The devaluation of the concept of autonomy: National minorities in the former Soviet Union

Central Asian Survey

Volumn 18, Issue 2, 1999, Pages 185-196

  Cornell, Svante E ^a  

^a Box 514 ^*  (Sweden)

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

ETHNIC CONFLICT; ETHNIC MINORITY; ETHNOPOLITICS;

ASIA; RUSSIAN FEDERATION;

EID: 0032840335     PISSN: 02634937     EISSN: None     Source Type: Trade Journal    
DOI: 10.1080/02634939995678     Document Type: Article

References (36)

1. Ted Robert Gurr, 'Peoples against states: ethnopolitical conflict and the changing world system', International Studies Quarterly, No 3, 1994, p 366,
2. See Peter Wallensteen, F ran Krig till Fred. Om Konfiktlösning i del Globala Systemet (From War to Peace. On Conflict Resolution in the Global System) Stockholm: Almqvist & Wiksell, 1994, pp 210-222
3. Wallensteen, Från Krig till Fred, p 216.
4. Wallensteen, Från Krig till Fred, p 222.
5. Rodolfo Stavenhagen, Ethnic Conflicts and the Nation-State, Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1996, p 280.
6. For the North Caucasus, see Stephen Blank, The formation of the Soviet North Caucasus, 1918-24', Central Asian Survey, No 1, 1993.
7. On the Deportations, see Human Rights Watch / Helsinki, 'Punished Peoples' of the Soviet Union-the Continuing Legacy of Stalin's Deportations, New York: Human Rights Watch, 1991.
8. The decision to put both territories under Azerbaijani jurisdiction seems to have been conditioned by the Armenian resistance to the Soviet advance in 1921, whereas the Azerbaijanis were more positively inclined towards the Bolshevik government. Hence the decision can be seen as a reward to the Azeris or as a punishment to the Armenians. Further, the close relation that existed at the time between republican Turkey and the Soviet Union might have influenced Stalin to favour the Azerbaijani side, as Turkey was negative to any settlement that favoured Soviet Armenia, which could have potential territorial claims on Turkey.
9. On Central Asia, see Steven Sabol, 'The creation of Soviet Central Asia: the 1924 national delimitation', Central Asian Survey, No 2, 1995.
10. On Tajik-Uzbek relations, see Richard Foltz's articles, 'The Tajiks of Uzbekistan', Central Asian Survey, No 2, 1996, and 'Uzbekistan's Tajiks: a case of repressed identity?', Central Asia Monitor, No 6, 1996. See also Vladimir Mesemed, 'Interethnic relations in the Republic of Uzbekistan', Central Asia Monitor, No 6, 1996.
11. On Tajik-Uzbek relations, see Richard Foltz's articles, 'The Tajiks of Uzbekistan', Central Asian Survey, No 2, 1996, and 'Uzbekistan's Tajiks: a case of repressed identity?', Central Asia Monitor, No 6, 1996. See also Vladimir Mesemed, 'Interethnic relations in the Republic of Uzbekistan', Central Asia Monitor, No 6, 1996.
12. On Tajik-Uzbek relations, see Richard Foltz's articles, 'The Tajiks of Uzbekistan', Central Asian Survey, No 2, 1996, and 'Uzbekistan's Tajiks: a case of repressed identity?', Central Asia Monitor, No 6, 1996. See also Vladimir Mesemed, 'Interethnic relations in the Republic of Uzbekistan', Central Asia Monitor, No 6, 1996.
13. For an overview of ethnic conflict in the Caucasus, see my Small Nations and Great Powers - A Study of Ethnopolitical Conflict in the Caucasus, Richmond: Curzon Press, 1999. Also my The unruly Caucasus', Current History, Vol 96, No 612, October 1997.
14. For an overview of ethnic conflict in the Caucasus, see my Small Nations and Great Powers - A Study of Ethnopolitical Conflict in the Caucasus, Richmond: Curzon Press, 1999. Also my The unruly Caucasus', Current History, Vol 96, No 612, October 1997.
15. For an early account of the beginning of the conflict, see Tamara Dragadze, The Armenian-Azerbaijani conflict: structure and sentiment', Third World Quarterly, No 2, 1989; for a later overview of the nature of the conflict, see Vaserman, Arie and Ginat, Rami, 'National, religious or territorial conflict? The case of Nagorno-Karabakh', in Studies in Conflict and Terrorism, No 4, 1994. For the international attitudes to the conflict and its legal aspects, see my 'Undeclared war: the Nagorno Karabakh conflict reconsidered', Journal of South Asian and Middle Eastern Studies, Vol 20, No 4, Summer 1997.
16. For an early account of the beginning of the conflict, see Tamara Dragadze, The Armenian-Azerbaijani conflict: structure and sentiment', Third World Quarterly, No 2, 1989; for a later overview of the nature of the conflict, see Vaserman, Arie and Ginat, Rami, 'National, religious or territorial conflict? The case of Nagorno-Karabakh', in Studies in Conflict and Terrorism, No 4, 1994. For the international attitudes to the conflict and its legal aspects, see my 'Undeclared war: the Nagorno Karabakh conflict reconsidered', Journal of South Asian and Middle Eastern Studies, Vol 20, No 4, Summer 1997.
17. For an early account of the beginning of the conflict, see Tamara Dragadze, The Armenian-Azerbaijani conflict: structure and sentiment', Third World Quarterly, No 2, 1989; for a later overview of the nature of the conflict, see Vaserman, Arie and Ginat, Rami, 'National, religious or territorial conflict? The case of Nagorno-Karabakh', in Studies in Conflict and Terrorism, No 4, 1994. For the international attitudes to the conflict and its legal aspects, see my 'Undeclared war: the Nagorno Karabakh conflict reconsidered', Journal of South Asian and Middle Eastern Studies, Vol 20, No 4, Summer 1997.
18. For Armenia's role in the conflict, see Human Rights Watch/Helsinki, Azerbaijan: Seven Years of Conflict in Nagorno-Karabakh, New York: Human Rights Watch, 1994. See also Cornell, 'Undeclared war'.
19. For Armenia's role in the conflict, see Human Rights Watch/Helsinki, Azerbaijan: Seven Years of Conflict in Nagorno-Karabakh, New York: Human Rights Watch, 1994. See also Cornell, 'Undeclared war'.
20. For the Abkhaz, federating with Russia has only been one option. Besides having an interest in federating with other North Caucasians, they also considered having a union republic of their own, a status which they after all had had in the beginning of the Soviet Era; after the dissolution of the Soviet Union they instead wanted to join the CIS (Commonwealth of Independent States) in their own right. Presently they seem inclined to accept a confederative relation with Georgia.
21. See Chapter 4, 'Georgia: from unitary dreams to an assy metric federation', in my Small Nations and Great Powers. On Abkhazia, see also Bruno Coppetiers, Ghia Nodia and Yuri Anchabadze (eds), Georgians and Abkhazians; the Search for a Settlement, Hamburg: BlOst, 1998, also published in Caucasian Regional Studies, Vol 3, Nos 2 and 3, 1998. For South Ossetia, see also Julian Birch, 'Ossetia: a Caucasian Bosnia in microcosm', Central Asian Survey, Vol 14 No 1, 1995.
22. See Chapter 4, 'Georgia: from unitary dreams to an assy metric federation', in my Small Nations and Great Powers. On Abkhazia, see also Bruno Coppetiers, Ghia Nodia and Yuri Anchabadze (eds), Georgians and Abkhazians; the Search for a Settlement, Hamburg: BlOst, 1998, also published in Caucasian Regional Studies, Vol 3, Nos 2 and 3, 1998. For South Ossetia, see also Julian Birch, 'Ossetia: a Caucasian Bosnia in microcosm', Central Asian Survey, Vol 14 No 1, 1995.
23. See Chapter 4, 'Georgia: from unitary dreams to an assy metric federation', in my Small Nations and Great Powers. On Abkhazia, see also Bruno Coppetiers, Ghia Nodia and Yuri Anchabadze (eds), Georgians and Abkhazians; the Search for a Settlement, Hamburg: BlOst, 1998, also published in Caucasian Regional Studies, Vol 3, Nos 2 and 3, 1998. For South Ossetia, see also Julian Birch, 'Ossetia: a Caucasian Bosnia in microcosm', Central Asian Survey, Vol 14 No 1, 1995.
24. See Chapter 4, 'Georgia: from unitary dreams to an assy metric federation', in my Small Nations and Great Powers. On Abkhazia, see also Bruno Coppetiers, Ghia Nodia and Yuri Anchabadze (eds), Georgians and Abkhazians; the Search for a Settlement, Hamburg: BlOst, 1998, also published in Caucasian Regional Studies, Vol 3, Nos 2 and 3, 1998. For South Ossetia, see also Julian Birch, 'Ossetia: a Caucasian Bosnia in microcosm', Central Asian Survey, Vol 14 No 1, 1995.
25. On Georgian politics, see Ghia Nodia, 'Georgia's identity crisis', Journal of Democracy, No 1, 1995.
26. See Svante E. Cornell, 'Peace or war? The prospects of conflicts in the Caucasus', The Iranian Journal of International Affairs, Vol 9, No 2, Summer 1997.
27. For an overview of these elections, see Elizabeth Fuller, 'When should unrecognized states hold elections?', Open Media Research Institute (OMRI, Prague) Analytical Brief, 27 November 1996.
28. Personal communication from Azerbaijani diplomats involved in the 'Minsk' process of the OSCE.
29. For an assessment of Tatarstan, see Raphael S. Khakimov, 'Prospects of federalism in Russia: a view from Tatarstan', Security Dialogue, March 1996. Also Marie Bennigsen Broxup, Tatarstan and the Tatars', in Graham Smith (ed,) The Nationalities Question in the Soviet Union, London: Longman, 1996.
30. For an assessment of Tatarstan, see Raphael S. Khakimov, 'Prospects of federalism in Russia: a view from Tatarstan', Security Dialogue, March 1996. Also Marie Bennigsen Broxup, Tatarstan and the Tatars', in Graham Smith (ed,) The Nationalities Question in the Soviet Union, London: Longman, 1996.
31. For a regional overview of conflicts in the Caucasus, see my The unruly Caucasus', pp 341-347, On the North Caucasus, including the Lezgin problem, see Fiona Hill, 'Russia's Tinderbox'-Conflict in the North Caucasus and its Implications for the Future of the Russian Federation, Harvard University, J.F. Kennedy School of Government, Strengthening Democratic Institutions Project, September 1995; or my 'Conflicts in the North Caucasus', Central Asian Survey, Vol 17, No 3, September 1998, pp 409-442.
32. For a regional overview of conflicts in the Caucasus, see my The unruly Caucasus', pp 341-347, On the North Caucasus, including the Lezgin problem, see Fiona Hill, 'Russia's Tinderbox'-Conflict in the North Caucasus and its Implications for the Future of the Russian Federation, Harvard University, J.F. Kennedy School of Government, Strengthening Democratic Institutions Project, September 1995; or my 'Conflicts in the North Caucasus', Central Asian Survey, Vol 17, No 3, September 1998, pp 409-442.
33. For a regional overview of conflicts in the Caucasus, see my The unruly Caucasus', pp 341-347, On the North Caucasus, including the Lezgin problem, see Fiona Hill, 'Russia's Tinderbox'-Conflict in the North Caucasus and its Implications for the Future of the Russian Federation, Harvard University, J.F. Kennedy School of Government, Strengthening Democratic Institutions Project, September 1995; or my 'Conflicts in the North Caucasus', Central Asian Survey, Vol 17, No 3, September 1998, pp 409-442.
34. For an overview of the importance of identity in the conflicts of the region, see my 'Conflicting identities and conflict in the Caucasus', Peace Review - A Transnational Quarterly, Vol 9, No 4, December 1997.
35. On Russian involvement, see Thomas Goltz, 'Letter from Eurasia: the hidden Russian hand', Foreign Policy, No 92, Fall 1993.
36. See John L Maresca, 'Why an OSCE role in the Caucasus?', Security Dialogue, March 1996.