shop (Chicago, 1987), an insightful sociological study of a modern Saab mechanic in upstate New York, and James J. Flink, America Adopts the Automobile, 1895-1910 (Cambridge, Mass., 1970), 216-31. A lack of traditional sources goes a long way toward explaining the dearth of historical writing on the automobile maintenance and repair industry in particular and on small business in general. See Mansel G. Blackford, "Small Business in America: A Historiographic Survey," Business History Review 65 (1991): 1-26.
6. Historians have not only overlooked the chauffeur problem, they have largely overlooked the whole automobile maintenance and repair industry. Two notable exceptions are Stephen L. McIntyre, "'The Repairman Will Gyp You': Mechanics, Managers, and Customers in the Automobile Repair Industry, 1896-1940," (Ph.D. diss. University of Missouri - Columbia, 1995), and Joseph J. Corn, "Work and Vehicles: A Comment and Note," in The Car and the City: The Automobile, the Built Environment, and Daily Urban Life, ed. Martin Wachs and Margaret Crawford (Ann Arbor, Mich., 1992), 25-34. See also Douglas Harper, Working Knowledge: Skill and Community in a Small Shop (Chicago, 1987), an insightful sociological study of a modern Saab mechanic in upstate New York, and James J. Flink, America Adopts the Automobile, 1895-1910 (Cambridge, Mass., 1970), 216-31. A lack of traditional sources goes a long way toward explaining the dearth of historical writing on the automobile maintenance and repair industry in particular and on small business in general. See Mansel G. Blackford, "Small Business in America: A Historiographic Survey," Business History Review 65 (1991): 1-26.
7. Gordon Marshall, ed., The Concise Oxford Dictionary of Sociology (Oxford and New York, 1994). Of Anthony Giddens's many works The Constitution of Society: Outline of the Theory of Structuration (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1984) provides the best overview of structuration theory, but see also Central Problems in Social Theory: Action, Structure and Contradiction in Social Analysis (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1979) and Philip Cassell, ed., The Giddens Reader (Stanford, 1993). Two useful and inspiring commentaries on Giddens's work are William H. Sewell Jr., "A Theory of Structure: Duality, Agency, and Transformation," American Journal of Sociology 98 (1992): 1-29, and JoAnne Yates, "Using Structuration Theory to Inform Business History," Business and Economic History 26 (1997): 159-83. Philip Scranton has been a persistent advocate for the use of structuration theory as an aid to interpreting the "embedded processes of continuity and change" faced by historians of technology; see Philip Scranton, "Giddens' Structuration Theory and Research on Technical Change" (paper presented at the Oxford Conference on Technological Change, Wadham College, Oxford, September 1993). A series of in-depth commentaries and criticisms of specific aspects of Giddens's social theory can be found in Jon Clark, Celia Modgil, and Sohan Modgil, eds., Anthony Giddens: Consensus and Controversy (London, New York, and Philadelphia, 1990). For essays that place structuration in larger contexts, see Stephen L. Collins and James Hoopes, "Anthony Giddens and Charles Sanders Peirce: History, Theory, and a Way Out of the Linguistic Cul-de-Sac," Journal of the History of Ideas 56 (1995): 625-50, and David Jary and Julia Jary, "The Transformations of Anthony Giddens - The Continuing Story of Structuration Theory," Theory, Culture and Society 12 (1995): 141-60.
8. Gordon Marshall, ed., The Concise Oxford Dictionary of Sociology (Oxford and New York, 1994). Of Anthony Giddens's many works The Constitution of Society: Outline of the Theory of Structuration (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1984) provides the best overview of structuration theory, but see also Central Problems in Social Theory: Action, Structure and Contradiction in Social Analysis (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1979) and Philip Cassell, ed., The Giddens Reader (Stanford, 1993). Two useful and inspiring commentaries on Giddens's work are William H. Sewell Jr., "A Theory of Structure: Duality, Agency, and Transformation," American Journal of Sociology 98 (1992): 1-29, and JoAnne Yates, "Using Structuration Theory to Inform Business History," Business and Economic History 26 (1997): 159-83. Philip Scranton has been a persistent advocate for the use of structuration theory as an aid to interpreting the "embedded processes of continuity and change" faced by historians of technology; see Philip Scranton, "Giddens' Structuration Theory and Research on Technical Change" (paper presented at the Oxford Conference on Technological Change, Wadham College, Oxford, September 1993). A series of in-depth commentaries and criticisms of specific aspects of Giddens's social theory can be found in Jon Clark, Celia Modgil, and Sohan Modgil, eds., Anthony Giddens: Consensus and Controversy (London, New York, and Philadelphia, 1990). For essays that place structuration in larger contexts, see Stephen L. Collins and James Hoopes, "Anthony Giddens and Charles Sanders Peirce: History, Theory, and a Way Out of the Linguistic Cul-de-Sac," Journal of the History of Ideas 56 (1995): 625-50, and David Jary and Julia Jary, "The Transformations of Anthony Giddens - The Continuing Story of Structuration Theory," Theory, Culture and Society 12 (1995): 141-60.
9. Gordon Marshall, ed., The Concise Oxford Dictionary of Sociology (Oxford and New York, 1994). Of Anthony Giddens's many works The Constitution of Society: Outline of the Theory of Structuration (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1984) provides the best overview of structuration theory, but see also Central Problems in Social Theory: Action, Structure and Contradiction in Social Analysis (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1979) and Philip Cassell, ed., The Giddens Reader (Stanford, 1993). Two useful and inspiring commentaries on Giddens's work are William H. Sewell Jr., "A Theory of Structure: Duality, Agency, and Transformation," American Journal of Sociology 98 (1992): 1-29, and JoAnne Yates, "Using Structuration Theory to Inform Business History," Business and Economic History 26 (1997): 159-83. Philip Scranton has been a persistent advocate for the use of structuration theory as an aid to interpreting the "embedded processes of continuity and change" faced by historians of technology; see Philip Scranton, "Giddens' Structuration Theory and Research on Technical Change" (paper presented at the Oxford Conference on Technological Change, Wadham College, Oxford, September 1993). A series of in-depth commentaries and criticisms of specific aspects of Giddens's social theory can be found in Jon Clark, Celia Modgil, and Sohan Modgil, eds., Anthony Giddens: Consensus and Controversy (London, New York, and Philadelphia, 1990). For essays that place structuration in larger contexts, see Stephen L. Collins and James Hoopes, "Anthony Giddens and Charles Sanders Peirce: History, Theory, and a Way Out of the Linguistic Cul-de-Sac," Journal of the History of Ideas 56 (1995): 625-50, and David Jary and Julia Jary, "The Transformations of Anthony Giddens - The Continuing Story of Structuration Theory," Theory, Culture and Society 12 (1995): 141-60.
10. Gordon Marshall, ed., The Concise Oxford Dictionary of Sociology (Oxford and New York, 1994). Of Anthony Giddens's many works The Constitution of Society: Outline of the Theory of Structuration (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1984) provides the best overview of structuration theory, but see also Central Problems in Social Theory: Action, Structure and Contradiction in Social Analysis (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1979) and Philip Cassell, ed., The Giddens Reader (Stanford, 1993). Two useful and inspiring commentaries on Giddens's work are William H. Sewell Jr., "A Theory of Structure: Duality, Agency, and Transformation," American Journal of Sociology 98 (1992): 1-29, and JoAnne Yates, "Using Structuration Theory to Inform Business History," Business and Economic History 26 (1997): 159-83. Philip Scranton has been a persistent advocate for the use of structuration theory as an aid to interpreting the "embedded processes of continuity and change" faced by historians of technology; see Philip Scranton, "Giddens' Structuration Theory and Research on Technical Change" (paper presented at the Oxford Conference on Technological Change, Wadham College, Oxford, September 1993). A series of in-depth commentaries and criticisms of specific aspects of Giddens's social theory can be found in Jon Clark, Celia Modgil, and Sohan Modgil, eds., Anthony Giddens: Consensus and Controversy (London, New York, and Philadelphia, 1990). For essays that place structuration in larger contexts, see Stephen L. Collins and James Hoopes, "Anthony Giddens and Charles Sanders Peirce: History, Theory, and a Way Out of the Linguistic Cul-de-Sac," Journal of the History of Ideas 56 (1995): 625-50, and David Jary and Julia Jary, "The Transformations of Anthony Giddens - The Continuing Story of Structuration Theory," Theory, Culture and Society 12 (1995): 141-60.
11. Gordon Marshall, ed., The Concise Oxford Dictionary of Sociology (Oxford and New York, 1994). Of Anthony Giddens's many works The Constitution of Society: Outline of the Theory of Structuration (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1984) provides the best overview of structuration theory, but see also Central Problems in Social Theory: Action, Structure and Contradiction in Social Analysis (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1979) and Philip Cassell, ed., The Giddens Reader (Stanford, 1993). Two useful and inspiring commentaries on Giddens's work are William H. Sewell Jr., "A Theory of Structure: Duality, Agency, and Transformation," American Journal of Sociology 98 (1992): 1-29, and JoAnne Yates, "Using Structuration Theory to Inform Business History," Business and Economic History 26 (1997): 159-83. Philip Scranton has been a persistent advocate for the use of structuration theory as an aid to interpreting the "embedded processes of continuity and change" faced by historians of technology; see Philip Scranton, "Giddens' Structuration Theory and Research on Technical Change" (paper presented at the Oxford Conference on Technological Change, Wadham College, Oxford, September 1993). A series of in-depth commentaries and criticisms of specific aspects of Giddens's social theory can be found in Jon Clark, Celia Modgil, and Sohan Modgil, eds., Anthony Giddens: Consensus and Controversy (London, New York, and Philadelphia, 1990). For essays that place structuration in larger contexts, see Stephen L. Collins and James Hoopes, "Anthony Giddens and Charles Sanders Peirce: History, Theory, and a Way Out of the Linguistic Cul-de-Sac," Journal of the History of Ideas 56 (1995): 625-50, and David Jary and Julia Jary, "The Transformations of Anthony Giddens - The Continuing Story of Structuration Theory," Theory, Culture and Society 12 (1995): 141-60.
12. Gordon Marshall, ed., The Concise Oxford Dictionary of Sociology (Oxford and New York, 1994). Of Anthony Giddens's many works The Constitution of Society: Outline of the Theory of Structuration (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1984) provides the best overview of structuration theory, but see also Central Problems in Social Theory: Action, Structure and Contradiction in Social Analysis (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1979) and Philip Cassell, ed., The Giddens Reader (Stanford, 1993). Two useful and inspiring commentaries on Giddens's work are William H. Sewell Jr., "A Theory of Structure: Duality, Agency, and Transformation," American Journal of Sociology 98 (1992): 1-29, and JoAnne Yates, "Using Structuration Theory to Inform Business History," Business and Economic History 26 (1997): 159-83. Philip Scranton has been a persistent advocate for the use of structuration theory as an aid to interpreting the "embedded processes of continuity and change" faced by historians of technology; see Philip Scranton, "Giddens' Structuration Theory and Research on Technical Change" (paper presented at the Oxford Conference on Technological Change, Wadham College, Oxford, September 1993). A series of in-depth commentaries and criticisms of specific aspects of Giddens's social theory can be found in Jon Clark, Celia Modgil, and Sohan Modgil, eds., Anthony Giddens: Consensus and Controversy (London, New York, and Philadelphia, 1990). For essays that place structuration in larger contexts, see Stephen L. Collins and James Hoopes, "Anthony Giddens and Charles Sanders Peirce: History, Theory, and a Way Out of the Linguistic Cul-de-Sac," Journal of the History of Ideas 56 (1995): 625-50, and David Jary and Julia Jary, "The Transformations of Anthony Giddens - The Continuing Story of Structuration Theory," Theory, Culture and Society 12 (1995): 141-60.
13. Gordon Marshall, ed., The Concise Oxford Dictionary of Sociology (Oxford and New York, 1994). Of Anthony Giddens's many works The Constitution of Society: Outline of the Theory of Structuration (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1984) provides the best overview of structuration theory, but see also Central Problems in Social Theory: Action, Structure and Contradiction in Social Analysis (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1979) and Philip Cassell, ed., The Giddens Reader (Stanford, 1993). Two useful and inspiring commentaries on Giddens's work are William H. Sewell Jr., "A Theory of Structure: Duality, Agency, and Transformation," American Journal of Sociology 98 (1992): 1-29, and JoAnne Yates, "Using Structuration Theory to Inform Business History," Business and Economic History 26 (1997): 159-83. Philip Scranton has been a persistent advocate for the use of structuration theory as an aid to interpreting the "embedded processes of continuity and change" faced by historians of technology; see Philip Scranton, "Giddens' Structuration Theory and Research on Technical Change" (paper presented at the Oxford Conference on Technological Change, Wadham College, Oxford, September 1993). A series of in-depth commentaries and criticisms of specific aspects of Giddens's social theory can be found in Jon Clark, Celia Modgil, and Sohan Modgil, eds., Anthony Giddens: Consensus and Controversy (London, New York, and Philadelphia, 1990). For essays that place structuration in larger contexts, see Stephen L. Collins and James Hoopes, "Anthony Giddens and Charles Sanders Peirce: History, Theory, and a Way Out of the Linguistic Cul-de-Sac," Journal of the History of Ideas 56 (1995): 625-50, and David Jary and Julia Jary, "The Transformations of Anthony Giddens - The Continuing Story of Structuration Theory," Theory, Culture and Society 12 (1995): 141-60.
14. Gordon Marshall, ed., The Concise Oxford Dictionary of Sociology (Oxford and New York, 1994). Of Anthony Giddens's many works The Constitution of Society: Outline of the Theory of Structuration (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1984) provides the best overview of structuration theory, but see also Central Problems in Social Theory: Action, Structure and Contradiction in Social Analysis (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1979) and Philip Cassell, ed., The Giddens Reader (Stanford, 1993). Two useful and inspiring commentaries on Giddens's work are William H. Sewell Jr., "A Theory of Structure: Duality, Agency, and Transformation," American Journal of Sociology 98 (1992): 1-29, and JoAnne Yates, "Using Structuration Theory to Inform Business History," Business and Economic History 26 (1997): 159-83. Philip Scranton has been a persistent advocate for the use of structuration theory as an aid to interpreting the "embedded processes of continuity and change" faced by historians of technology; see Philip Scranton, "Giddens' Structuration Theory and Research on Technical Change" (paper presented at the Oxford Conference on Technological Change, Wadham College, Oxford, September 1993). A series of in-depth commentaries and criticisms of specific aspects of Giddens's social theory can be found in Jon Clark, Celia Modgil, and Sohan Modgil, eds., Anthony Giddens: Consensus and Controversy (London, New York, and Philadelphia, 1990). For essays that place structuration in larger contexts, see Stephen L. Collins and James Hoopes, "Anthony Giddens and Charles Sanders Peirce: History, Theory, and a Way Out of the Linguistic Cul-de-Sac," Journal of the History of Ideas 56 (1995): 625-50, and David Jary and Julia Jary, "The Transformations of Anthony Giddens - The Continuing Story of Structuration Theory," Theory, Culture and Society 12 (1995): 141-60.
15. Gordon Marshall, ed., The Concise Oxford Dictionary of Sociology (Oxford and New York, 1994). Of Anthony Giddens's many works The Constitution of Society: Outline of the Theory of Structuration (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1984) provides the best overview of structuration theory, but see also Central Problems in Social Theory: Action, Structure and Contradiction in Social Analysis (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1979) and Philip Cassell, ed., The Giddens Reader (Stanford, 1993). Two useful and inspiring commentaries on Giddens's work are William H. Sewell Jr., "A Theory of Structure: Duality, Agency, and Transformation," American Journal of Sociology 98 (1992): 1-29, and JoAnne Yates, "Using Structuration Theory to Inform Business History," Business and Economic History 26 (1997): 159-83. Philip Scranton has been a persistent advocate for the use of structuration theory as an aid to interpreting the "embedded processes of continuity and change" faced by historians of technology; see Philip Scranton, "Giddens' Structuration Theory and Research on Technical Change" (paper presented at the Oxford Conference on Technological Change, Wadham College, Oxford, September 1993). A series of in-depth commentaries and criticisms of specific aspects of Giddens's social theory can be found in Jon Clark, Celia Modgil, and Sohan Modgil, eds., Anthony Giddens: Consensus and Controversy (London, New York, and Philadelphia, 1990). For essays that place structuration in larger contexts, see Stephen L. Collins and James Hoopes, "Anthony Giddens and Charles Sanders Peirce: History, Theory, and a Way Out of the Linguistic Cul-de-Sac," Journal of the History of Ideas 56 (1995): 625-50, and David Jary and Julia Jary, "The Transformations of Anthony Giddens - The Continuing Story of Structuration Theory," Theory, Culture and Society 12 (1995): 141-60.
16. Gordon Marshall, ed., The Concise Oxford Dictionary of Sociology (Oxford and New York, 1994). Of Anthony Giddens's many works The Constitution of Society: Outline of the Theory of Structuration (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1984) provides the best overview of structuration theory, but see also Central Problems in Social Theory: Action, Structure and Contradiction in Social Analysis (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1979) and Philip Cassell, ed., The Giddens Reader (Stanford, 1993). Two useful and inspiring commentaries on Giddens's work are William H. Sewell Jr., "A Theory of Structure: Duality, Agency, and Transformation," American Journal of Sociology 98 (1992): 1-29, and JoAnne Yates, "Using Structuration Theory to Inform Business History," Business and Economic History 26 (1997): 159-83. Philip Scranton has been a persistent advocate for the use of structuration theory as an aid to interpreting the "embedded processes of continuity and change" faced by historians of technology; see Philip Scranton, "Giddens' Structuration Theory and Research on Technical Change" (paper presented at the Oxford Conference on Technological Change, Wadham College, Oxford, September 1993). A series of in-depth commentaries and criticisms of specific aspects of Giddens's social theory can be found in Jon Clark, Celia Modgil, and Sohan Modgil, eds., Anthony Giddens: Consensus and Controversy (London, New York, and Philadelphia, 1990). For essays that place structuration in larger contexts, see Stephen L. Collins and James Hoopes, "Anthony Giddens and Charles Sanders Peirce: History, Theory, and a Way Out of the Linguistic Cul-de-Sac," Journal of the History of Ideas 56 (1995): 625-50, and David Jary and Julia Jary, "The Transformations of Anthony Giddens - The Continuing Story of Structuration Theory," Theory, Culture and Society 12 (1995): 141-60.
17. Giddens, The Constitution of Society, 377.
18. Ibid., 25.
19. Put another way, structure is like grammar: if you expect to be understood by others, you must obey the rules of grammar. You cannot make any random, self-pleasing sequence of words and noises and expect to be understood. In this respect the rules of grammar can be constraining and deterministic. Yet they enable us to communicate with and be understood by others. Thus their dual nature: they are both constraining and enabling. Grammars also change over time as people draw on those rules-correctly and incorrectly, consciously and unconsciously - to conduct their routine business. Cumulative errors, omissions, and novelties lead in time to new or changed rules of grammar.
20. Yates, 160-61.
21. Early automobile types ranged from small, inexpensive one- and two-cylinder tube-frame buggies and high-wheeled wooden wagons to heavy, expensive electric vehicles and four-cylinder gasoline and steam-powered touring cars. The chauffeur problem involved almost exclusively the use and care of large, expensive, gasoline- and steampowered touring cars such as the Thomas Flyer, the Peerless, the Pierce Great Arrow, the Packard, and the White Steamer. For a useful typology of early automobiles, which unfortunately disregards electric and steam vehicles, see Peter J. Hugill, "Technology and Geography in the emergence of the American Automobile Industry, 1895-1915," in Roadside America: The Automobile in Design and Culture, ed. Jan Jennings (Ames, Iowa, 1990), 29-39.
22. Americans of the period were, of course, familiar with railroad transportation, but few were familiar with the management and care of railroads in the way that they were familiar with the management and care of horses and horse-drawn vehicles. For a census-based analysis of the development of horse-drawn transportation networks in New York State, and in particular the strong correlation between increasing personal wealth and increasing ownership of private vehicles during the nineteenth century, see Doris Halowitch, "A Ride Into History: The Horse-Drawn Vehicle in Selected New York State Counties, 1800-1920," in Nineteenth-Century American Carriages: Their Manufacture, Decoration and Use (Stony Brook, N.Y., 1987), 66-113.
23. In the interest of brevity, "wealthy Americans" and "wealthy motorists" here include the upper middle class.
24. Quote is from a gentleman's manual on equine care and equipment: Francis M. Ware, Driving (New York, 1903), 154. See also James Garland Jorrocks, [pseud.], The Private Stable: Its Establishment, Management, and Appointments (Boston, 1899), 325-26.
25. Quote is from a gentleman's manual on equine care and equipment: Francis M. Ware, Driving (New York, 1903), 154. See also James Garland Jorrocks, [pseud.], The Private Stable: Its Establishment, Management, and Appointments (Boston, 1899), 325-26.
26. Quote is from Ware, 155-56. On commissions to domestic servants, see Daniel E. Sutherland, Americans and Their Servants: Domestic Service in the United States from 1800 to 1920 (Baton Rouge, La., 1981), 68-69. Writing in the early nineteenth century, G. P. Witson suggested that the practice of servant commissions and "tipping" went back at least a century or more in Anglo-American history; A Letter to the Gentlemen of Great Britain and Ireland on the Rate of Wages They Are Now Paying to Their Men-servants (London, 1823).
27. Quote is from Ware, 155-56. On commissions to domestic servants, see Daniel E. Sutherland, Americans and Their Servants: Domestic Service in the United States from 1800 to 1920 (Baton Rouge, La., 1981), 68-69. Writing in the early nineteenth century, G. P. Witson suggested that the practice of servant commissions and "tipping" went back at least a century or more in Anglo-American history; A Letter to the Gentlemen of Great Britain and Ireland on the Rate of Wages They Are Now Paying to Their Men-servants (London, 1823).
28. Garland, 326.
29. Livery for coachman and groom ideally would be in the family's colors, or in colors that complemented the carriage and equipage. Ware (161-67) describes in some detail the prescribed livery for coachmen, grooms, and footmen in terms of tailoring, color, and material. Garland (313-57) discusses and illustrates proper livery for stable servants in great detail.
30. Garland, 364-65.
31. Giddens, The Constitution of Society (n. 3 above), 21.
32. Giddens, Central Problems in Social Theory, 92, quoted in Sewell (n. 3 above), 9.
33. Sewell, 9.
34. Sewell, 8.
35. Robert Bruce, "The Place of the Automobile," Outing, October 1900, 65. Outing was not an auto industry trade publication but a sport and leisure magazine aimed at upper-middle-class readers.
36. Dyke wrote: "In addition to the special tools usually supplied with a car, the following articles will be found of great use: a small pipe wrench, a pair of gas pipe pliers, a large and small screwdriver, a pair of flat-nosed pliers, a small hammer, a pair of wire cutters, a large jack knife, a flat, a half-round, and three-cornered file, a coil of soft iron, a roll of sticky tape, a cold chisel, a small ball pene [sic] hammer, a monkey wrench and some extra nuts and bolts, a few links of extra chain, including a match link, also extra chain for the pump, including mated link, a piece of asbestos for making gaskets, [t]ire repair tools, [a] good jack, [a] can of cylinder oil, [a] can of grease, [and] extra [spark] plugs." Andrew Lee Dyke and G. P. Dorris, Diseases of the Gasoline Automobile and How to Cure Them (St. Louis, 1903), 179. See also M. D. Blank, "Roadside Repairs and Expedients," Horseless Age, 6 March 1907, 330; "Emergency Kinks," Horseless Age, 20 March 1907, 423; and "Uses of Twine," Horseless Age, 15 January 1908, 63.
37. Dyke wrote: "In addition to the special tools usually supplied with a car, the following articles will be found of great use: a small pipe wrench, a pair of gas pipe pliers, a large and small screwdriver, a pair of flat-nosed pliers, a small hammer, a pair of wire cutters, a large jack knife, a flat, a half-round, and three-cornered file, a coil of soft iron, a roll of sticky tape, a cold chisel, a small ball pene [sic] hammer, a monkey wrench and some extra nuts and bolts, a few links of extra chain, including a match link, also extra chain for the pump, including mated link, a piece of asbestos for making gaskets, [t]ire repair tools, [a] good jack, [a] can of cylinder oil, [a] can of grease, [and] extra [spark] plugs." Andrew Lee Dyke and G. P. Dorris, Diseases of the Gasoline Automobile and How to Cure Them (St. Louis, 1903), 179. See also M. D. Blank, "Roadside Repairs and Expedients," Horseless Age, 6 March 1907, 330; "Emergency Kinks," Horseless Age, 20 March 1907, 423; and "Uses of Twine," Horseless Age, 15 January 1908, 63.
38. Dyke wrote: "In addition to the special tools usually supplied with a car, the following articles will be found of great use: a small pipe wrench, a pair of gas pipe pliers, a large and small screwdriver, a pair of flat-nosed pliers, a small hammer, a pair of wire cutters, a large jack knife, a flat, a half-round, and three-cornered file, a coil of soft iron, a roll of sticky tape, a cold chisel, a small ball pene [sic] hammer, a monkey wrench and some extra nuts and bolts, a few links of extra chain, including a match link, also extra chain for the pump, including mated link, a piece of asbestos for making gaskets, [t]ire repair tools, [a] good jack, [a] can of cylinder oil, [a] can of grease, [and] extra [spark] plugs." Andrew Lee Dyke and G. P. Dorris, Diseases of the Gasoline Automobile and How to Cure Them (St. Louis, 1903), 179. See also M. D. Blank, "Roadside Repairs and Expedients," Horseless Age, 6 March 1907, 330; "Emergency Kinks," Horseless Age, 20 March 1907, 423; and "Uses of Twine," Horseless Age, 15 January 1908, 63.
39. Dyke wrote: "In addition to the special tools usually supplied with a car, the following articles will be found of great use: a small pipe wrench, a pair of gas pipe pliers, a large and small screwdriver, a pair of flat-nosed pliers, a small hammer, a pair of wire cutters, a large jack knife, a flat, a half-round, and three-cornered file, a coil of soft iron, a roll of sticky tape, a cold chisel, a small ball pene [sic] hammer, a monkey wrench and some extra nuts and bolts, a few links of extra chain, including a match link, also extra chain for the pump, including mated link, a piece of asbestos for making gaskets, [t]ire repair tools, [a] good jack, [a] can of cylinder oil, [a] can of grease, [and] extra [spark] plugs." Andrew Lee Dyke and G. P. Dorris, Diseases of the Gasoline Automobile and How to Cure Them (St. Louis, 1903), 179. See also M. D. Blank, "Roadside Repairs and Expedients," Horseless Age, 6 March 1907, 330; "Emergency Kinks," Horseless Age, 20 March 1907, 423; and "Uses of Twine," Horseless Age, 15 January 1908, 63.
40. Outing, September 1900, 703.
41. Instruction Book: Pierce Great Arrow Motor Car (Buffalo, N.Y., 1907), Morris Library, Special Collections, University of Delaware.
42. Electrics were, relatively speaking, maintenance free, but due to their limited power and range they never factored into the chauffeur-driven, touring-car market. This discussion of the maintenance requirements of early motor vehicles is based on W. B. Harsel, "The Chauffeur," Horseless Age, 14 February 1906, 275-76; "How to Grind Valves," Motor World, 15 October 1903, 103; X-Ray, "Reflections of a Repairman," Horseless Age, 10 May 1905, 529; J. A. Kingman, "The Care of the Automobile," Outing, July 1901, 433-36; and Albert L. Clough, "Care and Maintenance of Electric Vehicles," Frank S. Hanchett, "Care and Operation of Automobile Steam Boilers and Engines," and F. E. Watts, "Hints on the Care of a Gasoline Motor," all in Horseless Age, 14 February 1906, 759-68. See also Michael Brian Schiffer, Taking Charge: The Electric Automobile in America (Washington, D.C., and London, 1994).
43. Electrics were, relatively speaking, maintenance free, but due to their limited power and range they never factored into the chauffeur-driven, touring-car market. This discussion of the maintenance requirements of early motor vehicles is based on W. B. Harsel, "The Chauffeur," Horseless Age, 14 February 1906, 275-76; "How to Grind Valves," Motor World, 15 October 1903, 103; X-Ray, "Reflections of a Repairman," Horseless Age, 10 May 1905, 529; J. A. Kingman, "The Care of the Automobile," Outing, July 1901, 433-36; and Albert L. Clough, "Care and Maintenance of Electric Vehicles," Frank S. Hanchett, "Care and Operation of Automobile Steam Boilers and Engines," and F. E. Watts, "Hints on the Care of a Gasoline Motor," all in Horseless Age, 14 February 1906, 759-68. See also Michael Brian Schiffer, Taking Charge: The Electric Automobile in America (Washington, D.C., and London, 1994).
44. Electrics were, relatively speaking, maintenance free, but due to their limited power and range they never factored into the chauffeur-driven, touring-car market. This discussion of the maintenance requirements of early motor vehicles is based on W. B. Harsel, "The Chauffeur," Horseless Age, 14 February 1906, 275-76; "How to Grind Valves," Motor World, 15 October 1903, 103; X-Ray, "Reflections of a Repairman," Horseless Age, 10 May 1905, 529; J. A. Kingman, "The Care of the Automobile," Outing, July 1901, 433-36; and Albert L. Clough, "Care and Maintenance of Electric Vehicles," Frank S. Hanchett, "Care and Operation of Automobile Steam Boilers and Engines," and F. E. Watts, "Hints on the Care of a Gasoline Motor," all in Horseless Age, 14 February 1906, 759-68. See also Michael Brian Schiffer, Taking Charge: The Electric Automobile in America (Washington, D.C., and London, 1994).
45. Electrics were, relatively speaking, maintenance free, but due to their limited power and range they never factored into the chauffeur-driven, touring-car market. This discussion of the maintenance requirements of early motor vehicles is based on W. B. Harsel, "The Chauffeur," Horseless Age, 14 February 1906, 275-76; "How to Grind Valves," Motor World, 15 October 1903, 103; X-Ray, "Reflections of a Repairman," Horseless Age, 10 May 1905, 529; J. A. Kingman, "The Care of the Automobile," Outing, July 1901, 433-36; and Albert L. Clough, "Care and Maintenance of Electric Vehicles," Frank S. Hanchett, "Care and Operation of Automobile Steam Boilers and Engines," and F. E. Watts, "Hints on the Care of a Gasoline Motor," all in Horseless Age, 14 February 1906, 759-68. See also Michael Brian Schiffer, Taking Charge: The Electric Automobile in America (Washington, D.C., and London, 1994).
46. Electrics were, relatively speaking, maintenance free, but due to their limited power and range they never factored into the chauffeur-driven, touring-car market. This discussion of the maintenance requirements of early motor vehicles is based on W. B. Harsel, "The Chauffeur," Horseless Age, 14 February 1906, 275-76; "How to Grind Valves," Motor World, 15 October 1903, 103; X-Ray, "Reflections of a Repairman," Horseless Age, 10 May 1905, 529; J. A. Kingman, "The Care of the Automobile," Outing, July 1901, 433-36; and Albert L. Clough, "Care and Maintenance of Electric Vehicles," Frank S. Hanchett, "Care and Operation of Automobile Steam Boilers and Engines," and F. E. Watts, "Hints on the Care of a Gasoline Motor," all in Horseless Age, 14 February 1906, 759-68. See also Michael Brian Schiffer, Taking Charge: The Electric Automobile in America (Washington, D.C., and London, 1994).
47. Electrics were, relatively speaking, maintenance free, but due to their limited power and range they never factored into the chauffeur-driven, touring-car market. This discussion of the maintenance requirements of early motor vehicles is based on W. B. Harsel, "The Chauffeur," Horseless Age, 14 February 1906, 275-76; "How to Grind Valves," Motor World, 15 October 1903, 103; X-Ray, "Reflections of a Repairman," Horseless Age, 10 May 1905, 529; J. A. Kingman, "The Care of the Automobile," Outing, July 1901, 433-36; and Albert L. Clough, "Care and Maintenance of Electric Vehicles," Frank S. Hanchett, "Care and Operation of Automobile Steam Boilers and Engines," and F. E. Watts, "Hints on the Care of a Gasoline Motor," all in Horseless Age, 14 February 1906, 759-68. See also Michael Brian Schiffer, Taking Charge: The Electric Automobile in America (Washington, D.C., and London, 1994).
48. Electrics were, relatively speaking, maintenance free, but due to their limited power and range they never factored into the chauffeur-driven, touring-car market. This discussion of the maintenance requirements of early motor vehicles is based on W. B. Harsel, "The Chauffeur," Horseless Age, 14 February 1906, 275-76; "How to Grind Valves," Motor World, 15 October 1903, 103; X-Ray, "Reflections of a Repairman," Horseless Age, 10 May 1905, 529; J. A. Kingman, "The Care of the Automobile," Outing, July 1901, 433-36; and Albert L. Clough, "Care and Maintenance of Electric Vehicles," Frank S. Hanchett, "Care and Operation of Automobile Steam Boilers and Engines," and F. E. Watts, "Hints on the Care of a Gasoline Motor," all in Horseless Age, 14 February 1906, 759-68. See also Michael Brian Schiffer, Taking Charge: The Electric Automobile in America (Washington, D.C., and London, 1994).
49. Electrics were, relatively speaking, maintenance free, but due to their limited power and range they never factored into the chauffeur-driven, touring-car market. This discussion of the maintenance requirements of early motor vehicles is based on W. B. Harsel, "The Chauffeur," Horseless Age, 14 February 1906, 275-76; "How to Grind Valves," Motor World, 15 October 1903, 103; X-Ray, "Reflections of a Repairman," Horseless Age, 10 May 1905, 529; J. A. Kingman, "The Care of the Automobile," Outing, July 1901, 433-36; and Albert L. Clough, "Care and Maintenance of Electric Vehicles," Frank S. Hanchett, "Care and Operation of Automobile Steam Boilers and Engines," and F. E. Watts, "Hints on the Care of a Gasoline Motor," all in Horseless Age, 14 February 1906, 759-68. See also Michael Brian Schiffer, Taking Charge: The Electric Automobile in America (Washington, D.C., and London, 1994).
50. "Repairs Are Difficult," Horseless Age, 21 August 1901, 441.
51. "Cost of a Chauffeur," Automobile Dealer and Repairer, March 1906, 31; "Clothes for Master and Man," Automobile Magazine, March 1902, 234-35; "The Competent Chauffeur," Automobile Dealer and Repairer, April 1906, 71.
52. "Cost of a Chauffeur," Automobile Dealer and Repairer, March 1906, 31; "Clothes for Master and Man," Automobile Magazine, March 1902, 234-35; "The Competent Chauffeur," Automobile Dealer and Repairer, April 1906, 71.
53. "Cost of a Chauffeur," Automobile Dealer and Repairer, March 1906, 31; "Clothes for Master and Man," Automobile Magazine, March 1902, 234-35; "The Competent Chauffeur," Automobile Dealer and Repairer, April 1906, 71.
54. John Staudenmaier has called on historians and sociologists of technology to pay more attention to "those forms of cognition by which people relate to technologies in non-purposeful and non-explicit fashion." This transposing of schemas by wealthy motorists is a small example of the how structuration theory can help sensitize researchers to significant yet nonexplicit ways actors relate to technology. See Staudenmaier, "Problematic Stimulation: Historians and Sociologists Constructing Technology Studies" Research in Philosophy and Technology 15 (1995): 93-102, and Giddens's discussion of routinization and motivation in The Constitution of Society (n. 3 above), 60-64.
55. John Staudenmaier has called on historians and sociologists of technology to pay more attention to "those forms of cognition by which people relate to technologies in non-purposeful and non-explicit fashion." This transposing of schemas by wealthy motorists is a small example of the how structuration theory can help sensitize researchers to significant yet nonexplicit ways actors relate to technology. See Staudenmaier, "Problematic Stimulation: Historians and Sociologists Constructing Technology Studies" Research in Philosophy and Technology 15 (1995): 93-102, and Giddens's discussion of routinization and motivation in The Constitution of Society (n. 3 above), 60-64.
56. The physical geography of urban transportation might also be considered a material component of the existing structure that took on new significance after the introduction of the automobile. The unsupervised worksites of public garages, city streets, and downtown theater districts contributed the free space within which the new technology could be used as a power-granting resource.
57. "Chauffeur Problem Solving Itself," 65.
58. Andrew Carnegie, Mrs. Russell Sage, and E. D. Morgan are mentioned as society notables whose coachmen were retrained as chauffeurs at either New York's West Side YMCA or the New York School of Automobile Engineers on West 56th Street. However, a Locomobile representative observed that the best students at the company's school for chauffeurs "are recruited from the ranks of machinists, repairmen, or assemblers. . . . It is, of course, possible to make a good chauffeur out of a man who has not had mechanical training, but it takes very much more time to do it." See "School for Chauffeurs" and "Where They Teach All About Autos."
59. "Coachmen and Chauffeurs," Automobile Dealer and Repairer, July 1906, 172.
60. Nicholas Papayanis, The Coachmen of Nineteenth-Century Paris: Service Workers and Class Consciousness (Baton Rouge, 1993), 191-206; "College for Chauffeurs: Practical Work Done at Locomobile Factory," Motor World, 7 Julyl 1904, 548; "School for Chauffeurs: Locomobile's Experiment Panning Out Well," Motor World, 20 October 1904, 144; "Where They Teach All About Autos," New York Times, 8 September 1907; "Coachmen Becoming Chauffeurs," Motor World, 10 June 1909, 422; and "Chauffeur Problem Solving Itself" Motor World, 28 June 1906, 165.
61. Nicholas Papayanis, The Coachmen of Nineteenth-Century Paris: Service Workers and Class Consciousness (Baton Rouge, 1993), 191-206; "College for Chauffeurs: Practical Work Done at Locomobile Factory," Motor World, 7 Julyl 1904, 548; "School for Chauffeurs: Locomobile's Experiment Panning Out Well," Motor World, 20 October 1904, 144; "Where They Teach All About Autos," New York Times, 8 September 1907; "Coachmen Becoming Chauffeurs," Motor World, 10 June 1909, 422; and "Chauffeur Problem Solving Itself" Motor World, 28 June 1906, 165.
62. Nicholas Papayanis, The Coachmen of Nineteenth-Century Paris: Service Workers and Class Consciousness (Baton Rouge, 1993), 191-206; "College for Chauffeurs: Practical Work Done at Locomobile Factory," Motor World, 7 Julyl 1904, 548; "School for Chauffeurs: Locomobile's Experiment Panning Out Well," Motor World, 20 October 1904, 144; "Where They Teach All About Autos," New York Times, 8 September 1907; "Coachmen Becoming Chauffeurs," Motor World, 10 June 1909, 422; and "Chauffeur Problem Solving Itself" Motor World, 28 June 1906, 165.
63. Nicholas Papayanis, The Coachmen of Nineteenth-Century Paris: Service Workers and Class Consciousness (Baton Rouge, 1993), 191-206; "College for Chauffeurs: Practical Work Done at Locomobile Factory," Motor World, 7 Julyl 1904, 548; "School for Chauffeurs: Locomobile's Experiment Panning Out Well," Motor World, 20 October 1904, 144; "Where They Teach All About Autos," New York Times, 8 September 1907; "Coachmen Becoming Chauffeurs," Motor World, 10 June 1909, 422; and "Chauffeur Problem Solving Itself" Motor World, 28 June 1906, 165.
64. Nicholas Papayanis, The Coachmen of Nineteenth-Century Paris: Service Workers and Class Consciousness (Baton Rouge, 1993), 191-206; "College for Chauffeurs: Practical Work Done at Locomobile Factory," Motor World, 7 Julyl 1904, 548; "School for Chauffeurs: Locomobile's Experiment Panning Out Well," Motor World, 20 October 1904, 144; "Where They Teach All About Autos," New York Times, 8 September 1907; "Coachmen Becoming Chauffeurs," Motor World, 10 June 1909, 422; and "Chauffeur Problem Solving Itself" Motor World, 28 June 1906, 165.
65. Nicholas Papayanis, The Coachmen of Nineteenth-Century Paris: Service Workers and Class Consciousness (Baton Rouge, 1993), 191-206; "College for Chauffeurs: Practical Work Done at Locomobile Factory," Motor World, 7 Julyl 1904, 548; "School for Chauffeurs: Locomobile's Experiment Panning Out Well," Motor World, 20 October 1904, 144; "Where They Teach All About Autos," New York Times, 8 September 1907; "Coachmen Becoming Chauffeurs," Motor World, 10 June 1909, 422; and "Chauffeur Problem Solving Itself" Motor World, 28 June 1906, 165.
66. The 25,171 coachmen listed in the 1910 United States census were exclusively male, were older than chauffeurs, and were more likely to be foreign born or black than were chauffeurs. Hostlers and stable hands were as likely to be black as chauffeurs, but much more likely to be first generation immigrants. Male domestic and personal servants were also much more likely to be foreign born than were chauffeurs. The age and nativity/race profiles of streetcar conductors were very similar to those of chauffeurs, with conductors being just slightly older, and less likely to be black than either chauffeurs or the local male workforce. See Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, Thirteenth Census of the United States Taken in the Year 1910, vol. 4, Population, 1910: Occupation Statistics (Washington, D.C., 1914), 152-53, 181, 414-15, 430-31, 540, 545, 572, 575-78, 589.
67. "Confessions and Criticisms of a Chauffeur," Motor World, 10 January 1907, 111. Some chauffeurs also seem to have been paid well: from $70 to $130 per month for "machinist-operators," and $6,000 per year in one reported case. See "Two Kinds of Chauffeurs," Motor World, 2 June 1904, 359; "The Chauffeur and His Pay," Motor World, 2 June 1904, 370; and "Chauffeur's Pay $6000, Mr. Morris Tells Y.M.C.A.," New York Times, 2 November 1905.
68. "Confessions and Criticisms of a Chauffeur," Motor World, 10 January 1907, 111. Some chauffeurs also seem to have been paid well: from $70 to $130 per month for "machinist-operators," and $6,000 per year in one reported case. See "Two Kinds of Chauffeurs," Motor World, 2 June 1904, 359; "The Chauffeur and His Pay," Motor World, 2 June 1904, 370; and "Chauffeur's Pay $6000, Mr. Morris Tells Y.M.C.A.," New York Times, 2 November 1905.
69. "Confessions and Criticisms of a Chauffeur," Motor World, 10 January 1907, 111. Some chauffeurs also seem to have been paid well: from $70 to $130 per month for "machinist-operators," and $6,000 per year in one reported case. See "Two Kinds of Chauffeurs," Motor World, 2 June 1904, 359; "The Chauffeur and His Pay," Motor World, 2 June 1904, 370; and "Chauffeur's Pay $6000, Mr. Morris Tells Y.M.C.A.," New York Times, 2 November 1905.
70. "Confessions and Criticisms of a Chauffeur," Motor World, 10 January 1907, 111. Some chauffeurs also seem to have been paid well: from $70 to $130 per month for "machinist-operators," and $6,000 per year in one reported case. See "Two Kinds of Chauffeurs," Motor World, 2 June 1904, 359; "The Chauffeur and His Pay," Motor World, 2 June 1904, 370; and "Chauffeur's Pay $6000, Mr. Morris Tells Y.M.C.A.," New York Times, 2 November 1905.
71. "Chauffeurs vs. Coachmen," Automobile Magazine, September 1901, 809.
72. See "Chauffeurs Lord it Over Their Employers" (n. 1 above); "The Chauffeur's Duties," Automobile Dealer and Repairer, April 1906, 72; and "Chauffeurs Rebel," Automobile Dealer and Repairer, February 1911, 54.
73. See "Chauffeurs Lord it Over Their Employers" (n. 1 above); "The Chauffeur's Duties," Automobile Dealer and Repairer, April 1906, 72; and "Chauffeurs Rebel," Automobile Dealer and Repairer, February 1911, 54.
74. See "Chauffeurs Lord it Over Their Employers" (n. 1 above); "The Chauffeur's Duties," Automobile Dealer and Repairer, April 1906, 72; and "Chauffeurs Rebel," Automobile Dealer and Repairer, February 1911, 54.
75. In 1907 the owners of the elegant Mount Washington Hotel in the White Mountains of New Hampshire renovated a nearby farmhouse to serve as a hundred-room hotel - separate from the servants quarters - for chauffeurs. It is now designated a National Historic Landmark and is open for guests year-round under the name "The Bretton Arms." See Bryant Tolles, The Grand Resort Hotels of the White Mountains: A Vanishing Architectural Legacy (Boston, 1997), 227. See also "Chauffeur's Status: Hotel-keepers Wish to Know Where to Place Them During the Meal Hour," Motor World, 25 June 1903, 492; "Chauffeur on Chauffeur Status," Motor World, 13 February 1908, 868c-868d.
76. In 1907 the owners of the elegant Mount Washington Hotel in the White Mountains of New Hampshire renovated a nearby farmhouse to serve as a hundred-room hotel - separate from the servants quarters - for chauffeurs. It is now designated a National Historic Landmark and is open for guests year-round under the name "The Bretton Arms." See Bryant Tolles, The Grand Resort Hotels of the White Mountains: A Vanishing Architectural Legacy (Boston, 1997), 227. See also "Chauffeur's Status: Hotel-keepers Wish to Know Where to Place Them During the Meal Hour," Motor World, 25 June 1903, 492; "Chauffeur on Chauffeur Status," Motor World, 13 February 1908, 868c-868d.
77. In 1907 the owners of the elegant Mount Washington Hotel in the White Mountains of New Hampshire renovated a nearby farmhouse to serve as a hundred-room hotel - separate from the servants quarters - for chauffeurs. It is now designated a National Historic Landmark and is open for guests year-round under the name "The Bretton Arms." See Bryant Tolles, The Grand Resort Hotels of the White Mountains: A Vanishing Architectural Legacy (Boston, 1997), 227. See also "Chauffeur's Status: Hotel-keepers Wish to Know Where to Place Them During the Meal Hour," Motor World, 25 June 1903, 492; "Chauffeur on Chauffeur Status," Motor World, 13 February 1908, 868c-868d.
78. The first three chapters of Paul C. Wilson, Chrome Dreams: Automobile Styling Since 1893 (Radnor, Pa., 1976), provide a good discussion of the design influences on the open-body automobile and the transition to closed-body design. Descriptions and floor plans of three different examples of private garages - one a converted horse stable - can be found in "The Private Garage," Horseless Age, 4 December 1907, 799-800. For a discussion of the architectural evolution of private garages see Leslie G. Goat, "Housing the Horseless Carriage: America's Early Private Garages," in Perspectives in Vernacular Architecture, vol. 3, ed. Thomas Carter and Bernard L. Herman (Columbia, Mo., 1989), 63-72.
79. The first three chapters of Paul C. Wilson, Chrome Dreams: Automobile Styling Since 1893 (Radnor, Pa., 1976), provide a good discussion of the design influences on the open-body automobile and the transition to closed-body design. Descriptions and floor plans of three different examples of private garages - one a converted horse stable - can be found in "The Private Garage," Horseless Age, 4 December 1907, 799-800. For a discussion of the architectural evolution of private garages see Leslie G. Goat, "Housing the Horseless Carriage: America's Early Private Garages," in Perspectives in Vernacular Architecture, vol. 3, ed. Thomas Carter and Bernard L. Herman (Columbia, Mo., 1989), 63-72.
80. The first three chapters of Paul C. Wilson, Chrome Dreams: Automobile Styling Since 1893 (Radnor, Pa., 1976), provide a good discussion of the design influences on the open-body automobile and the transition to closed-body design. Descriptions and floor plans of three different examples of private garages - one a converted horse stable - can be found in "The Private Garage," Horseless Age, 4 December 1907, 799-800. For a discussion of the architectural evolution of private garages see Leslie G. Goat, "Housing the Horseless Carriage: America's Early Private Garages," in Perspectives in Vernacular Architecture, vol. 3, ed. Thomas Carter and Bernard L. Herman (Columbia, Mo., 1989), 63-72.
81. James J. Flink, "Three Stages of American Automobile Consciousness," American Quarterly 24 (1972): 456. The questions of how much gasoline could be safely stored, in what kinds of containers, and in what types of buildings were subjects of debate in municipalities and state courts throughout the first decade of the twentieth century. In New York City, garage ordinances were handled by the Municipal Explosives Commission. For a taste of this debate from the garage interests' point of view, see the editorial "Storing Gasoline in Frame Garages," Horseless Age, 30 May 1906, 758; "New York Garage Regulations," Horseless Age, 20 June 1906, 938; and "Proposed New York Garage Regulations Bring Storm of Protest," Horseless Age, 19 June 1911, 103. The fear of fires associated with automobile fuels led to strict fire codes and regulations concerning the construction and location of automobile garages. Two major reasons cited for why motorists used such garages were the high insurance rates for storing a car in a private stable and "the impossibility of securing permission to keep about the premises an adequate supply of gasoline in existing private structures." See "The Growth of the Garage Business," Horseless Age, 26 April 1905, 477.
82. James J. Flink, "Three Stages of American Automobile Consciousness," American Quarterly 24 (1972): 456. The questions of how much gasoline could be safely stored, in what kinds of containers, and in what
83. James J. Flink, "Three Stages of American Automobile Consciousness," American Quarterly 24 (1972): 456. The questions of how much gasoline could be safely stored, in what kinds of containers, and in what types of buildings were subjects of debate in municipalities and state courts throughout the first decade of the twentieth century. In New York City, garage ordinances were handled by the Municipal Explosives Commission. For a taste of this debate from the garage interests' point of view, see the editorial "Storing Gasoline in Frame Garages," Horseless Age, 30 May 1906, 758; "New York Garage Regulations," Horseless Age, 20 June 1906, 938; and "Proposed New York Garage Regulations Bring Storm of Protest," Horseless Age, 19 June 1911, 103. The fear of fires associated with automobile fuels led to strict fire codes and regulations concerning the construction and location of automobile garages. Two major reasons cited for why motorists used such garages were the high insurance rates for storing a car in a private stable and "the impossibility of securing permission to keep about the premises an adequate supply of gasoline in existing private structures." See "The Growth of the Garage Business," Horseless Age, 26 April 1905, 477.
84. James J. Flink, "Three Stages of American Automobile Consciousness," American Quarterly 24 (1972): 456. The questions of how much gasoline could be safely stored, in what kinds of containers, and in what types of buildings were subjects of debate in municipalities and state courts throughout the first decade of the twentieth century. In New York City, garage ordinances were handled by the Municipal Explosives Commission. For a taste of this debate from the garage interests' point of view, see the editorial "Storing Gasoline in Frame Garages," Horseless Age, 30 May 1906, 758; "New York Garage Regulations," Horseless Age, 20 June 1906, 938; and "Proposed New York Garage Regulations Bring Storm of Protest," Horseless Age, 19 June 1911, 103. The fear of fires associated with automobile fuels led to strict fire codes and regulations concerning the construction and location of automobile garages. Two major reasons cited for why motorists used such garages were the high insurance rates for storing a car in a private stable and "the impossibility of securing permission to keep about the premises an adequate supply of gasoline in existing private structures." See "The Growth of the Garage Business," Horseless Age, 26 April 1905, 477.
85. James J. Flink, "Three Stages of American Automobile Consciousness," American Quarterly 24 (1972): 456. The questions of how much gasoline could be safely stored, in what kinds of containers, and in what types of buildings were subjects of debate in municipalities and state courts throughout the first decade of the twentieth century. In New York City, garage ordinances were handled by the Municipal Explosives Commission. For a taste of this debate from the garage interests' point of view, see the editorial "Storing Gasoline in Frame Garages," Horseless Age, 30 May 1906, 758; "New York Garage Regulations," Horseless Age, 20 June 1906, 938; and "Proposed New York Garage Regulations Bring Storm of Protest," Horseless Age, 19 June 1911, 103. The fear of fires associated with automobile fuels led to strict fire codes and regulations concerning the construction and location of automobile garages. Two major reasons cited for why motorists used such garages were the high insurance rates for storing a car in a private stable and "the impossibility of securing permission to keep about the premises an adequate supply of gasoline in existing private structures." See "The Growth of the Garage Business," Horseless Age, 26 April 1905, 477.
86. See "Typical American Garages: The New York Decauville Garage," Horseless Age, 30 May 1906, 781-83; "The Eureka Auto Station, New York," Horseless Age, 21 April 1909, 512-22.
87. See "Typical American Garages: The New York Decauville Garage," Horseless Age, 30 May 1906, 781-83; "The Eureka Auto Station, New York," Horseless Age, 21 April 1909, 512-22.
88. See "Garages - Scarcity Noted in New York City," New York Times, 27 November 1905; "The Chauffeur: A Problem of the Day," Motor World, 12 March 1903, 905, 909-11; "Striking at Graft," Motor World, 28 December 1905, 689; "Confessions and Criticisms of a Chauffeur," Motor World, 10 January 1907, 111-12; "Plain Talk," Garage, December 1910, 5; R. E. Former, "The Lamentable Status of the Garage Business," Horseless Age, 6 February 1907, 201-2; X-Ray, "Comment on Trade Topics," Horseless Age, 3 May 1905, 508-9, and "Why Some Sales Are Not Made," pt. 2, Horseless Age, 7 August 1907, 172-73.
89. See "Garages - Scarcity Noted in New York City," New York Times, 27 November 1905; "The Chauffeur: A Problem of the Day," Motor World, 12 March 1903, 905, 909-11; "Striking at Graft," Motor World, 28 December 1905, 689; "Confessions and Criticisms of a Chauffeur," Motor World, 10 January 1907, 111-12; "Plain Talk," Garage, December 1910, 5; R. E. Former, "The Lamentable Status of the Garage Business," Horseless Age, 6 February 1907, 201-2; X-Ray, "Comment on Trade Topics," Horseless Age, 3 May 1905, 508-9, and "Why Some Sales Are Not Made," pt. 2, Horseless Age, 7 August 1907, 172-73.
90. See "Garages - Scarcity Noted in New York City," New York Times, 27 November 1905; "The Chauffeur: A Problem of the Day," Motor World, 12 March 1903, 905, 909-11; "Striking at Graft," Motor World, 28 December 1905, 689; "Confessions and Criticisms of a Chauffeur," Motor World, 10 January 1907, 111-12; "Plain Talk," Garage, December 1910, 5; R. E. Former, "The Lamentable Status of the Garage Business," Horseless Age, 6 February 1907, 201-2; X-Ray, "Comment on Trade Topics," Horseless Age, 3 May 1905, 508-9, and "Why Some Sales Are Not Made," pt. 2, Horseless Age, 7 August 1907, 172-73.
91. See "Garages - Scarcity Noted in New York City," New York Times, 27 November 1905; "The Chauffeur: A Problem of the Day," Motor World, 12 March 1903, 905, 909-11; "Striking at Graft," Motor World, 28 December 1905, 689; "Confessions and Criticisms of a Chauffeur," Motor World, 10 January 1907, 111-12; "Plain Talk," Garage, December 1910, 5; R. E. Former, "The Lamentable Status of the Garage Business," Horseless Age, 6 February 1907, 201-2; X-Ray, "Comment on Trade Topics," Horseless Age, 3 May 1905, 508-9, and "Why Some Sales Are Not Made," pt. 2, Horseless Age, 7 August 1907, 172-73.
92. See "Garages - Scarcity Noted in New York City," New York Times, 27 November 1905; "The Chauffeur: A Problem of the Day," Motor World, 12 March 1903, 905, 909-11; "Striking at Graft," Motor World, 28 December 1905, 689; "Confessions and Criticisms of a Chauffeur," Motor World, 10 January 1907, 111-12; "Plain Talk," Garage, December 1910, 5; R. E. Former, "The Lamentable Status of the Garage Business," Horseless Age, 6 February 1907, 201-2; X-Ray, "Comment on Trade Topics," Horseless Age, 3 May 1905, 508-9, and "Why Some Sales Are Not Made," pt. 2, Horseless Age, 7 August 1907, 172-73.
93. See "Garages - Scarcity Noted in New York City," New York Times, 27 November 1905; "The Chauffeur: A Problem of the Day," Motor World, 12 March 1903, 905, 909-11; "Striking at Graft," Motor World, 28 December 1905, 689; "Confessions and Criticisms of a Chauffeur," Motor World, 10 January 1907, 111-12; "Plain Talk," Garage, December 1910, 5; R. E. Former, "The Lamentable Status of the Garage Business," Horseless Age, 6 February 1907, 201-2; X-Ray, "Comment on Trade Topics," Horseless Age, 3 May 1905, 508-9, and "Why Some Sales Are Not Made," pt. 2, Horseless Age, 7 August 1907, 172-73.
94. See "Garages - Scarcity Noted in New York City," New York Times, 27 November 1905; "The Chauffeur: A Problem of the Day," Motor World, 12 March 1903, 905, 909-11; "Striking at Graft," Motor World, 28 December 1905, 689; "Confessions and Criticisms of a Chauffeur," Motor World, 10 January 1907, 111-12; "Plain Talk," Garage, December 1910, 5; R. E. Former, "The Lamentable Status of the Garage Business," Horseless Age, 6 February 1907, 201-2; X-Ray, "Comment on Trade Topics," Horseless Age, 3 May 1905, 508-9, and "Why Some Sales Are Not Made," pt. 2, Horseless Age, 7 August 1907, 172-73.
95. See "Garages - Scarcity Noted in New York City," New York Times, 27 November 1905; "The Chauffeur: A Problem of the Day," Motor World, 12 March 1903, 905, 909-11; "Striking at Graft," Motor World, 28 December 1905, 689; "Confessions and Criticisms of a Chauffeur," Motor World, 10 January 1907, 111-12; "Plain Talk," Garage, December 1910, 5; R. E. Former, "The Lamentable Status of the Garage Business," Horseless Age, 6 February 1907, 201-2; X-Ray, "Comment on Trade Topics," Horseless Age, 3 May 1905, 508-9, and "Why Some Sales Are Not Made," pt. 2, Horseless Age, 7 August 1907, 172-73.
96. "Dealers and Clubmen Meet: They Discuss Chauffeurs and Commissions, and Bring Out Some Interesting Information," Motor World, 16 March 1905, 1214. For other mentions of the connection between coachmen's commissions and chauffeurs' commissions, see "The Chauffeur: A Problem of the Day," Motor World, 12 March 1903, 909; "Graft Evils in New York," Automobile Dealer and Repairer, April 1906, 54-55; and "Kicking Over the Old Man," Motor Age, 17 April 1913, 5-9.
97. "Dealers and Clubmen Meet: They Discuss Chauffeurs and Commissions, and Bring Out Some Interesting Information," Motor World, 16 March 1905, 1214. For other mentions of the connection between coachmen's commissions and chauffeurs' commissions, see "The Chauffeur: A Problem of the Day," Motor World, 12 March 1903, 909; "Graft Evils in New York," Automobile Dealer and Repairer, April 1906, 54-55; and "Kicking Over the Old Man," Motor Age, 17 April 1913, 5-9.
98. "Dealers and Clubmen Meet: They Discuss Chauffeurs and Commissions, and Bring Out Some Interesting Information," Motor World, 16 March 1905, 1214. For other mentions of the connection between coachmen's commissions and chauffeurs' commissions, see "The Chauffeur: A Problem of the Day," Motor World, 12 March 1903, 909; "Graft Evils in New York," Automobile Dealer and Repairer, April 1906, 54-55; and "Kicking Over the Old Man," Motor Age, 17 April 1913, 5-9.
99. "Dealers and Clubmen Meet: They Discuss Chauffeurs and Commissions, and Bring Out Some Interesting Information," Motor World, 16 March 1905, 1214. For other mentions of the connection between coachmen's commissions and chauffeurs' commissions, see "The Chauffeur: A Problem of the Day," Motor World, 12 March 1903, 909; "Graft Evils in New York," Automobile Dealer and Repairer, April 1906, 54-55; and "Kicking Over the Old Man," Motor Age, 17 April 1913, 5-9.
100. "The Chauffeur Problem," Motor World, 24 November 1904, 342; "Light on Chauffeur's Ways," Motor World, 8 December 1904, 427-28. For contemporary press accounts of accidents attributed to chauffeur joyriding, see "Use without Permission," Automobile Dealer and Repairer, May 1906, 112-13; "Drink-Maddened Chauffeur Cause of Auto Crash," The Press (Philadelphia), 8 October 1904; "$10,000 Auto Wrecked: Chauffeur's Party Hurt," New York Times 4 March 1905; "Bowery Crash at Dawn," New York Times 18 June 1905; and "Joy Riders Wreck Toll Man's Home," Philadelphia Inquirer, 28 April 1909. Some newspaper editors seem to have been eager to publish lurid accounts of auto accidents not just for the obvious sensationalist reasons. Those favorable to motoring interests may also have published reports of reckless chauffeurs in an attempt to direct public and legislative attention away from the recklessness of wealthy motorists who drove their own vehicles. For example, see the Philadelphia Inquirer editorial holding up auto owners as law-abiding citizens and reviling chauffeurs as reckless rogues who should be arrested and given "the full limit of the law"; Philadelphia Inquirer, 10 April 1909. This editorial bias also permeates the press accounts cited above.
101. "The Chauffeur Problem," Motor World, 24 November 1904, 342; "Light on Chauffeur's Ways," Motor World, 8 December 1904, 427-28. For contemporary press accounts of accidents attributed to chauffeur joyriding, see "Use without Permission," Automobile Dealer and Repairer, May 1906, 112-13; "Drink-Maddened Chauffeur Cause of Auto Crash," The Press (Philadelphia), 8 October 1904; "$10,000 Auto Wrecked: Chauffeur's Party Hurt," New York Times 4 March 1905; "Bowery Crash at Dawn," New York Times 18 June 1905; and "Joy Riders Wreck Toll Man's Home," Philadelphia Inquirer, 28 April 1909. Some newspaper editors seem to have been eager to publish lurid accounts of auto accidents not just for the obvious sensationalist reasons. Those favorable to motoring interests may also have published reports of reckless chauffeurs in an attempt to direct public and legislative attention away from the recklessness of wealthy motorists who drove their own vehicles. For example, see the Philadelphia Inquirer editorial holding up auto owners as law-abiding citizens and reviling chauffeurs as reckless rogues who should be arrested and given "the full limit of the law"; Philadelphia Inquirer, 10 April 1909. This editorial bias also permeates the press accounts cited above.
102. "The Chauffeur Problem," Motor World, 24 November 1904, 342; "Light on Chauffeur's Ways," Motor World, 8 December 1904, 427-28. For contemporary press accounts of accidents attributed to chauffeur joyriding, see "Use without Permission," Automobile Dealer and Repairer, May 1906, 112-13; "Drink-Maddened Chauffeur Cause of Auto Crash," The Press (Philadelphia), 8 October 1904; "$10,000 Auto Wrecked: Chauffeur's Party Hurt," New York Times 4 March 1905; "Bowery Crash at Dawn," New York Times 18 June 1905; and "Joy Riders Wreck Toll Man's Home," Philadelphia Inquirer, 28 April 1909. Some newspaper editors seem to have been eager to publish lurid accounts of auto accidents not just for the obvious sensationalist reasons. Those favorable to motoring interests may also have published reports of reckless chauffeurs in an attempt to direct public and legislative attention away from the recklessness of wealthy motorists who drove their own vehicles. For example, see the Philadelphia Inquirer editorial holding up auto owners as law-abiding citizens and reviling chauffeurs as reckless rogues who should be arrested and given "the full limit of the law"; Philadelphia Inquirer, 10 April 1909. This editorial bias also permeates the press accounts cited above.
103. "The Chauffeur Problem," Motor World, 24 November 1904, 342; "Light on Chauffeur's Ways," Motor World, 8 December 1904, 427-28. For contemporary press accounts of accidents attributed to chauffeur joyriding, see "Use without Permission," Automobile Dealer and Repairer, May 1906, 112-13; "Drink-Maddened Chauffeur Cause of Auto Crash," The Press (Philadelphia), 8 October 1904; "$10,000 Auto Wrecked: Chauffeur's Party Hurt," New York Times 4 March 1905; "Bowery Crash at Dawn," New York Times 18 June 1905; and "Joy Riders Wreck Toll Man's Home," Philadelphia Inquirer, 28 April 1909. Some newspaper editors seem to have been eager to publish lurid accounts of auto accidents not just for the obvious sensationalist reasons. Those favorable to motoring interests may also have published reports of reckless chauffeurs in an attempt to direct public and legislative attention away from the recklessness of wealthy motorists who drove their own vehicles. For example, see the Philadelphia Inquirer editorial holding up auto owners as law-abiding citizens and reviling chauffeurs as reckless rogues who should be arrested and given "the full limit of the law"; Philadelphia Inquirer, 10 April 1909. This editorial bias also permeates the press accounts cited above.
104. "The Chauffeur Problem," Motor World, 24 November 1904, 342; "Light on Chauffeur's Ways," Motor World, 8 December 1904, 427-28. For contemporary press accounts of accidents attributed to chauffeur joyriding, see "Use without Permission," Automobile Dealer and Repairer, May 1906, 112-13; "Drink-Maddened Chauffeur Cause of Auto Crash," The Press (Philadelphia), 8 October 1904; "$10,000 Auto Wrecked: Chauffeur's Party Hurt," New York Times 4 March 1905; "Bowery Crash at Dawn," New York Times 18 June 1905; and "Joy Riders Wreck Toll Man's Home," Philadelphia Inquirer, 28 April 1909. Some newspaper editors seem to have been eager to publish lurid accounts of auto accidents not just for the obvious sensationalist reasons. Those favorable to motoring interests may also have published reports of reckless chauffeurs in an attempt to direct public and legislative attention away from the recklessness of wealthy motorists who drove their own vehicles. For example, see the Philadelphia Inquirer editorial holding up auto owners as law-abiding citizens and reviling chauffeurs as reckless rogues who should be arrested and given "the full limit of the law"; Philadelphia Inquirer, 10 April 1909. This editorial bias also permeates the press accounts cited above.
105. "The Chauffeur Problem," Motor World, 24 November 1904, 342; "Light on Chauffeur's Ways," Motor World, 8 December 1904, 427-28. For contemporary press accounts of accidents attributed to chauffeur joyriding, see "Use without Permission," Automobile Dealer and Repairer, May 1906, 112-13; "Drink-Maddened Chauffeur Cause of Auto Crash," The Press (Philadelphia), 8 October 1904; "$10,000 Auto Wrecked: Chauffeur's Party Hurt," New York Times 4 March 1905; "Bowery Crash at Dawn," New York Times 18 June 1905; and "Joy Riders Wreck Toll Man's Home," Philadelphia Inquirer, 28 April 1909. Some newspaper editors seem to have been eager to publish lurid accounts of auto accidents not just for the obvious sensationalist reasons. Those favorable to motoring interests may also have published reports of reckless chauffeurs in an attempt to direct public and legislative attention away from the recklessness of wealthy motorists who drove their own vehicles. For example, see the Philadelphia Inquirer editorial holding up auto owners as law-abiding citizens and reviling chauffeurs as reckless rogues who should be arrested and given "the full limit of the law"; Philadelphia Inquirer, 10 April 1909. This editorial bias also permeates the press accounts cited above.
106. "The Chauffeur Problem," Motor World, 24 November 1904, 342; "Light on Chauffeur's Ways," Motor World, 8 December 1904, 427-28. For contemporary press accounts of accidents attributed to chauffeur joyriding, see "Use without Permission," Automobile Dealer and Repairer, May 1906, 112-13; "Drink-Maddened Chauffeur Cause of Auto Crash," The Press (Philadelphia), 8 October 1904; "$10,000 Auto Wrecked: Chauffeur's Party Hurt," New York Times 4 March 1905; "Bowery Crash at Dawn," New York Times 18 June 1905; and "Joy Riders Wreck Toll Man's Home," Philadelphia Inquirer, 28 April 1909. Some newspaper editors seem to have been eager to publish lurid accounts of auto accidents not just for the obvious sensationalist reasons. Those favorable to motoring interests may also have published reports of reckless chauffeurs in an attempt to direct public and legislative attention away from the recklessness of wealthy motorists who drove their own vehicles. For example, see the Philadelphia Inquirer editorial holding up auto owners as law-abiding citizens and reviling chauffeurs as reckless rogues who should be arrested and given "the full limit of the law"; Philadelphia Inquirer, 10 April 1909. This editorial bias also permeates the press accounts cited above.
107. "The Chauffeur Problem," Motor World, 24 November 1904, 342; "Light on Chauffeur's Ways," Motor World, 8 December 1904, 427-28. For contemporary press accounts of accidents attributed to chauffeur joyriding, see "Use without Permission," Automobile Dealer and Repairer, May 1906, 112-13; "Drink-Maddened Chauffeur Cause of Auto Crash," The Press (Philadelphia), 8 October 1904; "$10,000 Auto Wrecked: Chauffeur's Party Hurt," New York Times 4 March 1905; "Bowery Crash at Dawn," New York Times 18 June 1905; and "Joy Riders Wreck Toll Man's Home," Philadelphia Inquirer, 28 April 1909. Some newspaper editors seem to have been eager to publish lurid accounts of auto accidents not just for the obvious sensationalist reasons. Those favorable to motoring interests may also have published reports of reckless chauffeurs in an attempt to direct public and legislative attention away from the recklessness of wealthy motorists who drove their own vehicles. For example, see the Philadelphia Inquirer editorial holding up auto owners as law-abiding citizens and reviling chauffeurs as reckless rogues who should be arrested and given "the full limit of the law"; Philadelphia Inquirer, 10 April 1909. This editorial bias also permeates the press accounts cited above.
108. Yates (n. 3 above), 164.
109. Stephen R. Barley and Pamela S. Tolbert, "Institutionalization and Structuration: Studying the Links Between Action and Institution," Organization Studies 18 (1997): 93-117, quote at 102.
110. The March 1909 report of the Law and Ordinance Committee of the Philadelphia Automobile Club credits committee chairman S. Boyer Davis, also chairman of the Legislative Committee of the Pennsylvania Motor Federation, with preparing the bill presented to the Pennsylvania legislature by representative Harrison Townsend that eventually became the motor vehicle law of 1909. The club's January 1910 newsletter boasted that "The new Pennsylvania State law was brought into being largely through the work of this club. . . ." (Thanks to the closure of part of the State Library of Pennsylvania containing records of the floor debates on proposed legislation, I was unable to confirm the origin and intent of the various sections of the 1909 law.) For the auto club's account of the legislation see Philadelphia Automobile Club Monthly Bulletin, March 1909, 11; and "1910 Retrospect and Forecast," Monthly Bulletin, January 1910, 2. Quote is from Laws of the General Assembly of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, Session of 1909 (Harrisburg, Pa., 1909), 272.
111. The March 1909 report of the Law and Ordinance Committee of the Philadelphia Automobile Club credits committee chairman S. Boyer Davis, also chairman of the Legislative Committee of the Pennsylvania Motor Federation, with preparing the bill presented to the Pennsylvania legislature by representative Harrison Townsend that eventually became the motor vehicle law of 1909. The club's January 1910 newsletter boasted that "The new Pennsylvania State law was brought into being largely through the work of this club. . . ." (Thanks to the closure of part of the State Library of Pennsylvania containing records of the floor debates on proposed legislation, I was unable to confirm the origin and intent of the various sections of the 1909 law.) For the auto club's account of the legislation see Philadelphia Automobile Club Monthly Bulletin, March 1909, 11; and "1910 Retrospect and Forecast," Monthly Bulletin, January 1910, 2. Quote is from Laws of the General Assembly of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, Session of 1909 (Harrisburg, Pa., 1909), 272.
112. The March 1909 report of the Law and Ordinance Committee of the Philadelphia Automobile Club credits committee chairman S. Boyer Davis, also chairman of the Legislative Committee of the Pennsylvania Motor Federation, with preparing the bill presented to the Pennsylvania legislature by representative Harrison Townsend that eventually became the motor vehicle law of 1909. The club's January 1910 newsletter boasted that "The new Pennsylvania State law was brought into being largely through the work of this club. . . ." (Thanks to the closure of part of the State Library of Pennsylvania containing records of the floor debates on proposed legislation, I was unable to confirm the origin and intent of the various sections of the 1909 law.) For the auto club's account of the legislation see Philadelphia Automobile Club Monthly Bulletin, March 1909, 11; and "1910 Retrospect and Forecast," Monthly Bulletin, January 1910, 2. Quote is from Laws of the General Assembly of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, Session of 1909 (Harrisburg, Pa., 1909), 272.
113. See Lotz v. Hanlon, 217 Pennsylvania Supreme Court 339 (1907), Durham v. Struass, 38 Pennsylvania Superior Court 620 (1909), and Curran v. Lorch, 243 Pennsylvania Supreme Court 247 (1913).
114. On the Kansas case, see "A Kansas Precedent," Garage, December 1910, 2-3. On the New York case, see "Garage Responsible for Auto Wreck," New York Times, 27 December 1908, and "A Blow at 'Joy Rides'," New York Times, 24 March 1909. See also the editorial debate between Motor World and Horseless Age over the merits of making garage owners liable for joyriding: "Another Blow at the Garageman," Horseless Age, 20 December 1911, 917, and "Not a Blow at the Honest Garageman," Motor World, 28 December 1911, 33.
115. On the Kansas case, see "A Kansas Precedent," Garage, December 1910, 2-3. On the New York case, see "Garage Responsible for Auto Wreck," New York Times, 27 December 1908, and "A Blow at 'Joy Rides'," New York Times, 24 March 1909. See also the editorial debate between Motor World and Horseless Age over the merits of making garage owners liable for joyriding: "Another Blow at the Garageman," Horseless Age, 20 December 1911, 917, and "Not a Blow at the Honest Garageman," Motor World, 28 December 1911, 33.
116. On the Kansas case, see "A Kansas Precedent," Garage, December 1910, 2-3. On the New York case, see "Garage Responsible for Auto Wreck," New York Times, 27 December 1908, and "A Blow at 'Joy Rides'," New York Times, 24 March 1909. See also the editorial debate between Motor World and Horseless Age over the merits of making garage owners liable for joyriding: "Another Blow at the Garageman," Horseless Age, 20 December 1911, 917, and "Not a Blow at the Honest Garageman," Motor World, 28 December 1911, 33.
117. On the Kansas case, see "A Kansas Precedent," Garage, December 1910, 2-3. On the New York case, see "Garage Responsible for Auto Wreck," New York Times, 27 December 1908, and "A Blow at 'Joy Rides'," New York Times, 24 March 1909. See also the editorial debate between Motor World and Horseless Age over the merits of making garage owners liable for joyriding: "Another Blow at the Garageman," Horseless Age, 20 December 1911, 917, and "Not a Blow at the Honest Garageman," Motor World, 28 December 1911, 33.
118. On the Kansas case, see "A Kansas Precedent," Garage, December 1910, 2-3. On the New York case, see "Garage Responsible for Auto Wreck," New York Times, 27 December 1908, and "A Blow at 'Joy Rides'," New York Times, 24 March 1909. See also the editorial debate between Motor World and Horseless Age over the merits of making garage owners liable for joyriding: "Another Blow at the Garageman," Horseless Age, 20 December 1911, 917, and "Not a Blow at the Honest Garageman," Motor World, 28 December 1911, 33.
119. Neither car owners nor their friends and relatives needed to be licensed to drive in the state. This aspect of the 1909 act was definitively decided in Commonwealth v. Cooper, 19 Pennsylvania District Reports 271 (1910).
120. Laws of the General Assembly, 1909, 267. The various legislative and legal actions taken by wealthy motorists can be viewed as typical Progressive-era reforms in that wealthy motorists worked through their state houses and courts to construct legal boundaries where older, social boundaries had failed. Robert Wiebe describes Progressive reformers as being, in part, financially comfortable urban dwellers compensating for the loss of older, face-to-face community and social ties by embracing regulation, bureaucratization, and professionalization. Arthur Link and Richard McCormick state that one of the motivations for progressives was "the desire of native-born Americans to use social institutions and the law to restrain and direct the unruly masses, many of whom were foreign-born or black." Restricting the actions of chauffeurs was a rather minor expression of coercive Progressivism, larger manifestations of which include Jim Crow laws in the South, temperance laws, and immigration restriction, but urban motorists' reactions to the chauffeur problem should be viewed in this context. See Robert H. Wiebe, The Search for Order, 1877-1920 (New York, 1967), and Arthur S. Link and Richard L. McCormick, Progressivism (Arlington Heights, Ill., 1983), 67-73, 96-104.
121. Laws of the General Assembly, 1909, 267. The various legislative and legal actions taken by wealthy motorists can be viewed as typical Progressive-era reforms in that wealthy motorists worked through their state houses and courts to construct legal boundaries where older, social boundaries had failed. Robert Wiebe describes Progressive reformers as being, in part, financially comfortable urban dwellers compensating for the loss of older, face-to-face community and social ties by embracing regulation, bureaucratization, and professionalization. Arthur Link and Richard McCormick state that one of the motivations for progressives was "the desire of native-born Americans to use social institutions and the law to restrain and direct the unruly masses, many of whom were foreign-born or black." Restricting the actions of chauffeurs was a rather minor expression of coercive Progressivism, larger manifestations of which include Jim Crow laws in the South, temperance laws, and immigration restriction, but urban motorists' reactions to the chauffeur problem should be viewed in this context. See Robert H. Wiebe, The Search for Order, 1877-1920 (New York, 1967), and Arthur S. Link and Richard L. McCormick, Progressivism (Arlington Heights, Ill., 1983), 67-73, 96-104.
122. Laws of the General Assembly, 1909, 267. The various legislative and legal actions taken by wealthy motorists can be viewed as typical Progressive-era reforms in that wealthy motorists worked through their state houses and courts to construct legal boundaries where older, social boundaries had failed. Robert Wiebe describes Progressive reformers as being, in part, financially comfortable urban dwellers compensating for the loss of older, face-to-face community and social ties by embracing regulation, bureaucratization, and professionalization. Arthur Link and Richard McCormick state that one of the motivations for progressives was "the desire of native-born Americans to use social institutions and the law to restrain and direct the unruly masses, many of whom were foreign-born or black." Restricting the actions of chauffeurs was a rather minor expression of coercive Progressivism, larger manifestations of which include Jim Crow laws in the South, temperance laws, and immigration restriction, but urban motorists' reactions to the chauffeur problem should be viewed in this context. See Robert H. Wiebe, The Search for Order, 1877-1920 (New York, 1967), and Arthur S. Link and Richard L. McCormick, Progressivism (Arlington Heights, Ill., 1983), 67-73, 96-104.
123. West Side Young Men's Christian Association, Automobile School for Owners, Prospective Owners and Chauffeurs, brochure, 1904, National Museum of American History, Transportation Collection, Vertical Files - Automobiles - Schools.
124. A description of the Boston YMCA course offerings appears in "School for Motorists: Boston Y.M.C.A. Plans Elaborate Scheme of Lectures and Classes-The Details," Motor World, 29 October 1903, 170. A photograph of students working in the garage of "The Y.M.C.A. Chauffeur School" in New York appears in the Sunday pictorial section of the New York Times, 5 November 1905. See also "Y.M.C.A. Opens School for Drivers," New York Times, 10 November 1904, and "School of Automobile Instruction at West Side Y.M.C.A." New York Times, 23 January 1910. Regarding the thousand-dollar gift from the ACA, see the minutes of the education committee, YMCA West Side Branch, for 12 March 1904, YMCA of Greater New York Archives.
125. A description of the Boston YMCA course offerings appears in "School for Motorists: Boston Y.M.C.A. Plans Elaborate Scheme of Lectures and Classes-The Details," Motor World, 29 October 1903, 170. A photograph of students working in the garage of "The Y.M.C.A. Chauffeur School" in New York appears in the Sunday pictorial section of the New York Times, 5 November 1905. See also "Y.M.C.A. Opens School for Drivers," New York Times, 10 November 1904, and "School of Automobile Instruction at West Side Y.M.C.A." New York Times, 23 January 1910. Regarding the thousand-dollar gift from the ACA, see the minutes of the education committee, YMCA West Side Branch, for 12 March 1904, YMCA of Greater New York Archives.
126. A description of the Boston YMCA course offerings appears in "School for Motorists: Boston Y.M.C.A. Plans Elaborate Scheme of Lectures and Classes-The Details," Motor World, 29 October 1903, 170. A photograph of students working in the garage of "The Y.M.C.A. Chauffeur School" in New York appears in the Sunday pictorial section of the New York Times, 5 November 1905. See also "Y.M.C.A. Opens School for Drivers," New York Times, 10 November 1904, and "School of Automobile Instruction at West Side Y.M.C.A." New York Times, 23 January 1910. Regarding the thousand-dollar gift from the ACA, see the minutes of the education committee, YMCA West Side Branch, for 12 March 1904, YMCA of Greater New York Archives.
127. A description of the Boston YMCA course offerings appears in "School for Motorists: Boston Y.M.C.A. Plans Elaborate Scheme of Lectures and Classes-The Details," Motor World, 29 October 1903, 170. A photograph of students working in the garage of "The Y.M.C.A. Chauffeur School" in New York appears in the Sunday pictorial section of the New York Times, 5 November 1905. See also "Y.M.C.A. Opens School for Drivers," New York Times, 10 November 1904, and "School of Automobile Instruction at West Side Y.M.C.A." New York Times, 23 January 1910. Regarding the thousand-dollar gift from the ACA, see the minutes of the education committee, YMCA West Side Branch, for 12 March 1904, YMCA of Greater New York Archives.
128. See the 1904 YMCA Auto School brochure and a classified ad placed by the YMCA Employment Bureau in Automobile Dealer and Repairer, April 1906, 78. This involvement of the YMCA is, again, typical of the reform efforts of social progressives of the time. Progressive educators offered solutions "for almost every social problem of the early twentieth century." See "'Y' Chauffeurs Always Get Jobs . . . Student Drivers Feared as a Menace to the Policy of Time-Honored Graft," New York Times, 27 February 1907, and Link and McCormick, 90-92.
129. See the 1904 YMCA Auto School brochure and a classified ad placed by the YMCA Employment Bureau in Automobile Dealer and Repairer, April 1906, 78. This involvement of the YMCA is, again, typical of the reform efforts of social progressives of the time. Progressive educators offered solutions "for almost every social problem of the early twentieth century." See "'Y' Chauffeurs Always Get Jobs . . . Student Drivers Feared as a Menace to the Policy of Time-Honored Graft," New York Times, 27 February 1907, and Link and McCormick, 90-92.
130. For comparative enrollment and revenue figures, see the minutes of the education committee, YMCA West Side Branch, from 10 December 1905, 15 January 1906, 7 May 1906, and 5 November 1906, in the YMCA of Greater New York Archives. For a cumulative tally by year of the auto school enrollment, see education committee minutes of 10 March 1916. Training chauffeurs and educating motorists about the new technology was a growth industry from the middle of the decade through World War I, and numerous private auto schools joined the YMCA in offering automobile courses. For a description of the courses offered at the New York School of Automobile Engineering, see "A Typical Institution for Training Automobile Drivers," Horseless Age, 13 January 1909, 39. On the Stewart Automobile School, see "School Turns Out Real Chauffeurs" Automobile, 17 June 1909, 1005. On the Portland Auto School, see Portland Auto School: Most Practical School in New England, brochure, 1907, Warshaw Collection of Business Americana, Automobile Industry, box 20, folder 18, National Museum of American History Archives Center. See also letters from the Boston Auto School and from C. A. Coey's School of Motoring, both in the Warshaw Collection.
131. For comparative enrollment and revenue figures, see the minutes of the education committee, YMCA West Side Branch, from 10 December 1905, 15 January 1906, 7 May 1906, and 5 November 1906, in the YMCA of Greater New York Archives. For a cumulative tally by year of the auto school enrollment, see education committee minutes of 10 March 1916. Training chauffeurs and educating motorists about the new technology was a growth industry from the middle of the decade through World War I, and numerous private auto schools joined the YMCA in offering automobile courses. For a description of the courses offered at the New York School of Automobile Engineering, see "A Typical Institution for Training Automobile Drivers," Horseless Age, 13 January 1909, 39. On the Stewart Automobile School, see "School Turns Out Real Chauffeurs" Automobile, 17 June 1909, 1005. On the Portland Auto School, see Portland Auto School: Most Practical School in New England, brochure, 1907, Warshaw Collection of Business Americana, Automobile Industry, box 20, folder 18, National Museum of American History Archives Center. See also letters from the Boston Auto School and from C. A. Coey's School of Motoring, both in the Warshaw Collection.
132. For comparative enrollment and revenue figures, see the minutes of the education committee, YMCA West Side Branch, from 10 December 1905, 15 January 1906, 7 May 1906, and 5 November 1906, in the YMCA of Greater New York Archives. For a cumulative tally by year of the auto school enrollment, see education committee minutes of 10 March 1916. Training chauffeurs and educating motorists about the new technology was a growth industry from the middle of the decade through World War I, and numerous private auto schools joined the YMCA in offering automobile courses. For a description of the courses offered at the New York School of Automobile Engineering, see "A Typical Institution for Training Automobile Drivers," Horseless Age, 13 January 1909, 39. On the Stewart Automobile School, see "School Turns Out Real Chauffeurs" Automobile, 17 June 1909, 1005. On the Portland Auto School, see Portland Auto School: Most Practical School in New England, brochure, 1907, Warshaw Collection of Business Americana, Automobile Industry, box 20, folder 18, National Museum of American History Archives Center. See also letters from the Boston Auto School and from C. A. Coey's School of Motoring, both in the Warshaw Collection.
133. "How We Got a Chauffeur," Automobile Dealer and Repairer, August 1906, 217.
134. The anticommission rhetoric of garage owners, while evident earlier, took on new clarity and stridency late in the course of the chauffeur problem. The heightened rhetoric closely followed the implementation of bureaucratic surveillance systems, described below, and therefore seems aimed at enrolling car owners' support for those systems. This late-period rhetoric provides some of the clearest formulations of garage owners' dissatisfaction with the chauffeur commission system and of their self-perception as being caught between unscrupulous chauffeurs and ignorant or unconcerned car owners. See "The Real Remedy," Garage, November 1910, 2; "Owner vs. Owner," Garage, December 1910, 2; "One Cause of 'Chauffeur Evils': Garageman Contends 'Aloofness' of the Car Owners Unfavorably Affects Conditions," Motor World, 9 May 1912, 26; and "Car Owners Can Correct the Graft Evil, Which is Strong in the Garage Business," Automobile Trade Journal, July 1913, 163.
135. The anticommission rhetoric of garage owners, while evident earlier, took on new clarity and stridency late in the course of the chauffeur problem. The heightened rhetoric closely followed the implementation of bureaucratic surveillance systems, described below, and therefore seems aimed at enrolling car owners' support for those systems. This late-period rhetoric provides some of the clearest formulations of garage owners' dissatisfaction with the chauffeur commission system and of their self-perception as being caught between unscrupulous chauffeurs and ignorant or unconcerned car owners. See "The Real Remedy," Garage, November 1910, 2; "Owner vs. Owner," Garage, December 1910, 2; "One Cause of 'Chauffeur Evils': Garageman Contends 'Aloofness' of the Car Owners Unfavorably Affects Conditions," Motor World, 9 May 1912, 26; and "Car Owners Can Correct the Graft Evil, Which is Strong in the Garage Business," Automobile Trade Journal, July 1913, 163.
136. The anticommission rhetoric of garage owners, while evident earlier, took on new clarity and stridency late in the course of the chauffeur problem. The heightened rhetoric closely followed the implementation of bureaucratic surveillance systems, described below, and therefore seems aimed at enrolling car owners' support for those systems. This late-period rhetoric provides some of the clearest formulations of garage owners' dissatisfaction with the chauffeur commission system and of their self-perception as being caught between unscrupulous chauffeurs and ignorant or unconcerned car owners. See "The Real Remedy," Garage, November 1910, 2; "Owner vs. Owner," Garage, December 1910, 2; "One Cause of 'Chauffeur Evils': Garageman Contends 'Aloofness' of the Car Owners Unfavorably Affects Conditions," Motor World, 9 May 1912, 26; and "Car Owners Can Correct the Graft Evil, Which is Strong in the Garage Business," Automobile Trade Journal, July 1913, 163.
137. The anticommission rhetoric of garage owners, while evident earlier, took on new clarity and stridency late in the course of the chauffeur problem. The heightened rhetoric closely followed the implementation of bureaucratic surveillance systems, described below, and therefore seems aimed at enrolling car owners' support for those systems. This late-period rhetoric provides some of the clearest formulations of garage owners' dissatisfaction with the chauffeur commission system and of their self-perception as being caught between unscrupulous chauffeurs and ignorant or unconcerned car owners. See "The Real Remedy," Garage, November 1910, 2; "Owner vs. Owner," Garage, December 1910, 2; "One Cause of 'Chauffeur Evils': Garageman Contends 'Aloofness' of the Car Owners Unfavorably Affects Conditions," Motor World, 9 May 1912, 26; and "Car Owners Can Correct the Graft Evil, Which is Strong in the Garage Business," Automobile Trade Journal, July 1913, 163.
138. R. E. Former called for such a solution in "The Lamentable Status of the Garage Business," Horseless Age, 6 February 1907, 201-2.
139. "Garage Owners Organize: Plan General Reform in Management - Bad Chauffeurs to Go," New York Times, 20 April 1910; "Garage Owners Begin Business," New York Times, 8 May 1910; and "Garage Owners Organize: Charles D. Chase Appointed Manager of New Auto Association," New York Times, 25 May 1910.
140. "Garage Owners Organize: Plan General Reform in Management - Bad Chauffeurs to Go," New York Times, 20 April 1910; "Garage Owners Begin Business," New York Times, 8 May 1910; and "Garage Owners Organize: Charles D. Chase Appointed Manager of New Auto Association," New York Times, 25 May 1910.
141. "Garage Owners Organize: Plan General Reform in Management - Bad Chauffeurs to Go," New York Times, 20 April 1910; "Garage Owners Begin Business," New York Times, 8 May 1910; and "Garage Owners Organize: Charles D. Chase Appointed Manager of New Auto Association," New York Times, 25 May 1910.
142. A sense of the chronology of this increased interest in bureaucratic control within garages can be gained by comparing the 30 May 1906 garage issue of Horseless Age, which reprinted only three samples of such forms, with the 21 April 1909 garage issue, which carried dozens of examples of chauffeur tracking sheets, job cost forms, stockroom records, sales slips, etc.
143. J. Grant Cramer, "System of Checking Cars as to Arrival, Departure, and Who Uses Them," Horseless Age, 30 May 1906, 818.
144. Philadelphia Automobile Club Monthly Bulletin, December 1909, 12, and August 1910, 4.
145. "Typical American Garages: The New York Decauville Garage," Horseless Age, 30 May 1906, 781-83.
146. Joseph B. Baker, "Keeping Tab on Joy Riders," Horseless Age, 4 May 1910, 645-46.
147. Garages were urged to establish a system for tracking the movements of cars and chauffeurs as early as 1904, but such systems were apparently not widely adopted until about 1909. See "Crusade Against Irresponsible Chauffeurs," Horseless Age, 28 September 1904, 327, and "Growth of the Garage Business," Horseless Age, 14 April 1909, 491.
148. Garages were urged to establish a system for tracking the movements of cars and chauffeurs as early as 1904, but such systems were apparently not widely adopted until about 1909. See "Crusade Against Irresponsible Chauffeurs," Horseless Age, 28 September 1904, 327, and "Growth of the Garage Business," Horseless Age, 14 April 1909, 491.
149. Charles Zabriskie, New York City, to his son, 12 January 1910, reprinted in America Firsthand, vol. 2, From Reconstruction to the Present, ed. Robert D. Marcus and David Burner, 3rd ed. (New York, 1995), 150. Historian James Flint wrote that "Standard quick-demountable rims first came into general use in 1904." But Zabriskie's letter, as well as a text by Victor Pagé, indicate that the nondemountable or "clincher"-type wheels were likely still in wide use some nine years later. See Flink, America Adopts the Automobile (n. 2 above), 285; Victor Pagé, The Modern Gasoline Automobile: Its Design, Construction, and Repair (New York, 1913), 509-59; and "Tire Troubles No Longer a Bugbear," Horseless Age, 16 February 1910, 258.
150. Charles Zabriskie, New York City, to his son, 12 January 1910, reprinted in America Firsthand, vol. 2, From Reconstruction to the Present, ed. Robert D. Marcus and David Burner, 3rd ed. (New York, 1995), 150. Historian James Flint wrote that "Standard quick-demountable rims first came into general use in 1904." But Zabriskie's letter, as well as a text by Victor Pagé, indicate that the nondemountable or "clincher"-type wheels were likely still in wide use some nine years later. See Flink, America Adopts the Automobile (n. 2 above), 285; Victor Pagé, The Modern Gasoline Automobile: Its Design, Construction, and Repair (New York, 1913), 509-59; and "Tire Troubles No Longer a Bugbear," Horseless Age, 16 February 1910, 258.
151. Charles Zabriskie, New York City, to his son, 12 January 1910, reprinted in America Firsthand, vol. 2, From Reconstruction to the Present, ed. Robert D. Marcus and David Burner, 3rd ed. (New York, 1995), 150. Historian James Flint wrote that "Standard quick-demountable rims first came into general use in 1904." But Zabriskie's letter, as well as a text by Victor Pagé, indicate that the nondemountable or "clincher"-type wheels were likely still in wide use some nine years later. See Flink, America Adopts the Automobile (n. 2 above), 285; Victor Pagé, The Modern Gasoline Automobile: Its Design, Construction, and Repair (New York, 1913), 509-59; and "Tire Troubles No Longer a Bugbear," Horseless Age, 16 February 1910, 258.
152. Charles Zabriskie, New York City, to his son, 12 January 1910, reprinted in America Firsthand, vol. 2, From Reconstruction to the Present, ed. Robert D. Marcus and David Burner, 3rd ed. (New York, 1995), 150. Historian James Flint wrote that "Standard quick-demountable rims first came into general use in 1904." But Zabriskie's letter, as well as a text by Victor Pagé, indicate that the nondemountable or "clincher"-type wheels were likely still in wide use some nine years later. See Flink, America Adopts the Automobile (n. 2 above), 285; Victor Pagé, The Modern Gasoline Automobile: Its Design, Construction, and Repair (New York, 1913), 509-59; and "Tire Troubles No Longer a Bugbear," Horseless Age, 16 February 1910, 258.
153. The low-tension "make and break" spark contacts and vibrating coil or "buzz box" ignition systems of 1900 began to give way to spark plugs and high-tension magnetos by the middle of the decade, with automatic spark-advance mechanisms being added by 1910. The manufacturers of large, chauffeur-driven autos were also the first to offer self-starters to replace the hand crank, first employing compressed air or acetylene gas and then, after 1911, electric motors. See Society of Automotive Engineers, A History of the Automotive Internal Combustion Engine (Warrendale, Pa., 1976), 9-11; Clyde H. Pratt, The Automobile Instructor (Chicago, 1917), 53-96; Victor W. Pagé, Automobile Starting, Lighting and Ignition Systems (New York, 1917); Ralph C. Epstein, The Automobile Industry: Its Economic and Commercial Development (Chicago and New York, 1928), 91-92, 157; C. E. Palmer, "Self-Starters for Automobile Engines," Horseless Age, 30 August 1911, 305-8; "Statistics of the 1913 Cars at the New York Show," Horseless Age, 29 January 1913, 246-47; and T. A. Boyd, "The Self-Starter," Technology and Culture 9 (1968): 585-93.
154. The low-tension "make and break" spark contacts and vibrating coil or "buzz box" ignition systems of 1900 began to give way to spark plugs and high-tension magnetos by the middle of the decade, with automatic spark-advance mechanisms being added by 1910. The manufacturers of large, chauffeur-driven autos were also the first to offer self-starters to replace the hand crank, first employing compressed air or acetylene gas and then, after 1911, electric motors. See Society of Automotive Engineers, A History of the Automotive Internal Combustion Engine (Warrendale, Pa., 1976), 9-11; Clyde H. Pratt, The Automobile Instructor (Chicago, 1917), 53-96; Victor W. Pagé, Automobile Starting, Lighting and Ignition Systems (New York, 1917); Ralph C. Epstein, The Automobile Industry: Its Economic and Commercial Development (Chicago and New York, 1928), 91-92, 157; C. E. Palmer, "Self-Starters for Automobile Engines," Horseless Age, 30 August 1911, 305-8; "Statistics of the 1913 Cars at the New York Show," Horseless Age, 29 January 1913, 246-47; and T. A. Boyd, "The Self-Starter," Technology and Culture 9 (1968): 585-93.
155. The low-tension "make and break" spark contacts and vibrating coil or "buzz box" ignition systems of 1900 began to give way to spark plugs and high-tension magnetos by the middle of the decade, with automatic spark-advance mechanisms being added by 1910. The manufacturers of large, chauffeur-driven autos were also the first to offer self-starters to replace the hand crank, first employing compressed air or acetylene gas and then, after 1911, electric motors. See Society of Automotive Engineers, A History of the Automotive Internal Combustion Engine (Warrendale, Pa., 1976), 9-11; Clyde H. Pratt, The Automobile Instructor (Chicago, 1917), 53-96; Victor W. Pagé, Automobile Starting, Lighting and Ignition Systems (New York, 1917); Ralph C. Epstein, The Automobile Industry: Its Economic and Commercial Development (Chicago and New York, 1928), 91-92, 157; C. E. Palmer, "Self-Starters for Automobile Engines," Horseless Age, 30 August 1911, 305-8; "Statistics of the 1913 Cars at the New York Show," Horseless Age, 29 January 1913, 246-47; and T. A. Boyd, "The Self-Starter," Technology and Culture 9 (1968): 585-93.
156. The low-tension "make and break" spark contacts and vibrating coil or "buzz box" ignition systems of 1900 began to give way to spark plugs and high-tension magnetos by the middle of the decade, with automatic spark-advance mechanisms being added by 1910. The manufacturers of large, chauffeur-driven autos were also the first to offer self-starters to replace the hand crank, first employing compressed air or acetylene gas and then, after 1911, electric motors. See Society of Automotive Engineers, A History of the Automotive Internal Combustion Engine (Warrendale, Pa., 1976), 9-11; Clyde H. Pratt, The Automobile Instructor (Chicago, 1917), 53-96; Victor W. Pagé, Automobile Starting, Lighting and Ignition Systems (New York, 1917); Ralph C. Epstein, The Automobile Industry: Its Economic and Commercial Development (Chicago and New York, 1928), 91-92, 157; C. E. Palmer, "Self-Starters for Automobile Engines," Horseless Age, 30 August 1911, 305-8; "Statistics of the 1913 Cars at the New York Show," Horseless Age, 29 January 1913, 246-47; and T. A. Boyd, "The Self-Starter," Technology and Culture 9 (1968): 585-93.
157. The low-tension "make and break" spark contacts and vibrating coil or "buzz box" ignition systems of 1900 began to give way to spark plugs and high-tension magnetos by the middle of the decade, with automatic spark-advance mechanisms being added by 1910. The manufacturers of large, chauffeur-driven autos were also the first to offer self-starters to replace the hand crank, first employing compressed air or acetylene gas and then, after 1911, electric motors. See Society of Automotive Engineers, A History of the Automotive Internal Combustion Engine (Warrendale, Pa., 1976), 9-11; Clyde H. Pratt, The Automobile Instructor (Chicago, 1917), 53-96; Victor W. Pagé, Automobile Starting, Lighting and Ignition Systems (New York, 1917); Ralph C. Epstein, The Automobile Industry: Its Economic and Commercial Development (Chicago and New York, 1928), 91-92, 157; C. E. Palmer, "Self-Starters for Automobile Engines," Horseless Age, 30 August 1911, 305-8; "Statistics of the 1913 Cars at the New York Show," Horseless Age, 29 January 1913, 246-47; and T. A. Boyd, "The Self-Starter," Technology and Culture 9 (1968): 585-93.
158. The low-tension "make and break" spark contacts and vibrating coil or "buzz box" ignition systems of 1900 began to give way to spark plugs and high-tension magnetos by the middle of the decade, with automatic spark-advance mechanisms being added by 1910. The manufacturers of large, chauffeur-driven autos were also the first to offer self-starters to replace the hand crank, first employing compressed air or acetylene gas and then, after 1911, electric motors. See Society of Automotive Engineers, A History of the Automotive Internal Combustion Engine (Warrendale, Pa., 1976), 9-11; Clyde H. Pratt, The Automobile Instructor (Chicago, 1917), 53-96; Victor W. Pagé, Automobile Starting, Lighting and Ignition Systems (New York, 1917); Ralph C.
159. The low-tension "make and break" spark contacts and vibrating coil or "buzz box" ignition systems of 1900 began to give way to spark plugs and high-tension magnetos by the middle of the decade, with automatic spark-advance mechanisms being added by 1910. The manufacturers of large, chauffeur-driven autos were also the first to offer self-starters to replace the hand crank, first employing compressed air or acetylene gas and then, after 1911, electric motors. See Society of Automotive Engineers, A History of the Automotive Internal Combustion Engine (Warrendale, Pa., 1976), 9-11; Clyde H. Pratt, The Automobile Instructor (Chicago, 1917), 53-96; Victor W. Pagé, Automobile Starting, Lighting and Ignition Systems (New York, 1917); Ralph C. Epstein, The Automobile Industry: Its Economic and Commercial Development (Chicago and New York, 1928), 91-92, 157; C. E. Palmer, "Self-Starters for Automobile Engines," Horseless Age, 30 August 1911, 305-8; "Statistics of the 1913 Cars at the New York Show," Horseless Age, 29 January 1913, 246-47; and T. A. Boyd, "The Self-Starter," Technology and Culture 9 (1968): 585-93.
160. The National Chauffeurs' Association was organized in October 1912 and began publishing a journal titled Chauffeur. For an overview of the organization's aims and objectives, see "The Chauffeurs' First Birthday! What We Started Out to Do and How We are Doing It," Chauffeur, October 1913, 9-11, 32. See also the association's manifesto denying blacks membership, printed inside the back cover of the same issue. On racial tensions among New York chauffeurs, see "Chauffeurs Draw the Color Line," Motor World, 1 July 1909, 555; and "'Queering' the Negro Driver: The Process Lands Three Men in Jail," Motor World, 24 February 1910, 560a.
161. The National Chauffeurs' Association was organized in October 1912 and began publishing a journal titled Chauffeur. For an overview of the organization's aims and objectives, see "The Chauffeurs' First Birthday! What We Started Out to Do and How We are Doing It," Chauffeur, October 1913, 9-11, 32. See also the association's manifesto denying blacks membership, printed inside the back cover of the same issue. On racial tensions among New York chauffeurs, see "Chauffeurs Draw the Color Line," Motor World, 1 July 1909, 555; and "'Queering' the Negro Driver: The Process Lands Three Men in Jail," Motor World, 24 February 1910, 560a.
162. The National Chauffeurs' Association was organized in October 1912 and began publishing a journal titled Chauffeur. For an overview of the organization's aims and objectives, see "The Chauffeurs' First Birthday! What We Started Out to Do and How We are Doing It," Chauffeur, October 1913, 9-11, 32. See also the association's manifesto denying blacks membership, printed inside the back cover of the same issue. On racial tensions among New York chauffeurs, see "Chauffeurs Draw the Color Line," Motor World, 1 July 1909, 555; and "'Queering' the Negro Driver: The Process Lands Three Men in Jail," Motor World, 24 February 1910, 560a.
163. See "Chauffeurs Have a Bill," New York Times, 21 January 1910. I have not been able to find any records of the Chauffeurs' Professional Club of America with which to verify this newspaper account.
164. By the time of the 1920 census, the swelling ranks of chauffeurs included relatively fewer foreign-born whites but a slightly increased proportion of blacks. See Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, Fourteenth Census of the United States Taken in the Year 1920, vol. 4, Population, 1920, Occupations (Washington, D.C., 1923), 1053-248.
165. Chauffeur employment data is from Fourteenth Census of the United States . . . 1920, 39. The gradual adaptation of the job title in the United Status parallels somewhat the social evolution of the position. The French applied the term chauffeur, meaning fireman or stoker, to skilled automobilists in the late nineteenth century. It is no surprise that Americans adopted the French term rather than the English "drive" since the best early automobiles were imported from France. Some wealthy American motorists even brought over expert French mechanics, whom they called "chauffeurs," to care for their new cars. Yet during the early 1900s American usage remained flexible, and "chauffeur" could mean a wealthy automobile enthusiast, such as William K. Vanderbilt; a privately employed driver-mechanic; a commercially employed delivery or taxi driver, as in The Brotherhood of Teamsters, Chauffeurs, Warehousemen, and Helpers of America; or anyone who drove an automobile, whether for hire or pleasure, much as we would now say the "driver" of the car. As the chauffeur problem mushroomed in the middle of the decade and was eventually resolved by the mid-1910s, the meaning of the term "chauffeur" stabilized as paid driver-mechanic and eventually as merely paid driver. On the chauffeur as professional driver, see Charles B. Hayward, "The Status of the Chauffeur," Horseless Age, 6 December 1911, 846-47, and Keith Marvin, "The American Chauffeur: A Sociologic Appraisal," Antique Automobile, July-August 1984, 8-14.
166. Chauffeur employment data is from Fourteenth Census of the United States . . . 1920, 39. The gradual adaptation of the job title in the United Status parallels somewhat the social evolution of the position. The French applied the term chauffeur, meaning fireman or stoker, to skilled automobilists in the late nineteenth century. It is no surprise that Americans adopted the French term rather than the English "drive" since the best early automobiles were imported from France. Some wealthy American motorists even brought over expert French mechanics, whom they called "chauffeurs," to care for their new cars. Yet during the early 1900s American usage remained flexible, and "chauffeur" could mean a wealthy automobile enthusiast, such as William K. Vanderbilt; a privately employed driver-mechanic; a commercially employed delivery or taxi driver, as in The Brotherhood of Teamsters, Chauffeurs, Warehousemen, and Helpers of America; or anyone who drove an automobile, whether for hire or pleasure, much as we would now say the "driver" of the car. As the chauffeur problem mushroomed in the middle of the decade and was eventually resolved by the mid-1910s, the meaning of the term "chauffeur" stabilized as paid driver-mechanic and eventually as merely paid driver. On the chauffeur as professional driver, see Charles B. Hayward, "The Status of the Chauffeur," Horseless Age, 6 December 1911, 846-47, and Keith Marvin, "The American Chauffeur: A Sociologic Appraisal," Antique Automobile, July-August 1984, 8-14.
167. Chauffeur employment data is from Fourteenth Census of the United States . . . 1920, 39. The gradual adaptation of the job title in the United Status parallels somewhat the social evolution of the position. The French applied the term chauffeur, meaning fireman or stoker, to skilled automobilists in the late nineteenth century. It is no surprise that Americans adopted the French term rather than the English "drive" since the best early automobiles were imported from France. Some wealthy American motorists even brought over expert French mechanics, whom they called "chauffeurs," to care for their new cars. Yet during the early 1900s American usage remained flexible, and "chauffeur" could mean a wealthy automobile enthusiast, such as William K. Vanderbilt; a privately employed driver-mechanic; a commercially employed delivery or taxi driver, as in The Brotherhood of Teamsters, Chauffeurs, Warehousemen, and Helpers of America; or anyone who drove an automobile, whether for hire or pleasure, much as we would now say the "driver" of the car. As the chauffeur problem mushroomed in the middle of the decade and was eventually resolved by the mid-1910s, the meaning of the term "chauffeur" stabilized as paid driver-mechanic and eventually as merely paid driver. On the chauffeur as professional driver, see Charles B. Hayward, "The Status of the Chauffeur," Horseless Age, 6 December 1911, 846-47, and Keith Marvin, "The American Chauffeur: A Sociologic Appraisal," Antique Automobile, July-August 1984, 8-14.
168. "Sifting the Chauffeurs," Motor World, 14 April 1906, 633.
169. Sewell (n. 3 above), 16-17.
170. Hudson Motor Car Company, Service Inspection Manual for Hudson Mechanics, 1917, National Museum of American History, Transportation Collection, Vertical Files -Automobiles - Hudson.
171. See Stephen McIntyre, "The Failure of Fordism: Ford and the Reform of the Automobile Repair Industry, 1913-1940," forthcoming in Technology and Culture, and "'The Repairman Will Gyp You'" (n. 2 above).
172. Lesley Hazleton, Confessions of a Fast Woman (Reading, Mass., 1992), 120-24. The nature of the mechanical adept's "magical powers" and those powers' relationship to technology-in-use warrants further analysis, but is beyond the scope of this article. Such mechanical knowledge may be seen as occupying a middle ground between that of engineers and that of lay users. A significant portion of that knowledge is kinesthetic or visceral and thus difficult to teach, codify, or rationalize. However, good mechanics are not an endangered remnant descended from Claude Lévi-Strauss's premodern "bricoleur," as Douglas Harper has suggested. Good mechanics are growing scarce today because of the melding of traditional automotive technology with newer computer and electronic technology - two distinctly different types of technical knowledge. Further, the social status of auto mechanics, which is a product of the ongoing sociotechnical structuration process described in this article, discourages candidates with the requisite knowledge of computers and electronics from entering the profession. See Harper (n. 2 above), 74-117; Claude Lévi-Strauss, The Savage Mind (Chicago, 1962), 16-36; Thomas H. Kercheval, "Attracting Students to the Automotive Industry," AutoInc Magazine, February 1998.
173. Lesley Hazleton, Confessions of a Fast Woman (Reading, Mass., 1992), 120-24. The nature of the mechanical adept's "magical powers" and those powers' relationship to technology-in-use warrants further analysis, but is beyond the scope of this article. Such mechanical knowledge may be seen as occupying a middle ground between that of engineers and that of lay users. A significant portion of that knowledge is kinesthetic or visceral and thus difficult to teach, codify, or rationalize. However, good mechanics are not an endangered remnant descended from Claude Lévi-Strauss's premodern "bricoleur," as Douglas Harper has suggested. Good mechanics are growing scarce today because of the melding of traditional automotive technology with newer computer and electronic technology - two distinctly different types of technical knowledge. Further, the social status of auto mechanics, which is a product of the ongoing sociotechnical structuration process described in this article, discourages candidates with the requisite knowledge of computers and electronics from entering the profession. See Harper (n. 2 above), 74-117; Claude Lévi-Strauss, The Savage Mind (Chicago, 1962), 16-36; Thomas H. Kercheval, "Attracting Students to the Automotive Industry," AutoInc Magazine, February 1998.
174. Lesley Hazleton, Confessions of a Fast Woman (Reading, Mass., 1992), 120-24. The nature of the mechanical adept's "magical powers" and those powers' relationship to technology-in-use warrants further analysis, but is beyond the scope of this article. Such mechanical knowledge may be seen as occupying a middle ground between that of engineers and that of lay users. A significant portion of that knowledge is kinesthetic or visceral and thus difficult to teach, codify, or rationalize. However, good mechanics are not an endangered remnant descended from Claude Lévi-Strauss's premodern "bricoleur," as Douglas Harper has suggested. Good mechanics are growing scarce today because of the melding of traditional automotive technology with newer computer and electronic technology - two distinctly different types of technical knowledge. Further, the social status of auto mechanics, which is a product of the ongoing sociotechnical structuration process described in this article, discourages candidates with the requisite knowledge of computers and electronics from entering the profession. See Harper (n. 2 above), 74-117; Claude Lévi-Strauss, The Savage Mind (Chicago, 1962), 16-36; Thomas H. Kercheval, "Attracting Students to the Automotive Industry," AutoInc Magazine, February 1998.
175. On the role that specialized shop equipment and diagnostic consoles such as the Ford Laboratory Test Set played in the late 1930s in further diffusing social tension between mechanics and customers, see McIntyre, "'The Repair Man Will Gyp You," 427-35.
176. Thomas P. Hughes, American Genesis: A Century of Invention and Technological Enthusiasm (New York, 1989), 460. See also Hughes, "Technological Momentum: Hydrogenation in Germany, 1900-1933," Past and Present 44 (1969): 106-32; Networks of Power Electrification in Western Society, 1880-1930 (Baltimore, 1983); "The Evolution of Large Technological Systems," in The Social Construction of Technological Systems: New Directions in the Sociology and History of Technology, ed. Wiebe Bijker, Thomas P. Hughes, and Trevor Pinch (Cambridge, Mass., 1987), 51-82; and "Technological Momentum," in Does Technology Drive History?: The Dilemma of Technological Determinism, ed. Merritt Roe Smith and Leo Marx (Cambridge, Mass., 1994), 101-13.
177. Thomas P. Hughes, American Genesis: A Century of Invention and Technological Enthusiasm (New York, 1989), 460. See also Hughes, "Technological Momentum: Hydrogenation in Germany, 1900-1933," Past and Present 44 (1969): 106-32; Networks of Power Electrification in Western Society, 1880-1930 (Baltimore, 1983); "The Evolution of Large Technological Systems," in The Social Construction of Technological Systems: New Directions in the Sociology and History of Technology, ed. Wiebe Bijker, Thomas P. Hughes, and Trevor Pinch (Cambridge, Mass., 1987), 51-82; and "Technological Momentum," in Does Technology Drive History?: The Dilemma of Technological Determinism, ed. Merritt Roe Smith and Leo Marx (Cambridge, Mass., 1994), 101-13.
178. Thomas P. Hughes, American Genesis: A Century of Invention and Technological Enthusiasm (New York, 1989), 460. See also Hughes, "Technological Momentum: Hydrogenation in Germany, 1900-1933," Past and Present 44 (1969): 106-32; Networks of Power Electrification in Western Society, 1880-1930 (Baltimore, 1983); "The Evolution of Large Technological Systems," in The Social Construction of Technological Systems: New Directions in the Sociology and History of Technology, ed. Wiebe Bijker, Thomas P. Hughes, and Trevor Pinch (Cambridge, Mass., 1987), 51-82; and "Technological Momentum," in Does Technology Drive History?: The Dilemma of Technological Determinism, ed. Merritt Roe Smith and Leo Marx (Cambridge, Mass., 1994), 101-13.
179. Thomas P. Hughes, American Genesis: A Century of Invention and Technological Enthusiasm (New York, 1989), 460. See also Hughes, "Technological Momentum: Hydrogenation in Germany, 1900-1933," Past and Present 44 (1969): 106-32; Networks of Power Electrification in Western Society, 1880-1930 (Baltimore, 1983); "The Evolution of Large Technological Systems," in The Social Construction of Technological Systems: New Directions in the Sociology and History of Technology, ed. Wiebe Bijker, Thomas P. Hughes, and Trevor Pinch (Cambridge, Mass., 1987), 51-82; and "Technological Momentum," in Does Technology Drive History?: The Dilemma of Technological Determinism, ed. Merritt Roe Smith and Leo Marx (Cambridge, Mass., 1994), 101-13.
180. Thomas P. Hughes, American Genesis: A Century of Invention and Technological Enthusiasm (New York, 1989), 460. See also Hughes, "Technological Momentum: Hydrogenation in Germany, 1900-1933," Past and Present 44 (1969): 106-32; Networks of Power Electrification in Western Society, 1880-1930 (Baltimore, 1983); "The Evolution of Large Technological Systems," in The Social Construction of Technological Systems: New Directions in the Sociology and History of Technology, ed. Wiebe Bijker, Thomas P. Hughes, and Trevor Pinch (Cambridge, Mass., 1987), 51-82; and "Technological Momentum," in Does Technology Drive History?: The Dilemma of Technological Determinism, ed. Merritt Roe Smith and Leo Marx (Cambridge, Mass., 1994), 101-13.
181. Giddens, The Constitution of Society (n. 3 above), 171.
182. Hughes, "Technological Momentum," 112.
183. Hughie Mackay and Gareth Gillespie, "Extending the Social Shaping of Technology Approach: Ideology and Appropriation" Social Studies of Science 22 (1992): 685-716.
184. Sewell (n. 3 above), 18-19.
185. Ronald Kline and Trevor Pinch, "Users as Agents of Technological Change: The Social Construction of the Automobile in the Rural United States" Technology and Culture 37 (1996): 763-95, quote at 778. Giddens emphasizes the importance of "the interaction of influences which in a particular time and place, have relevance to a given episode" of social change; see The Constitution of Society, 251-52. Stephen Barley's 1986 study of the introduction of computed tomography (CT) scanners in two different hospitals shows how differing contexts of introduction can occasion divergent adoption patterns; Stephen R. Barley, "Technology as an Occasion for Structuring: Evidence from Observations of CT Scanners and the Social Order of Radiology Departments" Administrative Science Quarterly 31 (1986): 78-108.
186. Ronald Kline and Trevor Pinch, "Users as Agents of Technological Change: The Social Construction of the Automobile in the Rural United States" Technology and Culture 37 (1996): 763-95, quote at 778. Giddens emphasizes the importance of "the interaction of influences which in a particular time and place, have relevance to a given episode" of social change; see The Constitution of Society, 251-52. Stephen Barley's 1986 study of the introduction of computed tomography (CT) scanners in two different hospitals shows how differing contexts of introduction can occasion divergent adoption patterns; Stephen R. Barley, "Technology as an Occasion for Structuring: Evidence from Observations of CT Scanners and the Social Order of Radiology Departments" Administrative Science Quarterly 31 (1986): 78-108.
187. Ronald Kline and Trevor Pinch, "Users as Agents of Technological Change: The Social Construction of the Automobile in the Rural United States" Technology and Culture 37 (1996): 763-95, quote at 778. Giddens emphasizes the importance of "the interaction of influences which in a particular time and place, have relevance to a given episode" of social change; see The Constitution of Society, 251-52. Stephen Barley's 1986 study of the introduction of computed tomography (CT) scanners in two different hospitals shows how differing contexts of introduction can occasion divergent adoption patterns; Stephen R. Barley, "Technology as an Occasion for Structuring: Evidence from Observations of CT Scanners and the Social Order of Radiology Departments" Administrative Science Quarterly 31 (1986): 78-108.
188. The number of books, articles, and studies influenced to some degree by SCOT theory is uncertain, but among those most often cited as exemplary are the now-classic bicycle and Bakelite studies in Bijker, Hughes, and Pinch (n. 77 above): Trevor Pinch and Wiebe Bijker, "The Social Construction of Facts and Artifacts: Or How the Sociology of Science and the Sociology of Technology Might Benefit Each Other," 17-50, and Wiebe Bijker, "The Social Construction of Bakelite: Toward a Theory of Invention," 159-87; Donald MacKenzie, Inventing Accuracy: A Historical Sociology of Ballistic Missile Guidance (Cambridge, Mass., 1991); and Boelie Elzen, "Two Ultracentrifuges: A Comparative Study of the Social Construction of Artefacts," Social Studies of Science 16 (1986): 621-62. For a more extensive discussion of SCOT-inspired research, see Trevor Pinch, "The Social Construction of Technology: A Review," in Technological Change: Methods and Themes in the History of Technology, ed. Robert Fox (Amsterdam, 1996).
189. The number of books, articles, and studies influenced to some degree by SCOT theory is uncertain, but among those most often cited as exemplary are the now-classic bicycle and Bakelite studies in Bijker, Hughes, and Pinch (n. 77 above): Trevor Pinch and Wiebe Bijker, "The Social Construction of Facts and Artifacts: Or How the Sociology of Science and the Sociology of Technology Might Benefit Each Other," 17-50, and Wiebe Bijker, "The Social Construction of Bakelite: Toward a Theory of Invention," 159-87; Donald MacKenzie, Inventing Accuracy: A Historical Sociology of Ballistic Missile Guidance (Cambridge, Mass., 1991); and Boelie Elzen, "Two Ultracentrifuges: A Comparative Study of the Social Construction of Artefacts," Social Studies of Science 16 (1986): 621-62. For a more extensive discussion of SCOT-inspired research, see Trevor Pinch, "The Social Construction of Technology: A Review," in Technological Change: Methods and Themes in the History of Technology, ed. Robert Fox (Amsterdam, 1996).
190. The number of books, articles, and studies influenced to some degree by SCOT theory is uncertain, but among those most often cited as exemplary are the now-classic bicycle and Bakelite studies in Bijker, Hughes, and Pinch (n. 77 above): Trevor Pinch and Wiebe Bijker, "The Social Construction of Facts and Artifacts: Or How the Sociology of Science and the Sociology of Technology Might Benefit Each Other," 17-50, and Wiebe Bijker, "The Social Construction of Bakelite: Toward a Theory of Invention," 159-87; Donald MacKenzie, Inventing Accuracy: A Historical Sociology of Ballistic Missile Guidance (Cambridge, Mass., 1991); and Boelie Elzen, "Two Ultracentrifuges: A Comparative Study of the Social Construction of Artefacts," Social Studies of Science 16 (1986): 621-62. For a more extensive discussion of SCOT-inspired research, see Trevor Pinch, "The Social Construction of Technology: A Review," in Technological Change: Methods and Themes in the History of Technology, ed. Robert Fox (Amsterdam, 1996).
191. The number of books, articles, and studies influenced to some degree by SCOT theory is uncertain, but among those most often cited as exemplary are the now-classic bicycle and Bakelite studies in Bijker, Hughes, and Pinch (n. 77 above): Trevor Pinch and Wiebe Bijker, "The Social Construction of Facts and Artifacts: Or How the Sociology of Science and the Sociology of Technology Might Benefit Each Other," 17-50, and Wiebe Bijker, "The Social Construction of Bakelite: Toward a Theory of Invention," 159-87; Donald MacKenzie, Inventing Accuracy: A Historical Sociology of Ballistic Missile Guidance (Cambridge, Mass., 1991); and Boelie Elzen, "Two Ultracentrifuges: A Comparative Study of the Social Construction of Artefacts," Social Studies of Science 16 (1986): 621-62. For a more extensive discussion of SCOT-inspired research, see Trevor Pinch, "The Social Construction of Technology: A Review," in Technological Change: Methods and Themes in the History of Technology, ed. Robert Fox (Amsterdam, 1996).
192. The number of books, articles, and studies influenced to some degree by SCOT theory is uncertain, but among those most often cited as exemplary are the now-classic bicycle and Bakelite studies in Bijker, Hughes, and Pinch (n. 77 above): Trevor Pinch and Wiebe Bijker, "The Social Construction of Facts and Artifacts: Or How the Sociology of Science and the Sociology of Technology Might Benefit Each Other," 17-50, and Wiebe Bijker, "The Social Construction of Bakelite: Toward a Theory of Invention," 159-87; Donald MacKenzie, Inventing Accuracy: A Historical Sociology of Ballistic Missile Guidance (Cambridge, Mass., 1991); and Boelie Elzen, "Two Ultracentrifuges: A Comparative Study of the Social Construction of Artefacts," Social Studies of Science 16 (1986): 621-62. For a more extensive discussion of SCOT-inspired research, see Trevor Pinch, "The Social Construction of Technology: A Review," in Technological Change: Methods and Themes in the History of Technology, ed. Robert Fox (Amsterdam, 1996).
193. Merritt Roe Smith and Leo Marx's edited volume Does Technology Drive History? (n. 77 above) provides ample evidence that while the public at large may still accept a sense of technology as deterministic, or see it as a driving force in social change, few if any historians of technology are willing to do so.
194. "Technological change," he writes, "is not something that occurs independently of the uses to which agents put technology . . . technology does not change in and of itself (how could it?). . . ." Giddens, The Constitution of Society (n. 3 above), 178.
195. An examination of dozens of advertisements published between 1899-1919 for fifteen different makes of touring-class automobiles turned up only one Locomobile ad, from Country Life in America, May 1906, that bragged, "More Locorr obile owners toured abroad last summer than ever before. Two of our customers did not even take chauffeurs." Locomobile evidently recognized that improvements in reliability vould decrease customers' dependence on chauffeur-mechanics. Yet they must not have felt that sufficient improvements were imminent or entirely within their control, for they were at the forefront of training chauffeur-mechanics to address the chauffeur problem. The phenomenon of increasing expectations of reliability is shared to some degree by virtually all technologies, from watches to telegraphs to washing machines, and would require a much broader study than this to evaluate. It is the intentionality of those changes in automobiles vis-à-vis the chauffeur problem that is at issue, not the fact that thev occurred. Furthermore, if stronger evidence does eventually come to light that aitomakers strove to improve reliability in specific response to the chauffeur problem, following that research path would simply reinforce the artifact/designer orientation of SCOT and could miss the important social dynamics that occurred outside of the design context. See the Automobile Advertising File, accession 657, boxes 1, 3-7, and 9, Research Center, Henry Ford Museum & Greenfield Village. My thanks to the Technology and Culture referee who encouraged me to pursue this question and to the Henry Ford Museum and Greenfield Village for the Henry Austin Clark Research Grant that allowed me to do so.
196. Mackay and Gillespie make the interesting observation that social-shaping-of-technology studies, including many SCOT-inspired studies, share with deterministic studies "an almost exclusive concern with the conception, invention, design, and development of a technology." See Mackay and Gillespie (n. 80 above), 687. Rob Hagendijk compares structuration theory favorably to social constructivism for the history of science in "Structuration Theory, Constructivism, and Scientific Change," Theories of Science in Society, ed. Susan E. Cozzens and Thomas F. Gieryn (Bloomington, Ind., 1990), 43-66.
197. Kline and Pinch's study of rural auto use (n. 82 above) moved away from the design stage by exploring how a relatively stable transportation ai tifact underwent a period of renewed interpretive flexibility as farmers jacked their automobiles up an d used the engine as a stationary power source to drive other farm and household machinery or as they modified their cars to pull a plow or harvester. One minor point: The SCOT model's continuing primary focus on the artifact leads Kline and Pinch to characterize the car as stable and rural uses of it as "new." In contrast, a structurational view would see rural practices as relatively stable and the automobile as "new" - at least to farmers. Farmers had existing schemas about the use of power on the farm that they had derived from the use, or observed use, of early steam tractors and stationary steam and gasoline engines. They tried to fit the new technology of the automobile into older schema or practices in much the same way that wealthy urban motorists had done. The net result is the same from either theoretical viewpoint. This example merely emphasizes that they are different - and complementary - perspectives.
198. Wiebe Bijker, Of Bicycles, Bakelites, and Bulbs: Toward a Theory of Sociotechnical Change (Cambridge, Mass., 1995), 191-92.
199. Bijker, Of Bicycles, Bakelites, and Bulbs, 192 and 312 n. 169.
200. Applications of structuration theory to organization studies include Yates (n. 3 above); Wanda J. Orlikowski and Daniel Robey, "Information Technology and the Structuring of Organizations," Administrative Science Quarterly 39 (1994): 541-74; Wanda J. Orlikowski, "The Duality of Technology: Rethinking the Concept of Technology in Organizations," Organization Science 3 (1992): 398-427; Barley and Tolbert (n. 45 above); Barley, (n. 82 above); Richard Whittington, "Putting Giddens Into Action: Social Systems and Managerial Agency," Journal of Management Studies 29 (1992): 693-712; Geraldine DeSanctis and Marshall Scott Poole, "Capturing the Complexity in Advanced Technology Use: Adaptive Structuration Theory," Organization Science 5 (1994): 121-47; and Yolanda Sarason, "A Model of Organizational Transformation: The Incorporation of Organizational Identity into a Structuration Theory Framework," Academy of Management Journal, Best Papers Proceedings, 1995 (1995): 47-51. Despite this activity, Bijker is not alone in thinking that Giddens overly emphasizes individual act on. But that perception seems largely the product of the sociological debate Giddens chose to engage against structural determinism. In such a debate Giddens' accent would naturally be on agency. A similar perception has dogged SCOT over the years, as some have criticized it as unduly emphasizing the social aspects of invention and design and neglecting the physical limitations of materials and processes. Such an emphasis resulted from SCOT's initial raison d'être: to debunk the myth of technological determinism, which led to SCOT's early accent on the social aspects of design. Just as a well-rounded view of SCOT incorporates both the social and the physical, so too structuration theory balances agency and structure. See Zaheer Baber, "Beyond the Structure/Agency Dualism: An Evaluation of Giddens' Theory of Structuration," Sociological Inquiry 61 (1991): 219-30; the essays by William Outhwaite and Margaret Archer in Anthony Giddens: Consensus and Controversy, ed. J. Clark, Celia Modgil, and S. Modgil (London, 1990), 63-88; and Walter G. Vincenti, "The Technical Shaping of Technology: Real-World Constraints ami Technical Logic in Edison's Electrical Lighting System," Social Studies of Science 25 (1995): 553-74.
201. Applications of structuration theory to organization studies include Yates (n. 3 above); Wanda J. Orlikowski and Daniel Robey, "Information Technology and the Structuring of Organizations," Administrative Science Quarterly 39 (1994): 541-74; Wanda J. Orlikowski, "The Duality of Technology: Rethinking the Concept of Technology in Organizations," Organization Science 3 (1992): 398-427; Barley and Tolbert (n. 45 above); Barley, (n. 82 above); Richard Whittington, "Putting Giddens Into Action: Social Systems and Managerial Agency," Journal of Management Studies 29 (1992): 693-712; Geraldine DeSanctis and Marshall Scott Poole, "Capturing the Complexity in Advanced Technology Use: Adaptive Structuration Theory," Organization Science 5 (1994): 121-47; and Yolanda Sarason, "A Model of Organizational Transformation: The Incorporation of Organizational Identity into a Structuration Theory Framework," Academy of Management Journal, Best Papers Proceedings, 1995 (1995): 47-51. Despite this activity, Bijker is not alone in thinking that Giddens overly emphasizes individual act on. But that perception seems largely the product of the sociological debate Giddens chose to engage against structural determinism. In such a debate Giddens' accent would naturally be on agency. A similar perception has dogged SCOT over the years, as some have criticized it as unduly emphasizing the social aspects of invention and design and neglecting the physical limitations of materials and processes. Such an emphasis resulted from SCOT's initial raison d'être: to debunk the myth of technological determinism, which led to SCOT's early accent on the social aspects of design. Just as a well-rounded view of SCOT incorporates both the social and the physical, so too structuration theory balances agency and structure. See Zaheer Baber, "Beyond the Structure/Agency Dualism: An Evaluation of Giddens' Theory of Structuration," Sociological Inquiry 61 (1991): 219-30; the essays by William Outhwaite and Margaret Archer in Anthony Giddens: Consensus and Controversy, ed. J. Clark, Celia Modgil, and S. Modgil (London, 1990), 63-88; and Walter G. Vincenti, "The Technical Shaping of Technology: Real-World Constraints ami Technical Logic in Edison's Electrical Lighting System," Social Studies of Science 25 (1995): 553-74.
202. Applications of structuration theory to organization studies include Yates (n. 3 above); Wanda J. Orlikowski and Daniel Robey, "Information Technology and the Structuring of Organizations," Administrative Science Quarterly 39 (1994): 541-74; Wanda J. Orlikowski, "The Duality of Technology: Rethinking the Concept of Technology in Organizations," Organization Science 3 (1992): 398-427; Barley and Tolbert (n. 45 above); Barley, (n. 82 above); Richard Whittington, "Putting Giddens Into Action: Social Systems and Managerial Agency," Journal of Management Studies 29 (1992): 693-712; Geraldine DeSanctis and Marshall Scott Poole, "Capturing the Complexity in Advanced Technology Use: Adaptive Structuration Theory," Organization Science 5 (1994): 121-47; and Yolanda Sarason, "A Model of Organizational Transformation: The Incorporation of Organizational Identity into a Structuration Theory Framework," Academy of Management Journal, Best Papers Proceedings, 1995 (1995): 47-51. Despite this activity, Bijker is not alone in thinking that Giddens overly emphasizes individual act on. But that perception seems largely the product of the sociological debate Giddens chose to engage against structural determinism. In such a debate Giddens' accent would naturally be on agency. A similar perception has dogged SCOT over the years, as some have criticized it as unduly emphasizing the social aspects of invention and design and neglecting the physical limitations of materials and processes. Such an emphasis resulted from SCOT's initial raison d'être: to debunk the myth of technological determinism, which led to SCOT's early accent on the social aspects of design. Just as a well-rounded view of SCOT incorporates both the social and the physical, so too structuration theory balances agency and structure. See Zaheer Baber, "Beyond the Structure/Agency Dualism: An Evaluation of Giddens' Theory of Structuration," Sociological Inquiry 61 (1991): 219-30; the essays by William Outhwaite and Margaret Archer in Anthony Giddens: Consensus and Controversy, ed. J. Clark, Celia Modgil, and S. Modgil (London, 1990), 63-88; and Walter G. Vincenti, "The Technical Shaping of Technology: Real-World Constraints ami Technical Logic in Edison's Electrical Lighting System," Social Studies of Science 25 (1995): 553-74.
203. Applications of structuration theory to organization studies include Yates (n. 3 above); Wanda J. Orlikowski and Daniel Robey, "Information Technology and the Structuring of Organizations," Administrative Science Quarterly 39 (1994): 541-74; Wanda J. Orlikowski, "The Duality of Technology: Rethinking the Concept of Technology in Organizations," Organization Science 3 (1992): 398-427; Barley and Tolbert (n. 45 above); Barley, (n. 82 above); Richard Whittington, "Putting Giddens Into Action: Social Systems and Managerial Agency," Journal of Management Studies 29 (1992): 693-712; Geraldine DeSanctis and Marshall Scott Poole, "Capturing the Complexity in Advanced Technology Use: Adaptive Structuration Theory," Organization Science 5 (1994): 121-47; and Yolanda Sarason, "A Model of Organizational Transformation: The Incorporation of Organizational Identity into a Structuration Theory Framework," Academy of Management Journal, Best Papers Proceedings, 1995 (1995): 47-51. Despite this activity, Bijker is not alone in thinking that Giddens overly emphasizes individual act on. But that perception seems largely the product of the sociological debate Giddens chose to engage against structural determinism. In such a debate Giddens' accent would naturally be on agency. A similar perception has dogged SCOT over the years, as some have criticized it as unduly emphasizing the social aspects of invention and design and neglecting the physical limitations of materials and processes. Such an emphasis resulted from SCOT's initial raison d'être: to debunk the myth of technological determinism, which led to SCOT's early accent on the social aspects of design. Just as a well-rounded view of SCOT incorporates both the social and the physical, so too structuration theory balances agency and structure. See Zaheer Baber, "Beyond the Structure/Agency Dualism: An Evaluation of Giddens' Theory of Structuration," Sociological Inquiry 61 (1991): 219-30; the essays by William Outhwaite and Margaret Archer in Anthony Giddens: Consensus and Controversy, ed. J. Clark, Celia Modgil, and S. Modgil (London, 1990), 63-88; and Walter G. Vincenti, "The Technical Shaping of Technology: Real-World Constraints ami Technical Logic in Edison's Electrical Lighting System," Social Studies of Science 25 (1995): 553-74.
204. Applications of structuration theory to organization studies include Yates (n. 3 above); Wanda J. Orlikowski and Daniel Robey, "Information Technology and the Structuring of Organizations," Administrative Science Quarterly 39 (1994): 541-74; Wanda J. Orlikowski, "The Duality of Technology: Rethinking the Concept of Technology in Organizations," Organization Science 3 (1992): 398-427; Barley and Tolbert (n. 45 above); Barley, (n. 82 above); Richard Whittington, "Putting Giddens Into Action: Social Systems and Managerial Agency," Journal of Management Studies 29 (1992): 693-712; Geraldine DeSanctis and Marshall Scott Poole, "Capturing the Complexity in Advanced Technology Use: Adaptive Structuration Theory," Organization Science 5 (1994): 121-47; and Yolanda Sarason, "A Model of Organizational Transformation: The Incorporation of Organizational Identity into a Structuration Theory Framework," Academy of Management Journal, Best Papers Proceedings, 1995 (1995): 47-51. Despite this activity, Bijker is not alone in thinking that Giddens overly emphasizes individual act on. But that perception seems largely the product of the sociological debate Giddens chose to engage against structural determinism. In such a debate Giddens' accent would naturally be on agency. A similar perception has dogged SCOT over the years, as some have criticized it as unduly emphasizing the social aspects of invention and design and neglecting the physical limitations of materials and processes. Such an emphasis resulted from SCOT's initial raison d'être: to debunk the myth of technological determinism, which led to SCOT's early accent on the social aspects of design. Just as a well-rounded view of SCOT incorporates both the social and the physical, so too structuration theory balances agency and structure. See Zaheer Baber, "Beyond the Structure/Agency Dualism: An Evaluation of Giddens' Theory of Structuration," Sociological Inquiry 61 (1991): 219-30; the essays by William Outhwaite and Margaret Archer in Anthony Giddens: Consensus and Controversy, ed. J. Clark, Celia Modgil, and S. Modgil (London, 1990), 63-88; and Walter G. Vincenti, "The Technical Shaping of Technology: Real-World Constraints ami Technical Logic in Edison's Electrical Lighting System," Social Studies of Science 25 (1995): 553-74.
205. Applications of structuration theory to organization studies include Yates (n. 3 above); Wanda J. Orlikowski and Daniel Robey, "Information Technology and the Structuring of Organizations," Administrative Science Quarterly 39 (1994): 541-74; Wanda J. Orlikowski, "The Duality of Technology: Rethinking the Concept of Technology in Organizations," Organization Science 3 (1992): 398-427; Barley and Tolbert (n. 45 above); Barley, (n. 82 above); Richard Whittington, "Putting Giddens Into Action: Social Systems and Managerial Agency," Journal of Management Studies 29 (1992): 693-712; Geraldine DeSanctis and Marshall Scott Poole, "Capturing the Complexity in Advanced Technology Use: Adaptive Structuration Theory," Organization Science 5 (1994): 121-47; and Yolanda Sarason, "A Model of Organizational Transformation: The Incorporation of Organizational Identity into a Structuration Theory Framework," Academy of Management Journal, Best Papers Proceedings, 1995 (1995): 47-51. Despite this activity, Bijker is not alone in thinking that Giddens overly emphasizes individual act on. But that perception seems largely the product of the sociological debate Giddens chose to engage against structural determinism. In such a debate Giddens' accent would naturally be on agency. A similar perception has dogged SCOT over the years, as some have criticized it as unduly emphasizing the social aspects of invention and design and neglecting the physical limitations of materials and processes. Such an emphasis resulted from SCOT's initial raison d'être: to debunk the myth of technological determinism, which led to SCOT's early accent on the social aspects of design. Just as a well-rounded view of SCOT incorporates both the social and the physical, so too structuration theory balances agency and structure. See Zaheer Baber, "Beyond the Structure/Agency Dualism: An Evaluation of Giddens' Theory of Structuration," Sociological Inquiry 61 (1991): 219-30; the essays by William Outhwaite and Margaret Archer in Anthony Giddens: Consensus and Controversy, ed. J. Clark, Celia Modgil, and S. Modgil (London, 1990), 63-88; and Walter G. Vincenti, "The Technical Shaping of Technology: Real-World Constraints ami Technical Logic in Edison's Electrical Lighting System," Social Studies of Science 25 (1995): 553-74.
206. Applications of structuration theory to organization studies include Yates (n. 3 above); Wanda J. Orlikowski and Daniel Robey, "Information Technology and the Structuring of Organizations," Administrative Science Quarterly 39 (1994): 541-74; Wanda J. Orlikowski, "The Duality of Technology: Rethinking the Concept of Technology in Organizations," Organization Science 3 (1992): 398-427; Barley and Tolbert (n. 45 above); Barley, (n. 82 above); Richard Whittington, "Putting Giddens Into Action: Social Systems and Managerial Agency," Journal of Management Studies 29 (1992): 693-712; Geraldine DeSanctis and Marshall Scott Poole, "Capturing the Complexity in Advanced Technology Use: Adaptive Structuration Theory," Organization Science 5 (1994): 121-47; and Yolanda Sarason, "A Model of Organizational Transformation: The Incorporation of Organizational Identity into a Structuration Theory Framework," Academy of Management Journal, Best Papers Proceedings, 1995 (1995): 47-51. Despite this activity, Bijker is not alone in thinking that Giddens overly emphasizes individual act on. But that perception seems largely the product of the sociological debate Giddens chose to engage against structural determinism. In such a debate Giddens' accent would naturally be on agency. A similar perception has dogged SCOT over the years, as some have criticized it as unduly emphasizing the social aspects of invention and design and neglecting the physical limitations of materials and processes. Such an emphasis resulted from SCOT's initial raison d'être: to debunk the myth of technological determinism, which led to SCOT's early accent on the social aspects of design. Just as a well-rounded view of SCOT incorporates both the social and the physical, so too structuration theory balances agency and structure. See Zaheer Baber, "Beyond the Structure/Agency Dualism: An Evaluation of Giddens' Theory of Structuration," Sociological Inquiry 61 (1991): 219-30; the essays by William Outhwaite and Margaret Archer in Anthony Giddens: Consensus and Controversy, ed. J. Clark, Celia Modgil, and S. Modgil (London, 1990), 63-88; and Walter G. Vincenti, "The Technical Shaping of Technology: Real-World Constraints ami Technical Logic in Edison's Electrical Lighting System," Social Studies of Science 25 (1995): 553-74.
207. Applications of structuration theory to organization studies include Yates (n. 3 above); Wanda J. Orlikowski and Daniel Robey, "Information Technology and the Structuring of Organizations," Administrative Science Quarterly 39 (1994): 541-74; Wanda J. Orlikowski, "The Duality of Technology: Rethinking the Concept of Technology in Organizations," Organization Science 3 (1992): 398-427; Barley and Tolbert (n. 45 above); Barley, (n. 82 above); Richard Whittington, "Putting Giddens Into Action: Social Systems and Managerial Agency," Journal of Management Studies 29 (1992): 693-712; Geraldine DeSanctis and Marshall Scott Poole, "Capturing the Complexity in Advanced Technology Use: Adaptive Structuration Theory," Organization Science 5 (1994): 121-47; and Yolanda Sarason, "A Model of Organizational Transformation: The Incorporation of Organizational Identity into a Structuration Theory Framework," Academy of Management Journal, Best Papers Proceedings, 1995 (1995): 47-51. Despite this activity, Bijker is not alone in thinking that Giddens overly emphasizes individual act on. But that perception seems largely the product of the sociological debate Giddens chose to engage against structural determinism. In such a debate Giddens' accent would naturally be on agency. A similar perception has dogged SCOT over the years, as some have criticized it as unduly emphasizing the social aspects of invention and design and neglecting the physical limitations of materials and processes. Such an emphasis resulted from SCOT's initial raison d'être: to debunk the myth of technological determinism, which led to SCOT's early accent on the social aspects of design. Just as a well-rounded view of SCOT incorporates both the social and the physical, so too structuration theory balances agency and structure. See Zaheer Baber, "Beyond the Structure/Agency Dualism: An Evaluation of Giddens' Theory of Structuration," Sociological Inquiry 61 (1991): 219-30; the essays by William Outhwaite and Margaret Archer in Anthony Giddens: Consensus and Controversy, ed. J. Clark, Celia Modgil, and S. Modgil (London, 1990), 63-88; and Walter G. Vincenti, "The Technical Shaping of Technology: Real-World Constraints ami Technical Logic in Edison's Electrical Lighting System," Social Studies of Science 25 (1995): 553-74.
208. Sociologist Mark Shields contends that what many historians of technology are studying under the broad banner of contextualism might be more fruitfully conceived of as "sociotechnical practices." He initially proposed the concept us a mediating link between "system" and "lifeworld" in Jurgen Habermas's social theory, but the concept does not seem inextricably tied to that schema. In fact, Shields pulls an operational definition from Claude Fischer's work: "the purposeful user employing, rejecting, or modifying technologies to his or her ends, but doing so within circumstances that may in some instances be so constraining as to leave little choice at all." Shields adds that "circumstances are not always constraining; they may also enlarge the range of choices." Again, the similarity to Giddens's "structure" is striking. Jeff Livesay suggests that the work of Habermas and others can strengthen certain aspects of Giddens's structuration theory. See Jeff Livesay, "Structuration Theory and the Unacknowledged Conditions of Action," Theory, Culture and Society 6 (May 1989): 263-92; Mark Shields, "Artifacts, Practices, and Systems: The History of Technology as Social Theory," research seminar paper #38 (1996), Center for the History of Business, Technology, and Society, Hagley Museum and Library, Wilmington, Del. Shields quotes from Claude S. Fischer, America Calling: A Social History of the Telephone to 1940 (Berkeley, 1992), 19.
209. Sociologist Mark Shields contends that what many historians of technology are studying under the broad banner of contextualism might be more fruitfully conceived of as "sociotechnical practices." He initially proposed the concept us a mediating link between "system" and "lifeworld" in Jurgen Habermas's social theory, but the concept does not seem inextricably tied to that schema. In fact, Shields pulls an operational definition from Claude Fischer's work: "the purposeful user employing, rejecting, or modifying technologies to his or her ends, but doing so within circumstances that may in some instances be so constraining as to leave little choice at all." Shields adds that "circumstances are not always constraining; they may also enlarge the range of choices." Again, the similarity to Giddens's "structure" is striking. Jeff Livesay suggests that the work of Habermas and others can strengthen certain aspects of Giddens's structuration theory. See Jeff Livesay, "Structuration Theory and the Unacknowledged Conditions of Action," Theory, Culture and Society 6 (May 1989): 263-92; Mark Shields, "Artifacts, Practices, and Systems: The History of Technology as Social Theory," research seminar paper #38 (1996), Center for the History of Business, Technology, and Society, Hagley Museum and Library, Wilmington, Del. Shields quotes from Claude S. Fischer, America Calling: A Social History of the Telephone to 1940 (Berkeley, 1992), 19.
210. Sociologist Mark Shields contends that what many historians of technology are studying under the broad banner of contextualism might be more fruitfully conceived of as "sociotechnical practices." He initially proposed the concept us a mediating link between "system" and "lifeworld" in Jurgen Habermas's social theory, but the concept does not seem inextricably tied to that schema. In fact, Shields pulls an operational definition from Claude Fischer's work: "the purposeful user employing, rejecting, or modifying technologies to his or her ends, but doing so within circumstances that may in some instances be so constraining as to leave little choice at all." Shields adds that "circumstances are not always constraining; they may also enlarge the range of choices." Again, the similarity to Giddens's "structure" is striking. Jeff Livesay suggests that the work of Habermas and others can strengthen certain aspects of Giddens's structuration theory. See Jeff Livesay, "Structuration Theory and the Unacknowledged Conditions of Action," Theory, Culture and Society 6 (May 1989): 263-92; Mark Shields, "Artifacts, Practices, and Systems: The History of Technology as Social Theory," research seminar paper #38 (1996), Center for the History of Business, Technology, and Society, Hagley Museum and Library, Wilmington, Del. Shields quotes from Claude S. Fischer, America Calling: A Social History of the Telephone to 1940 (Berkeley, 1992), 19.
211. Orlikowski criticizes Barley's study of hospital adoption of CT scanners for treating the scanners as static technological triggers of social change. Such is not the case with the current study. See Orlikowski, "The Duality of Technology," 402-3.
212. Bijker, Of Bicycles, Bakelites, and Bulbs, 273.