Liberal elites, socialist masses, and problems of Russian democracy

World Politics

Volumn 51, Issue 3, 1999, Pages 323-358

  Kullberg, Judith S ^a   Zimmerman, William ^a  

^a NONE

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

DEMOCRACY; LIBERALISM; POLITICAL GEOGRAPHY; SOCIALISM;

RUSSIAN FEDERATION;

EID: 0033037497     PISSN: 00438871     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1017/S0043887100009102     Document Type: Article

References (100)

1. Stephen Whitefield and Geoffrey Evans, "The Russian Election of 1993: Public Opinion and the Transition Experience," Post-Soviet Affairs 10 (January-March 1994); and Adam Przeworski, "Economic Reform in Poland and the East European Experience," in Carlos Bresser-Pereira and Adam Przeworski, eds., Economic Reforms in New Democracies: A Social Democratic Approach (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994).
2. Stephen Whitefield and Geoffrey Evans, "The Russian Election of 1993: Public Opinion and the Transition Experience," Post-Soviet Affairs 10 (January-March 1994); and Adam Przeworski, "Economic Reform in Poland and the East European Experience," in Carlos Bresser-Pereira and Adam Przeworski, eds., Economic Reforms in New Democracies: A Social Democratic Approach (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994).
3. Jerry F. Hough, "The Russian Election of 1993: Public Attitudes toward Economic Reform and Democratization," Post-Soviet Affairs 10 (January-March 1994).
4. See Pawel Spiewak, "Kto rzadzi w Polsce?" in Moroslawa Grabowska and Antoi Sulek, eds., Polska 1989-92: fragmenty pejzazu (Warsaw: IFIS PAN, 1993); Jerzy Szacki, Liberalism after Communism (Budapest: Central European University Press, 1995); Adam Michnik et al., "The Return of the Left in Central Europe?" Constellations 2 (April 1995); and Václav Havel (address to a joint session of the Czech Parliament, Prague, December 9, 1997.
5. See Pawel Spiewak, "Kto rzadzi w Polsce?" in Moroslawa Grabowska and Antoi Sulek, eds., Polska 1989-92: fragmenty pejzazu (Warsaw: IFIS PAN, 1993); Jerzy Szacki, Liberalism after Communism (Budapest: Central European University Press, 1995); Adam Michnik et al., "The Return of the Left in Central Europe?" Constellations 2 (April 1995); and Václav Havel (address to a joint session of the Czech Parliament, Prague, December 9, 1997.
6. See Pawel Spiewak, "Kto rzadzi w Polsce?" in Moroslawa Grabowska and Antoi Sulek, eds., Polska 1989-92: fragmenty pejzazu (Warsaw: IFIS PAN, 1993); Jerzy Szacki, Liberalism after Communism (Budapest: Central European University Press, 1995); Adam Michnik et al., "The Return of the Left in Central Europe?" Constellations 2 (April 1995); and Václav Havel (address to a joint session of the Czech Parliament, Prague, December 9, 1997.
7. See Pawel Spiewak, "Kto rzadzi w Polsce?" in Moroslawa Grabowska and Antoi Sulek, eds., Polska 1989-92: fragmenty pejzazu (Warsaw: IFIS PAN, 1993); Jerzy Szacki, Liberalism after Communism (Budapest: Central European University Press, 1995); Adam Michnik et al., "The Return of the Left in Central Europe?" Constellations 2 (April 1995); and Václav Havel (address to a joint session of the Czech Parliament, Prague, December 9, 1997.
8. Any interpretation of the 1996 presidential election must acknowledge the effect of the electoral rules and the uneven playing field on the outcome. Electoral support for Yeltsin was intensified by the use of a two-round system that forced voters to choose in a second round between the two candidates with the strongest showing in the first round. Thus, in the first round in June, Yeltsin received only 35.3 percent of the vote versus 32 percent for the leader of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, Gennadi Ziuganov, but received 53.8 percent of the vote to Ziuganov's 40.3 percent in the second round in July. Yeltsin's success in drawing votes from those who had cast ballots for other candidates in the first round was facilitated by a pro-Yeltsin, anticommunist media blitz in late June and early July.
9. Timothy J. Colton, "Economics and Voting in Russia," Post-Soviet Affairs 12 (October-December 1996).
10. Charles Lindblom, Politics and Markets: The World's Political-Economic Systems (New York: Basic Books, 1977).
11. Claus Offe, Emanuel Richter, and Pierre Adler, "Capitalism by Democratic Design? Democratic Theory Facing the Triple Transition in East Central Europe," Social Research 58, no. 4 (1991); and Joan M. Nelson, ed., Intricate Links: Democratization and Market Reforms in Latin America and Eastern Europe (New Brunswick, N.J.;Transaction, 1994).
12. Claus Offe, Emanuel Richter, and Pierre Adler, "Capitalism by Democratic Design? Democratic Theory Facing the Triple Transition in East Central Europe," Social Research 58, no. 4 (1991); and Joan M. Nelson, ed., Intricate Links: Democratization and Market Reforms in Latin America and Eastern Europe (New Brunswick, N.J.;Transaction, 1994).
13. Adam Przeworski, Democracy and the Market (New York; Cambridge University Press, 1991); Joan Nelson, "Linkages between Politics and Economics," in Larry Diamond and Marc F. Plattner, eds., Economic Reform and Democracy (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1995); and Charles Gati, "If Not Democracy, What? Leaders, Laggards and Losers in the Postcommunist World," in Michael Mandelbaum, ed., Postcommunism: Four Perspectives (New York: Council on Foreign Relations, 1996).
14. Adam Przeworski, Democracy and the Market (New York; Cambridge University Press, 1991); Joan Nelson, "Linkages between Politics and Economics," in Larry Diamond and Marc F. Plattner, eds., Economic Reform and Democracy (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1995); and Charles Gati, "If Not Democracy, What? Leaders, Laggards and Losers in the Postcommunist World," in Michael Mandelbaum, ed., Postcommunism: Four Perspectives (New York: Council on Foreign Relations, 1996).
15. Adam Przeworski, Democracy and the Market (New York; Cambridge University Press, 1991); Joan Nelson, "Linkages between Politics and Economics," in Larry Diamond and Marc F. Plattner, eds., Economic Reform and Democracy (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1995); and Charles Gati, "If Not Democracy, What? Leaders, Laggards and Losers in the Postcommunist World," in Michael Mandelbaum, ed., Postcommunism: Four Perspectives (New York: Council on Foreign Relations, 1996).
16. Przeworksi (fn. 8), 177-78.
17. James L. Gibson and Raymond M. Duch, "Emerging Democratic Values in Soviet Political Culture," in Arthur H. Miller, William M. Reisinger, and Vicki L. Hesli, eds., Public Opinion and Regime Change: The New Politics of Post-Soviet Societies (Boulder, Colo.: Westview Press, 1993).
18. Stephan Haggard and Steven B. Webb, "What Do We Know about the Political Economy of Reform," World Bank Observer 8 (1993); Susan C. Stokes, "Public Opinion and Market Reforms: The Limits of Economic Voting," Comparative Political Studies 29 (October 1996).
19. Stephan Haggard and Steven B. Webb, "What Do We Know about the Political Economy of Reform," World Bank Observer 8 (1993); Susan C. Stokes, "Public Opinion and Market Reforms: The Limits of Economic Voting," Comparative Political Studies 29 (October 1996).
20. Peter McDonough, "Identities, Ideologies, and Interests: Democratization and the Culture of Mass Politics in Spain and Eastern Europe," Journal of Politics 57 (August 1995); Przeworski (fn. 2 ).
21. Peter McDonough, "Identities, Ideologies, and Interests: Democratization and the Culture of Mass Politics in Spain and Eastern Europe," Journal of Politics 57 (August 1995); Przeworski (fn. 2 ).
22. Douglass C. North, Structure and Change in Economic History (New York: W. W. Norton, 1981), 191.
23. Our concept of economic position is inspired by Weber, who saw an individual's "chance in the market" or "market situation" as the "decisive moment" shaping his or her "fate." Weber argued that the key determinant of the market situation of individuals or groups is possession of property, because property provides power in the market. The market situation of individuals and groups lacking property depends upon the value of their labor and how much control they are able to exercise over the disposition of the products of their labor. See Max Weber, Economy and Society (1914; Berkeley: University of California Press, 1968), 927-28.
24. For various perspectives on the contribution of specific social strata or classes to the development of representative democracy, see Seymour Martin Lipset, "Some Social Requisites of Democracy," American Political Science Review 53 (March 1959); Gabriel Almond and Sidney Verba, The Civic Culture (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1963); Barrigton Moore, Social Origins of Dictatorship and Democracy (Boston: Beacon Press, 1966); Samuel Huntington, Political Order in Changing Societies (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1968), on the role of the working class in democratic development, see Dietrich Rueschemeyer, Evelyne Huber Stephens, and John D. Stephens, Capitalist Development and Democracy (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1992); and Charles Tilly, Popular Contention in Great Britain, 1758-1834 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1995).
25. For various perspectives on the contribution of specific social strata or classes to the development of representative democracy, see Seymour Martin Lipset, "Some Social Requisites of Democracy," American Political Science Review 53 (March 1959); Gabriel Almond and Sidney Verba, The Civic Culture (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1963); Barrigton Moore, Social Origins of Dictatorship and Democracy (Boston: Beacon Press, 1966); Samuel Huntington, Political Order in Changing Societies (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1968), on the role of the working class in democratic development, see Dietrich Rueschemeyer, Evelyne Huber Stephens, and John D. Stephens, Capitalist Development and Democracy (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1992); and Charles Tilly, Popular Contention in Great Britain, 1758-1834 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1995).
26. For various perspectives on the contribution of specific social strata or classes to the development of representative democracy, see Seymour Martin Lipset, "Some Social Requisites of Democracy," American Political Science Review 53 (March 1959); Gabriel Almond and Sidney Verba, The Civic Culture (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1963); Barrigton Moore, Social Origins of Dictatorship and Democracy (Boston: Beacon Press, 1966); Samuel Huntington, Political Order in Changing Societies (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1968), on the role of the working class in democratic development, see Dietrich Rueschemeyer, Evelyne Huber Stephens, and John D. Stephens, Capitalist Development and Democracy (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1992); and Charles Tilly, Popular Contention in Great Britain, 1758-1834 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1995).
27. For various perspectives on the contribution of specific social strata or classes to the development of representative democracy, see Seymour Martin Lipset, "Some Social Requisites of Democracy," American Political Science Review 53 (March 1959); Gabriel Almond and Sidney Verba, The Civic Culture (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1963); Barrigton Moore, Social Origins of Dictatorship and Democracy (Boston: Beacon Press, 1966); Samuel Huntington, Political Order in Changing Societies (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1968), on the role of the working class in democratic development, see Dietrich Rueschemeyer, Evelyne Huber Stephens, and John D. Stephens, Capitalist Development and Democracy (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1992); and Charles Tilly, Popular Contention in Great Britain, 1758-1834 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1995).
28. For various perspectives on the contribution of specific social strata or classes to the development of representative democracy, see Seymour Martin Lipset, "Some Social Requisites of Democracy," American Political Science Review 53 (March 1959); Gabriel Almond and Sidney Verba, The Civic Culture (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1963); Barrigton Moore, Social Origins of Dictatorship and Democracy (Boston: Beacon Press, 1966); Samuel Huntington, Political Order in Changing Societies (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1968), on the role of the working class in democratic development, see Dietrich Rueschemeyer, Evelyne Huber Stephens, and John D. Stephens, Capitalist Development and Democracy (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1992); and Charles Tilly, Popular Contention in Great Britain, 1758-1834 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1995).
29. For various perspectives on the contribution of specific social strata or classes to the development of representative democracy, see Seymour Martin Lipset, "Some Social Requisites of Democracy," American Political Science Review 53 (March 1959); Gabriel Almond and Sidney Verba, The Civic Culture (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1963); Barrigton Moore, Social Origins of Dictatorship and Democracy (Boston: Beacon Press, 1966); Samuel Huntington, Political Order in Changing Societies (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1968), on the role of the working class in democratic development, see Dietrich Rueschemeyer, Evelyne Huber Stephens, and John D. Stephens, Capitalist Development and Democracy (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1992); and Charles Tilly, Popular Contention in Great Britain, 1758-1834 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1995).
30. Robert Dahl, Pluralist Democracy in the United States (Chicago: Rand McNally, 1967).
31. Judith N. Shklar, Political Theory and Ideology (New York: Macmillan, 1966); and Giovanni Sartori, "Politics, Ideology, and Belief Systems," American Political Science Review 63 (June 1969).
32. Judith N. Shklar, Political Theory and Ideology (New York: Macmillan, 1966); and Giovanni Sartori, "Politics, Ideology, and Belief Systems," American Political Science Review 63 (June 1969).
33. North (fn. 13), 48-54; Antonio Gramsci, Prison Notebooks (New York: International Publishers, 1971); Karl Marx, The German Ideology (New York: International Publishers, 1986).
34. North (fn. 13), 48-54; Antonio Gramsci, Prison Notebooks (New York: International Publishers, 1971); Karl Marx, The German Ideology (New York: International Publishers, 1986).
35. North (fn. 13), 48-54; Antonio Gramsci, Prison Notebooks (New York: International Publishers, 1971); Karl Marx, The German Ideology (New York: International Publishers, 1986).
36. Disadvantaged and aggrieved individuals may also use an ideology's tenets of justice to stimulate and justify collective action to correct perceived inequity. See David Apter, ed., Ideology and Discontent (Glencoe, III.: Free Press, 1964), chap. 1; and Sidney Tarrow, Power in Movement (Cambridge; Cambridge University Press, 1994), 22-23.
37. Disadvantaged and aggrieved individuals may also use an ideology's tenets of justice to stimulate and justify collective action to correct perceived inequity. See David Apter, ed., Ideology and Discontent (Glencoe, III.: Free Press, 1964), chap. 1; and Sidney Tarrow, Power in Movement (Cambridge; Cambridge University Press, 1994), 22-23.
38. This is so, particularly insofar as the regime's ideology justifies authority relations and sustains its legitimacy. For a theoretical examination of the relationship between regime and societal patterns of authority and the importance of congruence between them, see Harry Eckstein, Regarding Politics: Essays on Political Theory, Stability and Change (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1992); and idem, "Congruence Theory Explained," in Harry Eckstein et al., eds., Can Democracy Take Root in Post-Soviet Russia? (Lanham, Md.: Rowman and Littlefield Publishers, 1998).
39. This is so, particularly insofar as the regime's ideology justifies authority relations and sustains its legitimacy. For a theoretical examination of the relationship between regime and societal patterns of authority and the importance of congruence between them, see Harry Eckstein, Regarding Politics: Essays on Political Theory, Stability and Change (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1992); and idem, "Congruence Theory Explained," in Harry Eckstein et al., eds., Can Democracy Take Root in Post-Soviet Russia? (Lanham, Md.: Rowman and Littlefield Publishers, 1998).
40. Václav Havel et al., The Power of the Powerless (Armonk, N.Y.: M. E. Sharpe, 1985).The validity of Havel's incisive and eloquent examination of the causes and Consequences of socialist dualism is confirmed by the thousands of autobiographical and firsthand accounts of life under communism, which almost invariably contain some discussion of the ways in which everyday life, experience, and perception were affected by the discordance between socialist ideology and socialist reality.
41. See G. V. Osipov, V. K. Levashov, and V. V. Lokosov, Rossiia u kriticheskoi cherty: vozrozhdenie ili katastrofa (Moscow: Respublika, 1997); Linda Racioppi and Katherine O'Sullivan See, "Organizing Women before and after the Fall," Signs 20 (Summer 1995); Katherine Verdery, What Was Socialism and What Comes Next? (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1996), chap, 3; and Ulla Grapard, "Theoretical Issues of Gender in the Transition from Socialist Regimes," Journal of Economic Issues 31 (September 1997),
42. See G. V. Osipov, V. K. Levashov, and V. V. Lokosov, Rossiia u kriticheskoi cherty: vozrozhdenie ili katastrofa (Moscow: Respublika, 1997); Linda Racioppi and Katherine O'Sullivan See, "Organizing Women before and after the Fall," Signs 20 (Summer 1995); Katherine Verdery, What Was Socialism and What Comes Next? (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1996), chap, 3; and Ulla Grapard, "Theoretical Issues of Gender in the Transition from Socialist Regimes," Journal of Economic Issues 31 (September 1997),
43. See G. V. Osipov, V. K. Levashov, and V. V. Lokosov, Rossiia u kriticheskoi cherty: vozrozhdenie ili katastrofa (Moscow: Respublika, 1997); Linda Racioppi and Katherine O'Sullivan See, "Organizing Women before and after the Fall," Signs 20 (Summer 1995); Katherine Verdery, What Was Socialism and What Comes Next? (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1996), chap, 3; and Ulla Grapard, "Theoretical Issues of Gender in the Transition from Socialist Regimes," Journal of Economic Issues 31 (September 1997),
44. See G. V. Osipov, V. K. Levashov, and V. V. Lokosov, Rossiia u kriticheskoi cherty: vozrozhdenie ili katastrofa (Moscow: Respublika, 1997); Linda Racioppi and Katherine O'Sullivan See, "Organizing Women before and after the Fall," Signs 20 (Summer 1995); Katherine Verdery, What Was Socialism and What Comes Next? (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1996), chap, 3; and Ulla Grapard, "Theoretical Issues of Gender in the Transition from Socialist Regimes," Journal of Economic Issues 31 (September 1997),
45. Institut sotsial'no-politicheskikh issledovarnnii Rossiiskoi Akademii Nauk, Reformirovanie Rossii: Mify i real'nost (Moscow: Akademia, 1994), 89-208; Stefan Hedlund and Niclas Sundstrom, "The Russian Economy after Systemic Change," Europe Asia-Studies 48 (September 1996).
46. Institut sotsial'no-politicheskikh issledovarnnii Rossiiskoi Akademii Nauk, Reformirovanie Rossii: Mify i real'nost (Moscow: Akademia, 1994), 89-208; Stefan Hedlund and Niclas Sundstrom, "The Russian Economy after Systemic Change," Europe Asia-Studies 48 (September 1996).
47. See Joel S. Hellman, "Winners Take All: The Politics of Partial Reform in Postcommunist Transitions," World Politics 50 (January 1998).
48. In 1986 the average wage of the top decile of income earners was 2.5 times greater than that of the bottom decile; by 1996 the average income of the top decile was twenty times greater than that of the bottom decile, Henryk Flakierski, Income Inequalities in the Former Soviet Union and Its Republics {Armonk, N.Y.: M.E. Sharpe, 1993), 16-17; and Nikolai Shmelyov, Literaturnaia gazeta (December 4, 1996), 3.
49. In 1986 the average wage of the top decile of income earners was 2.5 times greater than that of the bottom decile; by 1996 the average income of the top decile was twenty times greater than that of the bottom decile, Henryk Flakierski, Income Inequalities in the Former Soviet Union and Its Republics {Armonk, N.Y.: M.E. Sharpe, 1993), 16-17; and Nikolai Shmelyov, Literaturnaia gazeta (December 4, 1996), 3.
50. Larisa Piasheva, "Proigrannyi shans: zametki rynochnogo romantika," Znamia 9 (1994); Olga Kryshtanovskaia and Stephen White, "From Soviet Nomenklatura to Russian Elite," Europe-Asia Studies 48 (July 1996); Joseph R. Blasi, Maya Kroumova, and Douglas Kruse, Kremlin Capitalism (Ithaca, N.Y.: ILR/Cornell University Press, 1997); Stephen Solnick, Stealing the State: Control and Collapse in Soviet Institutions (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1998).
51. Larisa Piasheva, "Proigrannyi shans: zametki rynochnogo romantika," Znamia 9 (1994); Olga Kryshtanovskaia and Stephen White, "From Soviet Nomenklatura to Russian Elite," Europe-Asia Studies 48 (July 1996); Joseph R. Blasi, Maya Kroumova, and Douglas Kruse, Kremlin Capitalism (Ithaca, N.Y.: ILR/Cornell University Press, 1997); Stephen Solnick, Stealing the State: Control and Collapse in Soviet Institutions (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1998).
52. Larisa Piasheva, "Proigrannyi shans: zametki rynochnogo romantika," Znamia 9 (1994); Olga Kryshtanovskaia and Stephen White, "From Soviet Nomenklatura to Russian Elite," Europe-Asia Studies 48 (July 1996); Joseph R. Blasi, Maya Kroumova, and Douglas Kruse, Kremlin Capitalism (Ithaca, N.Y.: ILR/Cornell University Press, 1997); Stephen Solnick, Stealing the State: Control and Collapse in Soviet Institutions (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1998).
53. Larisa Piasheva, "Proigrannyi shans: zametki rynochnogo romantika," Znamia 9 (1994); Olga Kryshtanovskaia and Stephen White, "From Soviet Nomenklatura to Russian Elite," Europe-Asia Studies 48 (July 1996); Joseph R. Blasi, Maya Kroumova, and Douglas Kruse, Kremlin Capitalism (Ithaca, N.Y.: ILR/Cornell University Press, 1997); Stephen Solnick, Stealing the State: Control and Collapse in Soviet Institutions (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1998).
54. The Economist Intelligence Unit (January 27, 1997).
55. For explanations of the weaknesses of nonstate organizations, see Stephen Crowley, "Barriers to Collective Action: Steelworkers and Mutual Dependence in the Former Soviet Union," World Politics 46 (July 1994); and Stephen Fish, Democracy from Scratch: Opposition and Regime in the New Russian Revolution (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1994).
56. For explanations of the weaknesses of nonstate organizations, see Stephen Crowley, "Barriers to Collective Action: Steelworkers and Mutual Dependence in the Former Soviet Union," World Politics 46 (July 1994); and Stephen Fish, Democracy from Scratch: Opposition and Regime in the New Russian Revolution (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1994).
57. Jadwiga Staniszkis, "'Political Capitalism' in Poland," East European Politics and Societies 5 (Winter 1991); and idem, The Dynamics of the Breakthrough in Eastern Europe: The Polish Experience (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1991), 164.
58. Jadwiga Staniszkis, "'Political Capitalism' in Poland," East European Politics and Societies 5 (Winter 1991); and idem, The Dynamics of the Breakthrough in Eastern Europe: The Polish Experience (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1991), 164.
59. Lindblom (fn. 6).
60. Needless to say, each cell encompasses considerable regime variation. For example, the Japanese and American political economies are quite different, but we would classify both as liberal or market democracies. Similarly, Pinochet's Chile was quite distinct from the "soft authoritarian" regimes of East Asia, but it falls along with them into the "market authoritarian" category. For an earlier use of this typology, see William Zimmerman, "Markets, Democracy and Russian Foreign Policy," Post Soviet Affairs 10 (April-June 1994).
61. See J. Roland Pennock, Democratic Political Theory (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1979).
62. For each statement in the 1993 elite and mass surveys and in the 1995 elite survey used to construct the economic and political system preference indicators, respondents were given four possible response categories from which to choose, ranging from "completely" and "somewhat" agree, to "somewhat" and "completely" disagree. Scores on both scales were calculated for each individual by summing response values on nonmissing items and then dividing the sum by the number of responses. The resulting scales range from -2 to 2, with positive values indicating adherence to liberalism and negative values indicating an illiberal orientation. In the 1995 mass survey, respondents had a fifth choice, between agree and disagree - "I hesitate to say" (koleblius'). Since examination of 1995 response patterns led to the conclusion that koleblius' is the expression of an ambivalent position and not identical to "don't know" or "refuse to answer," we coded it as 0, midway between -2 and 2. In order to make the 1993 and 1995 scales roughly comparable, we adjusted the response categories of the 1993 elite and mass survey and the 1995 elite survey, setting strongly agree and disagree positions at 2 and -2, but the somewhat disagree and somewhat agree responses at -.666 and .666. This coding scheme retained equal intervals between all responses, but weakened the somewhat agree and somewhat disagree responses to compensate for the absence of a true middle response position on these measures. This decision was made in recognition of the fact that without such middle option, truly ambivalent respondents were forced to take a position.
63. Placement of respondents into the ideological categories was done in the following manner: those persons whose aggregate scores on the political and economic liberalism scales were above 0 were coded as liberal democrats; those whose political liberalism score was below 0 and economic liberalism score was above 0 were treated as market authoritarians; those whose political liberalism score was above 0 and whose economic liberalism score was below 0 were labeled social democrats; those whose scores on both scales were below 0 were categorized as socialist authoritarians. We categorized respondents with 0 scores on either scale as "ambivalent," and those for whom scale scores could not be calculated because of nonresponses to the scale items as "unmobilized."
64. The gap between elite and mass orientations reported here is real. The obvious objection is that the elite sample is unrepresentative of the Moscow elite stratum as a whole and that the chasm seen between elite and mass respondents is thus more a reflection of the particular character of the sample than of any genuine distance between the elite and the mass public. There are two possible responses to this objection, one methodological, the other empirical. First, the sheer size of the elite sample allows us to make plausible inferences about the distribution of ideological orientation within the Moscow elite. Second, a study conducted in 1991 found a comparable proportion of market democrats among Moscow elites. See Judith Kullberg, "The Ideological Roots of Elite Political Conflict in Post Soviet Russia," Europe-Asia Studies 46 (1994). A more recent study of elite values, with a sample drawn from the Russian government and the state Duma found a similar proportion of democrats among elites, but a larger proportion of social, rather than market, democrats. See Sharon Werning Rivera, "Communists as Democrats: Elite Political Culture in Post-Communist Russia" (Ph.D. diss., University of Michigan, 1998). The difference between Werning Rivera's findings' and those presented here is a function of her sample - a larger proportion of her respondents were drawn from the communist-dominated Duma - and her use of different criteria to distinguish between market and social democrats.
65. The gap between elite and mass orientations reported here is real. The obvious objection is that the elite sample is unrepresentative of the Moscow elite stratum as a whole and that the chasm seen between elite and mass respondents is thus more a reflection of the particular character of the sample than of any genuine distance between the elite and the mass public. There are two possible responses to this objection, one methodological, the other empirical. First, the sheer size of the elite sample allows us to make plausible inferences about the distribution of ideological orientation within the Moscow elite. Second, a study conducted in 1991 found a comparable proportion of market democrats among Moscow elites. See Judith Kullberg, "The Ideological Roots of Elite Political Conflict in Post Soviet Russia," Europe-Asia Studies 46 (1994). A more recent study of elite values, with a sample drawn from the Russian government and the state Duma found a similar proportion of democrats among elites, but a larger proportion of social, rather than market, democrats. See Sharon Werning Rivera, "Communists as Democrats: Elite Political Culture in Post-Communist Russia" (Ph.D. diss., University of Michigan, 1998). The difference between Werning Rivera's findings' and those presented here is a function of her sample - a larger proportion of her respondents were drawn from the communist-dominated Duma - and her use of different criteria to distinguish between market and social democrats.
66. On similar findings from Polish, Hungarian, Bulgarian, and Romanian surveys, see Mary E. McIntosh et al., "Publics Meet Market Democracy in Central and East Europe, 1991-1993," Slavic Review 53 (Summer 1994).
67. Thomas W. Graham, "The Politics of Failure: Strategic Nuclear Arms Control, Public Opinion, and Domestic Politics in the United States, 1945-1980" (Ph.D. diss., Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 1989), 57.
68. As in the Soviet period, the overwhelming majority of both elites and masses continue to favor state ownership of all heavy industry. See James Millar, ed., Politics, Work, and Daily Life in the USSR: A Survey of former Soviet Citizens (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987).
69. Heightened exposure to elite-influenced mass communications has probably also reinforced the liberalism of the urban population.
70. As can be observed in the tables, different response categories were used for place of work in the two surveys. For example, in 1995 individuals working in judicial administration were placed with members of the armed forces and militia in the category of "security services and judicial administration," whereas such respondents in 1993 were categorized as being employed in the state administration. Differences in categorization almost certainly account for the discrepancy between the 1993 and 1995 economic liberalism means of workers in "state administration."
71. David J. O'Brien et al., Services and Quality of Life in Rural Villages in the Former Soviet Union (Lanham, Md.: University Press of America, 1998), esp. 243-47.
72. Examples include Alex Inkeles, Becoming Modern: Individual Change in Six Developing Countries (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1974), Ronald Inglehart, The Silent Revolution: Changing Values and Political Styles among Western Publics (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1977); and William Reisinger et al., "Political Values in Russia, Ukraine and Lithuania: Sources and implications for Democracy," British journal of Political Science 24 (April 1994).
73. Examples include Alex Inkeles, Becoming Modern: Individual Change in Six Developing Countries (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1974), Ronald Inglehart, The Silent Revolution: Changing Values and Political Styles among Western Publics (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1977); and William Reisinger et al., "Political Values in Russia, Ukraine and Lithuania: Sources and implications for Democracy," British journal of Political Science 24 (April 1994).
74. Examples include Alex Inkeles, Becoming Modern: Individual Change in Six Developing Countries (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1974), Ronald Inglehart, The Silent Revolution: Changing Values and Political Styles among Western Publics (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1977); and William Reisinger et al., "Political Values in Russia, Ukraine and Lithuania: Sources and implications for Democracy," British journal of Political Science 24 (April 1994).
75. Reports of personal possessions can be used to indicate both whether an individual has the basic resources necessary to engage in economic activity and how much capital he or she would be able to invest in economic activity, In the 1993 survey respondents were asked to report whether they had any of the following possessions: telephone, color television, VCR, dacha, personal automobile. The variable incorporated into the regression analysis is a simple count of these possessions. As a further indicator of perceived economic opportunity structure, we included responses to the following question: "Imagine that you had an idea to open a new enterprise, which, if successful, would strongly increase your income. Would you want to begin such a business?" Response options were a simple yes or no.
76. The measures of national and regional economic conditions were questions regarding the general condition of the Russian national economy (with response categories from "excellent" to "very bad" shape), change in the state of the economy over the last twelve months, and change in the state of the economy over the last twelve months in the area in which the respondent resided (possible responses to the latter two items ranged from "improved a lot" to "worsened a lot." The measure of sociotropic evaluation was constructed by summing responses across the three items. The measure of change in family finances was "How has your family's material situation changed over this past twelve months?"
77. Michael Lewis-Beck, Economics and Elections: The Major Western Democracies (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1990).
78. See fn. 33.
79. Tatiana Protassenko, "Dynamics of the Standard of Living in St. Petersburg during Five Years of Economic Reform," International Journal of Urban and Regional Research 21, no. 3 (1997), 446.
80. Shevardnadze is describing his meetings with Mikhail Gorbachev in the early 1980s. Shevardnadze, The Future Belongs to Freedom (New York: Free Press, 1991), 26.
81. John Higley, Judith Kullberg, and Jan Pakulski, "The Persistence of Postcommunist Elites," Journal of Democracy 7 (April 1996).
82. Judith Kullberg, "The Origins of the Gorbachev Revolution: Industrialization, Social Structural Change and Soviet Elite Value Transformation" (Ph.D. diss., University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, 1992).
83. See William Zimmerman, "Foreign Policy, Political System Preference, and the Russian Presidential Election of 1996" (Paper presented at the meeting of the American Association for the Advancement of Slavic Studies, Boston, November 1996).
84. In the 1995 parliamentary elections 64.7 percent of eligible voters cast ballots. Turnout in the first and second rounds of the 1996 presidential election was 69.8 percent and 69.9 percent.
85. Scholars at the University of Iowa have also documented considerable Russian elite support for democratic principles and institutions. See Arthur Miller, Vicki L. Hesli, and William Reisinger, "Conceptions of Democracy among Mass and Elite in Post-Soviet Societies, " British Journal of Political Science 27 (April 1997).
86. For discussions of the concept and indicators of consolidation, see Scott Mainwaring, Guillermo O'Donnell, and J. Samuel Valenzuela, eds., Issues in Democratic Consolidation : The New South American Democracies in Comparative Perspective (Notre Dame, Ind.: University of Notre Dame Press, 1992); and Juan J. Linz and Alfred Stepan, Problems of Democratic Transition and Consolidation (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1996).
87. For discussions of the concept and indicators of consolidation, see Scott Mainwaring, Guillermo O'Donnell, and J. Samuel Valenzuela, eds., Issues in Democratic Consolidation : The New South American Democracies in Comparative Perspective (Notre Dame, Ind.: University of Notre Dame Press, 1992); and Juan J. Linz and Alfred Stepan, Problems of Democratic Transition and Consolidation (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1996).
88. Gramsci (fn. 18), 105.
89. See Guillermo O'Donnell and Philippe C. Schmitter, Transitions from Authoritarian Rule (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1986); Giuseppe Di Palma, To Craft Democracy: An Essay on Democratic Transitions (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1990); and Samuel P. Huntington, The Third Wave: Democratization in the Late Twentieth Century (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1991).
90. See Guillermo O'Donnell and Philippe C. Schmitter, Transitions from Authoritarian Rule (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1986); Giuseppe Di Palma, To Craft Democracy: An Essay on Democratic Transitions (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1990); and Samuel P. Huntington, The Third Wave: Democratization in the Late Twentieth Century (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1991).
91. See Guillermo O'Donnell and Philippe C. Schmitter, Transitions from Authoritarian Rule (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1986); Giuseppe Di Palma, To Craft Democracy: An Essay on Democratic Transitions (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1990); and Samuel P. Huntington, The Third Wave: Democratization in the Late Twentieth Century (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1991).
92. Stephan Haggard and Robert R. Kaufman, The Political Economy of Democratic Transitions (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1995); and idem, "The Political Economy of Democratic Transitions," Comparative Politics 29 (April 1997); Larry Diamond, "Democracy and Economic Reform: Tensions, Compatibilities, and Strategies for Reconciliation," in Edward P. Lazear, ed., Economic Transition in Eastern Europe and Russia (Stanford, Calif.: Hoover Institution Press, 1995).
93. Stephan Haggard and Robert R. Kaufman, The Political Economy of Democratic Transitions (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1995); and idem, "The Political Economy of Democratic Transitions," Comparative Politics 29 (April 1997); Larry Diamond, "Democracy and Economic Reform: Tensions, Compatibilities, and Strategies for Reconciliation," in Edward P. Lazear, ed., Economic Transition in Eastern Europe and Russia (Stanford, Calif.: Hoover Institution Press, 1995).
94. Stephan Haggard and Robert R. Kaufman, The Political Economy of Democratic Transitions (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1995); and idem, "The Political Economy of Democratic Transitions," Comparative Politics 29 (April 1997); Larry Diamond, "Democracy and Economic Reform: Tensions, Compatibilities, and Strategies for Reconciliation," in Edward P. Lazear, ed., Economic Transition in Eastern Europe and Russia (Stanford, Calif.: Hoover Institution Press, 1995).
95. For a similar argument, see Kennth A. Bollen and Robert Jackman, "Income Inequality and De-mocratization Revisited: Comment on Muller," American Sociological Review 60 (December 1995).
96. John Zaller, The Nature and Origins of Mass Opinion (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992).
97. In a recent article, Zaller also appears to be reconsidering the causal connections between elite and mass views. John Zaller, "Monica Lewinsky's Contribution to Political Science," PS 31, no. 2 (1998).
98. Przeworski (fn. 1).
99. A recent example of this tendency was Yeltsin's reaction to a miners' strike in Siberia, Commenting on the protest, Yeltsin accused the miners, who struck because of unpaid wages amounting to 172 million rubles ($27.8 million), of having not yet learned "to work in a market economy"; "Yeltsin Urged Investigation of Miners' Protests," Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty (May 25, 1998).
100. Larry Diamond, "Three Paradoxes of Democracy," in Larry Diamond and Marc F. Plattner, eds., The Global Resurgence of Democracy (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1993).