"The Los Angeles of the North": San Jose's transition from fruit capital to high-tech metropolis

Journal of Urban History

Volumn 25, Issue 4, 1999, Pages 459-476

  Matthews, Glenna ^a  

^a UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA   (United States)

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

FOOD INDUSTRY; HIGH TECHNOLOGY INDUSTRY; INDUSTRIAL HISTORY; INDUSTRIAL STRUCTURE;

UNITED STATES;

EID: 0033360746     PISSN: 00961442     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1177/009614429902500401     Document Type: Review

References (66)

1. Paul Johnston, Success While Others Fail: Social Movement Unionism and the Public Workplace (Ithaca, 1994), 99f. Johnston footnotes my dissertation, "A California Middletown: The Social History of San Jose in the Depression" (Ph.D. diss., Stanford University, 1977) to support his generalization.
2. Interviews with Harry Farrell, October 9, 1996, and Al Ruffo, October 10, 1996.
3. See Glenna Matthews, "The Apricot War: A Study of the Changing Fruit Industry During the 1930s," Agricultural History 59 (January 1985), 25-39. The single biggest problem for local growers was the fact that they lost the German market, the largest foreign market for valley prunes, after Hitler instituted autarchy.
4. Roger W. Lotchin, Fortress California, 1910-1961: From Warfare to Welfare (New York, 1992).
5. Lotchin says that San Francisco (both the city government and the Chamber of Commerce) put up a "tremendous struggle" as part of a coalition of Bay Area cities to get a dirigible station for Sunnyvale. See Lotchin, Fortress California, 56.
6. See Annalee Saxenian, Regional Advantage: Culture and Competition in Silicon Valley and Route 128 (Cambridge, 1994), and John M. Findlay, Magic Lands: Western Cityscapes and American Culture After 1940 (Berkeley, 1992). The latter points out (p. 124) that Terman and his colleagues were eager to redirect the economy of their region away from agriculture and extractive industries. For the background to postwar high-tech development, see Tim John Sturgeon, "The Origins of Silicon Valley: The Development of the Electronics Industry in the San Francisco Bay Area" (master's thesis, University of California, Berkeley, 1992).
7. See Annalee Saxenian, Regional Advantage: Culture and Competition in Silicon Valley and Route 128 (Cambridge, 1994), and John M. Findlay, Magic Lands: Western Cityscapes and American Culture After 1940 (Berkeley, 1992). The latter points out (p. 124) that Terman and his colleagues were eager to redirect the economy of their region away from agriculture and extractive industries. For the background to postwar high-tech development, see Tim John Sturgeon, "The Origins of Silicon Valley: The Development of the Electronics Industry in the San Francisco Bay Area" (master's thesis, University of California, Berkeley, 1992).
8. See Annalee Saxenian, Regional Advantage: Culture and Competition in Silicon Valley and Route 128 (Cambridge, 1994), and John M. Findlay, Magic Lands: Western Cityscapes and American Culture After 1940 (Berkeley, 1992). The latter points out (p. 124) that Terman and his colleagues were eager to redirect the economy of their region away from agriculture and extractive industries. For the background to postwar high-tech development, see Tim John Sturgeon, "The Origins of Silicon Valley: The Development of the Electronics Industry in the San Francisco Bay Area" (master's thesis, University of California, Berkeley, 1992).
9. See Lotchin, Fortress California, and Marilynn S. Johnson, The Second Gold Rush: Oakland and the East Bay in World War II (Berkeley, 1993).
10. See Lotchin, Fortress California, and Marilynn S. Johnson, The Second Gold Rush: Oakland and the East Bay in World War II (Berkeley, 1993).
11. Carl Abbott, The Metropolitan Frontier: Cities in the Modern American West (Tucson, 1993), 10.
12. Lotchin says that California cities were determined to hold onto their wartime gains, and many instituted postwar planning well before the war ended. See Lotchin, Fortress California, 156.
13. These newsletters can be found in the archives of the Santa Clara County Office of Education.
14. Interview with Leila Naslund, October 5, 1996. Ms. Naslund told me that her first husband fell in love with the Santa Clara Valley while there on a military assignment during the war and opted to make his living there.
15. Interview with Charles Davidson, October 11, 1996.
16. On the role of Dutch Hamann see Abbott, The Metropolitan Frontier, and Findlay, Magic Lands. See also Philip J. Trounstine and Terry Christensen, Movers and Shakers: The Study of Community Power (New York, 1982); Richard Reinhardt, "Joe Ridder's San Jose," San Francisco 7 (November 1965); and George Starbird, "The New Metropolis," transcript of a talk given to the San Jose Rotary Club, 1972, San Jose Public Library.
17. On the role of Dutch Hamann see Abbott, The Metropolitan Frontier, and Findlay, Magic Lands. See also Philip J. Trounstine and Terry Christensen, Movers and Shakers: The Study of Community Power (New York, 1982); Richard Reinhardt, "Joe Ridder's San Jose," San Francisco 7 (November 1965); and George Starbird, "The New Metropolis," transcript of a talk given to the San Jose Rotary Club, 1972, San Jose Public Library.
18. On the role of Dutch Hamann see Abbott, The Metropolitan Frontier, and Findlay, Magic Lands. See also Philip J. Trounstine and Terry Christensen, Movers and Shakers: The Study of Community Power (New York, 1982); Richard Reinhardt, "Joe Ridder's San Jose," San Francisco 7 (November 1965); and George Starbird, "The New Metropolis," transcript of a talk given to the San Jose Rotary Club, 1972, San Jose Public Library.
19. On the role of Dutch Hamann see Abbott, The Metropolitan Frontier, and Findlay, Magic Lands. See also Philip J. Trounstine and Terry Christensen, Movers and Shakers: The Study of Community Power (New York, 1982); Richard Reinhardt, "Joe Ridder's San Jose," San Francisco 7 (November 1965); and George Starbird, "The New Metropolis," transcript of a talk given to the San Jose Rotary Club, 1972, San Jose Public Library.
20. On the role of Dutch Hamann see Abbott, The Metropolitan Frontier, and Findlay, Magic Lands. See also Philip J. Trounstine and Terry Christensen, Movers and Shakers: The Study of Community Power (New York, 1982); Richard Reinhardt, "Joe Ridder's San Jose," San Francisco 7 (November 1965); and George Starbird, "The New Metropolis," transcript of a talk given to the San Jose Rotary Club, 1972, San Jose Public Library.
21. It is a mark of how imperial San Jose's ambitions were in those years that growth outside of the city limits was seen as desirable too.
22. On the dimensions of change, see Trounstine and Christensen, Movers and Shakers, 93-109.
23. See Charles Harry Benjamin, "School District Reorganization in California: A Study of State Politics of Education," (Ph.D. diss., Stanford University, 1980), chaps. 3, 4, and 5 on AB1 and its context.
24. See "San Jose Assures Its Future: The Citizens' Participation in the 1957 Capital Improvement Bond Program, June 11, 1957," pamphlet in the Institute of Governmental Studies Library, University of California, Berkeley. See also the San Jose Mercury, June 12, 1957.
25. See "San Jose Assures Its Future: The Citizens' Participation in the 1957 Capital Improvement Bond Program, June 11, 1957," pamphlet in the Institute of Governmental Studies Library, University of California, Berkeley. See also the San Jose Mercury, June 12, 1957.
26. Interview with Al Ruffo, October 10, 1996. See also Trounstine and Christensen, Movers and Shakers. I should mention that Mr. Ruffo is now 88 years old and what he does not know about the events in San Jose since his arrival to study at Santa Clara University in the late 1920s probably is not worth knowing.
27. "San Jose's Master Plan," 1958, 85-88, Institute of Governmental Studies Library, University of California, Berkeley.
28. Kenneth T. Jackson, Crabgrass Frontier: The Suburbanization of the United States (New York, 1985), 266.
29. "San Jose's Master Plan," 17.
30. Trounstine and Christensen, Movers and Shakers, 97. See also Joel Garreau, Edge City: Life on the New Frontier (New York, 1992), 224-7, for a similar account of the centrality of sewers in the development process.
31. Trounstine and Christensen, Movers and Shakers, 97. See also Joel Garreau, Edge City: Life on the New Frontier (New York, 1992), 224-7, for a similar account of the centrality of sewers in the development process.
32. Trounstine and Christensen, Movers and Shakers, 95.
33. Matthews, "The Apricot War."
34. See Karl Belser, "The Making of Slurban America," Cry California 5 (Fall 1970), 1-21; Rebecca Conard, "Slurbanizing the Valley of Heart's Delight: Origins of Agricultural Land Protection in California" (master's thesis, University of California, Santa Barbara, 1983); George Goodrich Mader, "Planning for Agriculture in Urbanizing Areas: A Case Study of Santa Clara County, California" (master's thesis, University of California, Los Angeles, 1956). Conard points out that the largest operators with the most to protect were those most likely to resist the blandishments of developers.
35. See Karl Belser, "The Making of Slurban America," Cry California 5 (Fall 1970), 1-21; Rebecca Conard, "Slurbanizing the Valley of Heart's Delight: Origins of Agricultural Land Protection in California" (master's thesis, University of California, Santa Barbara, 1983); George Goodrich Mader, "Planning for Agriculture in Urbanizing Areas: A Case Study of Santa Clara County, California" (master's thesis, University of California, Los Angeles, 1956). Conard points out that the largest operators with the most to protect were those most likely to resist the blandishments of developers.
36. See Karl Belser, "The Making of Slurban America," Cry California 5 (Fall 1970), 1-21; Rebecca Conard, "Slurbanizing the Valley of Heart's Delight: Origins of Agricultural Land Protection in California" (master's thesis, University of California, Santa Barbara, 1983); George Goodrich Mader, "Planning for Agriculture in Urbanizing Areas: A Case Study of Santa Clara County, California" (master's thesis, University of California, Los Angeles, 1956). Conard points out that the largest operators with the most to protect were those most likely to resist the blandishments of developers.
37. Karl Belser, "Orderly Development of the Suburbs," February 10, 1966, Catherine Bauer Wurster Papers, Box 7, the Bancroft Library, University of California, Berkeley.
38. Paul F. Griffin and Ronald L. Chatham, "Urban Impact on Agriculture in Santa Clara County, California," Annals of the Association of American Geographers 48 (September 1958), 195-208, 203.
39. For example, one of the earliest incorporations in the colonies, in 1652, was the chartering of the Waterworks Company by the General Court of Massachusetts. See Nelson Manfred Blake, Water for the Cities: A History of the Urban Water Supply Problem in the United States (Syracuse, 1956), 15.
40. Herbert C. Jones, "Herbert C. Jones on California Government and Public Issues," 1958, Regional Cultural History Project, the Bancroft Library, University of California, Berkeley, 256-258. Before the passage of the Jones Act, water districts were set up under the Wright Irrigation Act, designed for districts with only one source of water.
41. See the Jones oral history; Jones, "Water for the Valley: A Quarter-Century Record of the Santa Clara Valley Water Conservation District, 1929-1954," pamphlet, Stanford University Archives; Seonaid McCarthur, ed., Water in the Santa Clara Valley (Cupertino, 1981); Interview with Albert Henley, October 28, 1996; Richard A. Walker and Matthew J. Williams, "Water from Power: Water Supply and Regional Growth in the Santa Clara Valley," Economic Geography 58 (April 1982), 95-119; and A. P. Hamann, "Water Importation Program for Santa Clara County Cities," Western City (October 1965). On the new state role in water that developed in the 1930s, see Norris Hundley Jr., The Great Thirst: Californians and Water, 1770s-1990s (Berkeley, 1992). I also consulted archival materials in the library of the Santa Clara Valley Water District, and in the longer version of this work, I will draw upon them.
42. See the Jones oral history; Jones, "Water for the Valley: A Quarter-Century Record of the Santa Clara Valley Water Conservation District, 1929-1954," pamphlet, Stanford University Archives; Seonaid McCarthur, ed., Water in the Santa Clara Valley (Cupertino, 1981); Interview with Albert Henley, October 28, 1996; Richard A. Walker and Matthew J. Williams, "Water from Power: Water Supply and Regional Growth in the Santa Clara Valley," Economic Geography 58 (April 1982), 95-119; and A. P. Hamann, "Water Importation Program for Santa Clara County Cities," Western City (October 1965). On the new state role in water that developed in the 1930s, see Norris Hundley Jr., The Great Thirst: Californians and Water, 1770s-1990s (Berkeley, 1992). I also consulted archival materials in the library of the Santa Clara Valley Water District, and in the longer version of this work, I will draw upon them.
43. See the Jones oral history; Jones, "Water for the Valley: A Quarter-Century Record of the Santa Clara Valley Water Conservation District, 1929-1954," pamphlet, Stanford University Archives; Seonaid McCarthur, ed., Water in the Santa Clara Valley (Cupertino, 1981); Interview with Albert Henley, October 28, 1996; Richard A. Walker and Matthew J. Williams, "Water from Power: Water Supply and Regional Growth in the Santa Clara Valley," Economic Geography 58 (April 1982), 95-119; and A. P. Hamann, "Water Importation Program for Santa Clara County Cities," Western City (October 1965). On the new state role in water that developed in the 1930s, see Norris Hundley Jr., The Great Thirst: Californians and Water, 1770s-1990s (Berkeley, 1992). I also consulted archival materials in the library of the Santa Clara Valley Water District, and in the longer version of this work, I will draw upon them.
44. See the Jones oral history; Jones, "Water for the Valley: A Quarter-Century Record of the Santa Clara Valley Water Conservation District, 1929-1954," pamphlet, Stanford University Archives; Seonaid McCarthur, ed., Water in the Santa Clara Valley (Cupertino, 1981); Interview with Albert Henley, October 28, 1996; Richard A. Walker and Matthew J. Williams, "Water from Power: Water Supply and Regional Growth in the Santa Clara Valley," Economic Geography 58 (April 1982), 95-119; and A. P. Hamann, "Water Importation Program for Santa Clara County Cities," Western City (October 1965). On the new state role in water that developed in the 1930s, see Norris Hundley Jr., The Great Thirst: Californians and Water, 1770s-1990s (Berkeley, 1992). I also consulted archival materials in the library of the Santa Clara Valley Water District, and in the longer version of this work, I will draw upon them.
45. See the Jones oral history; Jones, "Water for the Valley: A Quarter-Century Record of the Santa Clara Valley Water Conservation District, 1929-1954," pamphlet, Stanford University Archives; Seonaid McCarthur, ed., Water in the Santa Clara Valley (Cupertino, 1981); Interview with Albert Henley, October 28, 1996; Richard A. Walker and Matthew J. Williams, "Water from Power: Water Supply and Regional Growth in the Santa Clara Valley," Economic Geography 58 (April 1982), 95-119; and A. P. Hamann, "Water Importation Program for Santa Clara County Cities," Western City (October 1965). On the new state role in water that developed in the 1930s, see Norris Hundley Jr., The Great Thirst: Californians and Water, 1770s-1990s (Berkeley, 1992). I also consulted archival materials in the library of the Santa Clara Valley Water District, and in the longer version of this work, I will draw upon them.
46. See the Jones oral history; Jones, "Water for the Valley: A Quarter-Century Record of the Santa Clara Valley Water Conservation District, 1929-1954," pamphlet, Stanford University Archives; Seonaid McCarthur, ed., Water in the Santa Clara Valley (Cupertino, 1981); Interview with Albert Henley, October 28, 1996; Richard A. Walker and Matthew J. Williams, "Water from Power: Water Supply and Regional Growth in the Santa Clara Valley," Economic Geography 58 (April 1982), 95-119; and A. P. Hamann, "Water Importation Program for Santa Clara County Cities," Western City (October 1965). On the new state role in water that developed in the 1930s, see Norris Hundley Jr., The Great Thirst: Californians and Water, 1770s-1990s (Berkeley, 1992). I also consulted archival materials in the library of the Santa Clara Valley Water District, and in the longer version of this work, I will draw upon them.
47. San Jose Mercury, July 29, 1961, byline article by Harry Farrell; Harry Farrell, "The San Felipe Story," pamphlet published by the Santa Clara Valley Water District, 1987; interview with Harry Farrell, October 9, 1996; Robert Rue Lee, "Local Government Public Works Decision-Making" (Ph.D. diss., Stanford University, 1964).
48. San Jose Mercury, July 29, 1961, byline article by Harry Farrell; Harry Farrell, "The San Felipe Story," pamphlet published by the Santa Clara Valley Water District, 1987; interview with Harry Farrell, October 9, 1996; Robert Rue Lee, "Local Government Public Works Decision-Making" (Ph.D. diss., Stanford University, 1964).
49. San Jose Mercury, July 29, 1961, byline article by Harry Farrell; Harry Farrell, "The San Felipe Story," pamphlet published by the Santa Clara Valley Water District, 1987; interview with Harry Farrell, October 9, 1996; Robert Rue Lee, "Local Government Public Works Decision-Making" (Ph.D. diss., Stanford University, 1964).
50. San Jose Mercury, July 29, 1961, byline article by Harry Farrell; Harry Farrell, "The San Felipe Story," pamphlet published by the Santa Clara Valley Water District, 1987; interview with Harry Farrell, October 9, 1996; Robert Rue Lee, "Local Government Public Works Decision-Making" (Ph.D. diss., Stanford University, 1964).
51. This compromise took several years fully to put together. The first steps were taken in 1961. Valley voters then turned down a key bond issue in 1962. The next time it came to a vote, it passed by a six-to-one margin. See Lee, "Local Government," 241-4. The compromise was fully in place by 1968. The board of the Santa Clara Valley Water District now has seven members, five elected from each of the supervisorial districts, and two appointed by the board of supervisors, one from north county and one from south county. The board of supervisors reviews the Water District's budget annually, although as a practical matter, the former has never challenged the latter's decisions. I am indebted to Sig Sanchez, currently on the Water District's board (as an appointee) but formerly on the board of supervisors, for elucidating these issues for me. He was directly involved with negotiating the compromise as a member of the board of supervisors from the more agricultural south county. Interview with Sig Sanchez, December 3, 1996.
52. Albert Thomas Henley, "Land Subsidence in a California County: The Legal Issues," paper presented to United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization Conference, Venice, March 1984.
53. See the excellent discussion of this subject in Benjamin, "School District Reorganization." See also Glen W. Vance, "School District Organization in the Metropolitan Area of Santa Clara County, California" (Ed.D. diss., University of Arizona, 1966).
54. See the excellent discussion of this subject in Benjamin, "School District Reorganization." See also Glen W. Vance, "School District Organization in the Metropolitan Area of Santa Clara County, California" (Ed.D. diss., University of Arizona, 1966).
55. Benjamin, "School District Reorganization," 19.
56. Vance, "School District Organization," 141.
57. I should point out that the disparities have diminished in severity as the state has absorbed an increasing share of the cost of education.
58. Tri Commission, "Housing Patterns, Zoning Laws, and Segregated Schools in Santa Clara County," Report on Public Hearings, August 4 to September 21, 1975, California Room, San Jose Public Library, 33.
59. Lizabeth Cohen points out that this same process of fragmentation was also occurring because of new patterns of consumption in the postwar era. "The landscape of mass consumption created a metropolitan society in which people were no longer brought together in central market-places and the parks, streets, and public buildings that surrounded them but, rather, were separated by class, gender, and race in differentiated commercial sub-centers." Cohen, "From Town Center to Shopping Center: The Reconfiguration of Community Marketplaces in Postwar America," American Historical Review 101 (October 1996), 1050-81, 1079. The good news is that such new facilities as a children's museum in downtown San Jose currently seem to be reaching many different socioeconomic groups.
60. An article in Business Week, September 19, 1970, titled "Correcting San Jose's Boomtime Mistakes," asserted that "now San Jose is sobering up from its 20-year growth binge." On the gender dimension of the antigrowth activism in San Jose, see Johnston, Success While Others Fail. On San Jose and Santa Clara County as feminist domains owing to the large number of women officeholders, see Janet A. Flammang, "Filling the Party Vacuum: Women at the Grassroots Level in Local Politics," in Flammang, ed., Political Women: Current Roles in State and Local Government (Beverly Hills, 1984). On the connection between gender and the politics of preserving the landscape in general, see Garreau, Edge City, 407. Worth noting is the fact that two scholars who conducted a RAND study of San Jose in the early 1970s found widespread public satisfaction with the area, despite all of the growth. See Daniel J. Alesch and Robert A. Levine, Growth in San Jose: A Summary Policy Statement (Santa Monica, 1973). Worth noting, too, is the fact that over the past twenty years, Bay Area antigrowth activists have used San Jose as a horrible example of development run amok.
61. An article in Business Week, September 19, 1970, titled "Correcting San Jose's Boomtime Mistakes," asserted that "now San Jose is sobering up from its 20-year growth binge." On the gender dimension of the antigrowth activism in San Jose, see Johnston, Success While Others Fail. On San Jose and Santa Clara County as feminist domains owing to the large number of women officeholders, see Janet A. Flammang, "Filling the Party Vacuum: Women at the Grassroots Level in Local Politics," in Flammang, ed., Political Women: Current Roles in State and Local Government (Beverly Hills, 1984). On the connection between gender and the politics of preserving the landscape in general, see Garreau, Edge City, 407. Worth noting is the fact that two scholars who conducted a RAND study of San Jose in the early 1970s found widespread public satisfaction with the area, despite all of the growth. See Daniel J. Alesch and Robert A. Levine, Growth in San Jose: A Summary Policy Statement (Santa Monica, 1973). Worth noting, too, is the fact that over the past twenty years, Bay Area antigrowth activists have used San Jose as a horrible example of development run amok.
62. An article in Business Week, September 19, 1970, titled "Correcting San Jose's Boomtime Mistakes," asserted that "now San Jose is sobering up from its 20-year growth binge." On the gender dimension of the antigrowth activism in San Jose, see Johnston, Success While Others Fail. On San Jose and Santa Clara County as feminist domains owing to the large number of women officeholders, see Janet A. Flammang, "Filling the Party Vacuum: Women at the Grassroots Level in Local Politics," in Flammang, ed., Political Women: Current Roles in State and Local Government (Beverly Hills, 1984). On the connection between gender and the politics of preserving the landscape in general, see Garreau, Edge City, 407. Worth noting is the fact that two scholars who conducted a RAND study of San Jose in the early 1970s found widespread public satisfaction with the area, despite all of the growth. See Daniel J. Alesch and Robert A. Levine, Growth in San Jose: A Summary Policy Statement (Santa Monica, 1973). Worth noting, too, is the fact that over the past twenty years, Bay Area antigrowth activists have used San Jose as a horrible example of development run amok.
63. An article in Business Week, September 19, 1970, titled "Correcting San Jose's Boomtime Mistakes," asserted that "now San Jose is sobering up from its 20-year growth binge." On the gender dimension of the antigrowth activism in San Jose, see Johnston, Success While Others Fail. On San Jose and Santa Clara County as feminist domains owing to the large number of women officeholders, see Janet A. Flammang, "Filling the Party Vacuum: Women at the Grassroots Level in Local Politics," in Flammang, ed., Political Women: Current Roles in State and Local Government (Beverly Hills, 1984). On the connection between gender and the politics of preserving the landscape in general, see Garreau, Edge City, 407. Worth noting is the fact that two scholars who conducted a RAND study of San Jose in the early 1970s found widespread public satisfaction with the area, despite all of the growth. See Daniel J. Alesch and Robert A. Levine, Growth in San Jose: A Summary Policy Statement (Santa Monica, 1973). Worth noting, too, is the fact that over the past twenty years, Bay Area antigrowth activists have used San Jose as a horrible example of development run amok.
64. An article in Business Week, September 19, 1970, titled "Correcting San Jose's Boomtime Mistakes," asserted that "now San Jose is sobering up from its 20-year growth binge." On the gender dimension of the antigrowth activism in San Jose, see Johnston, Success While Others Fail. On San Jose and Santa Clara County as feminist domains owing to the large number of women officeholders, see Janet A. Flammang, "Filling the Party Vacuum: Women at the Grassroots Level in Local Politics," in Flammang, ed., Political Women: Current Roles in State and Local Government (Beverly Hills, 1984). On the connection between gender and the politics of preserving the landscape in general, see Garreau, Edge City, 407. Worth noting is the fact that two scholars who conducted a RAND study of San Jose in the early 1970s found widespread public satisfaction with the area, despite all of the growth. See Daniel J. Alesch and Robert A. Levine, Growth in San Jose: A Summary Policy Statement (Santa Monica, 1973). Worth noting, too, is the fact that over the past twenty years, Bay Area antigrowth activists have used San Jose as a horrible example of development run amok.
65. See David Rusk, Cities without Suburbs, 2d ed. revised (Baltimore, 1996), 9, 10, for a discussion of the beneficial role that annexation plays in the life of a city.
66. See the feature on redevelopment in San Jose, "San Jose: The Billion Dollar Gamble," Peninsula (March 1987).