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Volumn 46, Issue 5, 1998, Pages 886-902

Is there an alternative to 'Schengenland'?

(1)  Kostakopoulou, Dora a  

a NONE

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords


EID: 0032325290     PISSN: 00323217     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1111/1467-9248.00173     Document Type: Article
Times cited : (20)

References (80)
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    • 1 The Schengen Implementing Agreement of 19 June 1990 introduces a series of provisions to compensate for the abolition of border controls in the Schengen area. As from March 1995, it was applied among Germany, France, the Benelux countries, Spain and Portugal. Italy and Greece have acceded to the Convention, but are excluded from its application until a later stage. Austria acceded to the Convention in April 1995 and it is expected that all Nordic States will join the Schengen club. Although the Schengen Agreements are part of International Law and not European Law, they have, nevertheless, been the model for the emerging European immigration policy. The Schengen Convention stipulates that Community rules take precedence over the Schengen in the event of conflict (Article 134), and efforts are made for the Schengen's incorporation in the Third Pillar structure
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    • 5 See D. Cesarani and M. Filbrook (eds), Citizenship, Nationality and Migration in Europe (London, Routledge, 1996); P. Weil, 'Nationalities and Citizenships' in Cesarani and Fulbrook, Citizenship, Nationality and Migration in Europe', T. Hammar (ed.), European Immigration Policy: a Comparative Study (Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1985); M. Baldwin-Edwards and M. A. Schain, 'The politics of immigration', West European Politics: Special Issue, 17, 2 (1994); J. Wrench and J. Solomos (eds), Racism and Migration in Western Europe (Oxford, Berg, 1993); J. Rex and B. Dury (eds), Ethnic Mobilization in a Multi-Cultural Europe (Aldershot, Avebury, 1994).
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    • 5 See D. Cesarani and M. Filbrook (eds), Citizenship, Nationality and Migration in Europe (London, Routledge, 1996); P. Weil, 'Nationalities and Citizenships' in Cesarani and Fulbrook, Citizenship, Nationality and Migration in Europe', T. Hammar (ed.), European Immigration Policy: a Comparative Study (Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1985); M. Baldwin-Edwards and M. A. Schain, 'The politics of immigration', West European Politics: Special Issue, 17, 2 (1994); J. Wrench and J. Solomos (eds), Racism and Migration in Western Europe (Oxford, Berg, 1993); J. Rex and B. Dury (eds), Ethnic Mobilization in a Multi-Cultural Europe (Aldershot, Avebury, 1994).
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    • 7 The debate on free movement and borders used to be conducted in crudely dichotomous terms: either as an affirmation of the national state's or a democratic community's right to exclude, or as an open admissions policy and a universal right to transnational movement. But this dichotomy has been persuasively questioned, thereby opening up room for a range of intermediate positions or even for arguments beyond, which could make much difference in practice (See T. Nardin, 'Alternative Ethical Perspectives on Transnational Migration' in R. Goodin and B. Barry (eds), Free Movement (Pennsylvania, Pennyslvania State University Press), pp. 267-78; V. Bader, 'Citizenship and exclusion', Political Theory, 23, 2 (1995), 211-46; B. Parekh, 'Three Theories of Immigration' in S. Spencer (ed.), Strangers and Citizens (London, IPPR/Rivers Oram Press, 1994), pp. 91-110. Notwithstanding this opportunity for the introduction of more effective arguments to the political game, the debate has now drifted from openness and liberal admission policies to 'legitimate closure', as theorists, with the exception of Goodin and Dummett, seem keen on considering an ever increasing list of 'legitimate' reasons for excluding immigrants; R. E. Goodin, 'Inclusion and exclusion', Archives Europ. de Sociologie, 2 (1996), 343-71; A. Dummett, The Transnational Migration of People Seen from within a Natural Law Perspective' in Goodin and Barry, Free Movement, pp. 169-80.
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    • 8 Both Carens and Dummett concede that the right to free movement is not a politically feasible option, but an ideal target, or a critical standard by which to assess existing policies; Carens, 'Migration and Morality', p. 45; Dummett, 'The Transnational Migration of People', p. 179.
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