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Volumn 19, Issue 1, 1998, Pages 115-127

The class of 1990: How have the autocratic leaders of sub-Saharan Africa fared under democratisation?

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

DEMOCRATISATION; LEADERSHIP; POLITICAL REFORM;

EID: 0031775960     PISSN: 01436597     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1080/01436599814550     Document Type: Article
Times cited : (37)

References (27)
  • 1
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    • R Sandbrook, The Politics of Africa's Economic Stagnation, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985, ch 5; and R Jackson & C Rosberg, Personal Rule In Black Africa, Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1992.
    • (1985) The Politics of Africa's Economic Stagnation
    • Sandbrook, R.1
  • 2
    • 85040849144 scopus 로고
    • Berkeley, CA: University of California Press
    • R Sandbrook, The Politics of Africa's Economic Stagnation, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985, ch 5; and R Jackson & C Rosberg, Personal Rule In Black Africa, Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1992.
    • (1992) Personal Rule in Black Africa
    • Jackson, R.1    Rosberg, C.2
  • 3
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    • Deciphering Africa's divergent transitions
    • Subsequently others have followed in their footsteps, eg Mainassara, Niger, 1996; and Jammeh, Gambia, 1994. Bratton talks of 'the mutation of personalistic dictatorships'. M Bratton, 'Deciphering Africa's divergent transitions', Political Science Quarterly, 112 (1), 1997, p 68.
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    • Bratton, M.1
  • 4
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    • note
    • Chiluba did his utmost to prevent Kaunda standing against him a second time. Before the 1997 Presidential election he pressed through legislation that forbade anyone to hold the presidential office for more than two terms, while candidates were excluded if they did not have Zambian-born parents. Kaunda failed on both counts and thus was unable to contest the election.
  • 7
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    • Demoralization in Africa after 1989: Comparative and theoretical perspectives
    • R Joseph, 'Demoralization in Africa after 1989: comparative and theoretical perspectives'. Comparative Politics, 29 (3), 1997, pp 363-382.
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    • Joseph, R.1
  • 8
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    • S Riley, 'Political adjustment or domestic pressure: democratic politics and political choice in Africa', third World Quarterly, 13 (3), 1992, p 544.
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    • Riley, S.1
  • 9
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    • note
    • National Conferences to discuss and/or plan democratic transition were also held in Congo-Brazzaville, February 1990; Gabon, March 1990; Zaire, February 1991; Togo, July/August 1991; Niger, July 1992; and Chad, January 1993.
  • 10
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    • Africa Research Bulletin, 28 (5), 1991, p 10121.
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  • 11
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    • Popular protest and political reform in Africa
    • M Bratton & N van de Walle, 'Popular protest and political reform in Africa', Comparative Politics, 24 (4), 1992, p 46. Bratton, 'Deciphering Africa's Divergent Transitions', terms this a 'blocked' transition, as opposed to a 'flawed' transition, where elections are accepted but manipulated.
    • (1992) Comparative Politics , vol.24 , Issue.4 , pp. 46
    • Bratton, M.1    Van De Walle, N.2
  • 12
    • 0039881620 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • M Bratton & N van de Walle, 'Popular protest and political reform in Africa', Comparative Politics, 24 (4), 1992, p 46. Bratton, 'Deciphering Africa's Divergent Transitions', terms this a 'blocked' transition, as opposed to a 'flawed' transition, where elections are accepted but manipulated.
    • Deciphering Africa's Divergent Transitions
    • Bratton1
  • 13
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    • The Ghanaian elections of 1992 - A dissenting view
    • M Oquaye, 'The Ghanaian elections of 1992 - a dissenting view', African Affairs, 94, 1995, p 271.
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  • 14
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    • Africa's troubled transitions
    • R Lemarchand, 'Africa's troubled transitions'. Journal of Democracy, 3 (4), 1992, p 105.
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  • 15
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    • Kenya: Lessons from a flawed election
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  • 16
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    • note
    • 'Eliminate' is a word that is apparently ambiguous to the former South African security chiefs. According to their testimony to the Truth and Reconciliation Commission it did not imply fatal consequences when used in directives to operatives. For the latter it left them in no doubt as to what was required against the opponents of apartheid.
  • 18
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    • The opposition leader, former prime minister Tshisekedi, had his home attacked on 7 and 11 July 1994. The shooting of the protesters occurred on 29 July 1995. Africa Research Bulletin 31 (8), 1994, p 11507 and 32 (8), 1995, p 11963.
    • (1994) Africa Research Bulletin , vol.31 , Issue.8 , pp. 11507
  • 19
    • 11744359324 scopus 로고
    • The opposition leader, former prime minister Tshisekedi, had his home attacked on 7 and 11 July 1994. The shooting of the protesters occurred on 29 July 1995. Africa Research Bulletin 31 (8), 1994, p 11507 and 32 (8), 1995, p 11963.
    • (1995) Africa Research Bulletin , vol.32 , Issue.8 , pp. 11963
  • 20
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    • Africa Research Bulletin, 30 (4), 1993, p 10986.
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    • Africa Research Bulletin, 29 (5), 1992, p 10572.
    • (1992) Africa Research Bulletin , vol.29 , Issue.5 , pp. 10572
  • 24
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    • MSU Working Papers on Political Reform in Africa, 12, 15 November
    • The timing of the elections does not support Bratton's contention that autocrats were vulnerable in elections up to the end of 1992, but that after that most leaders had learned 'how to control the process of competitive elections so that they can win a grudging stamp of approval from western donors but still hang onto power'. (M Bratton, International versus Domestic Pressures for Democratization in Africa, MSU Working Papers on Political Reform in Africa, 12, 15 November, 1994, p 10, quoted in Joseph, 'Democratization in Africa after 1989', p 368). Those I have classified as falling with honesty are dated: Banda (1994), Buyoya (1993), De Klerk (1994), Kaunda (1991), Kolingba (1993), Nguesso (1992), Pereira (1991) and Ratsiraka (1993). Those I have classified as succeeding with trickery are dated: Biya (1992), Bongo (1993), Campaore (1991), Conte (1993), Eyadema (1993), Gouled (1992), Moi (1992), Nguema (1996), Rawlings (1992) and Taya (1992). The end of 1992 was not therefore such a significant watershed.
    • (1994) International Versus Domestic Pressures for Democratization in Africa , pp. 10
    • Bratton, M.1
  • 25
    • 11744310579 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • The timing of the elections does not support Bratton's contention that autocrats were vulnerable in elections up to the end of 1992, but that after that most leaders had learned 'how to control the process of competitive elections so that they can win a grudging stamp of approval from western donors but still hang onto power'. (M Bratton, International versus Domestic Pressures for Democratization in Africa, MSU Working Papers on Political Reform in Africa, 12, 15 November, 1994, p 10, quoted in Joseph, 'Democratization in Africa after 1989', p 368). Those I have classified as falling with honesty are dated: Banda (1994), Buyoya (1993), De Klerk (1994), Kaunda (1991), Kolingba (1993), Nguesso (1992), Pereira (1991) and Ratsiraka (1993). Those I have classified as succeeding with trickery are dated: Biya (1992), Bongo (1993), Campaore (1991), Conte (1993), Eyadema (1993), Gouled (1992), Moi (1992), Nguema (1996), Rawlings (1992) and Taya (1992). The end of 1992 was not therefore such a significant watershed.
    • Democratization in Africa after 1989 , pp. 368
    • Joseph1
  • 26
    • 0030420112 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • Bleak future for multi-party elections in Kenya
    • A grim example of the impact simply of gerrymandering is given by R Fox, 'Bleak future for multi-party elections in Kenya', Journal of Modern African Studies, 34 (4), 1996, pp 597-607.
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    • Fox, R.1
  • 27
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    • Democratisation in sub-Saharan Africa
    • C Lancaster, 'Democratisation in sub-Saharan Africa', Survival, 35 (3), 1993, p 44.
    • (1993) Survival , vol.35 , Issue.3 , pp. 44
    • Lancaster, C.1


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