From population control politics to chemicals: The WHO as an intermediary organization in contraceptive development

Social Studies of Science

Volumn 27, Issue 1, 1997, Pages 41-72

  Oudshoorn, Nelly ^a,b  

^a UNIVERSITY OF AMSTERDAM   (Netherlands)

^b UNIVERSITY OF TWENTE   (Netherlands)

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

DRUG;

ARTICLE; CONTRACEPTIVE DEVICE; FAMILY PLANNING; HISTORY; HUMAN; LABORATORY; POLITICS; POPULATION DYNAMICS; WORLD HEALTH ORGANIZATION;

CONTRACEPTIVE DEVICES; FAMILY PLANNING SERVICES; HISTORY, 20TH CENTURY; HUMANS; LABORATORIES; PHARMACEUTICAL PREPARATIONS; POLITICS; POPULATION CONTROL; WORLD HEALTH ORGANIZATION;

EID: 0031064923     PISSN: 03063127     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1177/030631297027001003     Document Type: Article

References (135)

1. The promotion of collaborations and alliances both between companies and with public sector organizations is one of the major characteristics of EC programmes and EUREKA projects. See Philippe Laredo, 'EC and EUREKA Promoted Networks. Toward a Redefinition of European Public Interventions?' (paper presented at the colloquium on Management of Collaborative European Programmes and Projects in Research, Education and Training, Oxford, 11-13 April 1994), 2, 4.
2. There is one major exception: Philippe Laredo, B. Kahane, J.B. Meyer and Dominique Vinck, 'The Networks Built by the Fourth Medical and Health Services Research Programme' (Bruxelles: Commission Communitaires Européenes, 1992).
3. See, for example: Karin Knorr Cetina, The Manufacture of Knowledge: An Essay on the Constructivist and Contextual Nature of Science (Oxford: Pergamon Press, 1981); Bruno Latour and Steve Woolgar, Laboratory Life: The Social Construction of Scientific Facts (Beverly Hills, CA & London: Sage Publications, 1979); Michael Lynch, An and Artifact in Laboratory Science: A Study of Shop Work and Shop Talk in a Research Laboratory (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1985).
4. See, for example: Karin Knorr Cetina, The Manufacture of Knowledge: An Essay on the Constructivist and Contextual Nature of Science (Oxford: Pergamon Press, 1981); Bruno Latour and Steve Woolgar, Laboratory Life: The Social Construction of Scientific Facts (Beverly Hills, CA & London: Sage Publications, 1979); Michael Lynch, An and Artifact in Laboratory Science: A Study of Shop Work and Shop Talk in a Research Laboratory (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1985).
5. See, for example: Karin Knorr Cetina, The Manufacture of Knowledge: An Essay on the Constructivist and Contextual Nature of Science (Oxford: Pergamon Press, 1981); Bruno Latour and Steve Woolgar, Laboratory Life: The Social Construction of Scientific Facts (Beverly Hills, CA & London: Sage Publications, 1979); Michael Lynch, An and Artifact in Laboratory Science: A Study of Shop Work and Shop Talk in a Research Laboratory (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1985).
6. Authors who have criticized constructivist approaches in STS for neglecting the political and normative dimensions of science and technology are, among others: Hans Radder, 'Normative Reflections on Constructivist Approaches to Science and Technology', Social Studies of Science, Vol. 22 (1992), 141-73; Langdon Winner, 'Upon Opening the Black Box and Finding It Empty: Social Constructivism and the Philosophy of Technology', Science, Technology, & Human Values, Vol. 18, No. 3 (Summer 1993), 362-78; Brian Martin, 'The Critique of Science Becomes Academic', ibid., No. 2 (Spring, 247-59. These and related criticisms are debated at length in a Special Issue of Social Studies of Science: Malcolm Ashmore and Evelleen Richards (eds), 'The Politics of SSK: Neutrality, Commitment and Beyond', Social Studies of Science, Vol. 26, No. 2 (May 1996), 219-468.
7. Authors who have criticized constructivist approaches in STS for neglecting the political and normative dimensions of science and technology are, among others: Hans Radder, 'Normative Reflections on Constructivist Approaches to Science and Technology', Social Studies of Science, Vol. 22 (1992), 141-73; Langdon Winner, 'Upon Opening the Black Box and Finding It Empty: Social Constructivism and the Philosophy of Technology', Science, Technology, & Human Values, Vol. 18, No. 3 (Summer 1993), 362-78; Brian Martin, 'The Critique of Science Becomes Academic', ibid., No. 2 (Spring, 247-59. These and related criticisms are debated at length in a Special Issue of Social Studies of Science: Malcolm Ashmore and Evelleen Richards (eds), 'The Politics of SSK: Neutrality, Commitment and Beyond', Social Studies of Science, Vol. 26, No. 2 (May 1996), 219-468.
8. Authors who have criticized constructivist approaches in STS for neglecting the political and normative dimensions of science and technology are, among others: Hans Radder, 'Normative Reflections on Constructivist Approaches to Science and Technology', Social Studies of Science, Vol. 22 (1992), 141-73; Langdon Winner, 'Upon Opening the Black Box and Finding It Empty: Social Constructivism and the Philosophy of Technology', Science, Technology, & Human Values, Vol. 18, No. 3 (Summer 1993), 362-78; Brian Martin, 'The Critique of Science Becomes Academic', ibid., No. 2 (Spring, 247-59. These and related criticisms are debated at length in a Special Issue of Social Studies of Science: Malcolm Ashmore and Evelleen Richards (eds), 'The Politics of SSK: Neutrality, Commitment and Beyond', Social Studies of Science, Vol. 26, No. 2 (May 1996), 219-468.
9. Authors who have criticized constructivist approaches in STS for neglecting the political and normative dimensions of science and technology are, among others: Hans Radder, 'Normative Reflections on Constructivist Approaches to Science and Technology', Social Studies of Science, Vol. 22 (1992), 141-73; Langdon Winner, 'Upon Opening the Black Box and Finding It Empty: Social Constructivism and the Philosophy of Technology', Science, Technology, & Human Values, Vol. 18, No. 3 (Summer 1993), 362-78; Brian Martin, 'The Critique of Science Becomes Academic', ibid., No. 2 (Spring, 247-59. These and related criticisms are debated at length in a Special Issue of Social Studies of Science: Malcolm Ashmore and Evelleen Richards (eds), 'The Politics of SSK: Neutrality, Commitment and Beyond', Social Studies of Science, Vol. 26, No. 2 (May 1996), 219-468.
10. The role of the WHO as intermediary organization in the area of contraceptive technologies is not restricted to promoting and coordinating R&D in the field of long-acting contraceptives, but includes a much wider range of activities which I describe in the section 'Building an Alternative R&D Network'. I have chosen to restrict my analysis to the WHO's R&D programme for long-acting contraceptives because it enables me to study how intermediary organizations operate in mediating between the demands of population control politics and the microdynamics of laboratory work.
11. R. Christian Johnson, 'Feminism, Philanthropy and Science in the Development of the Oral Contraceptive Pill', Pharmacy in History, Vol. 19 (1977), 63-79.
12. Michael J.K. Harper, Birth Control Technologies: Prospects by the Year 2000 (Austin, TX: University of Texas Press, 1983).
13. Barbara Seaman and Gideon Seaman, Women and the Crisis in Sex Hormones: An Investigation of the Dangerous Uses of Hormones from Birth Control to Menopause and the Safe Alternatives (Brighton, Sussex: Harvester, 1978), 76.
14. Roy O. Greep, M.A. Koblisky and F.S. Jaffe, Reproduction and Human Welfare: A Challenge to Research. A Review of the Reproductive Sciences and Contraceptive Development (Cambridge, MA & London: The MIT Press, 1976), 4.
15. Ibid., 3.
16. Seaman & Seaman, op. cit. note 8.
17. Harper, op. cit. note 7, 9. The implicit assumption in the cafeteria discourse is 'that more technologies automatically equal more choices'. Feminist health advocates have argued that contraceptive choice is not such a simple matter. Individual choices are defined and constrained by power relations in sexual relationships, dependencies between users and providers, and the availability of methods. See Betsy Hartmann, 'Contraceptive Choice: A Multitude of Meanings', in Helen B. Holmes (ed.), Issues in Reproductive Technology: An Anthology (New York & London: Garland, 1992), 3-9.
18. Barry Smart, Modern Conditions, Postmodern Controversies (London & New York: Routledge, 1992).
19. John F. Marshall, 'Acceptability of Fertility Regulating Methods: Designing Technology to Fit People', Preventive Medicine, Vol. 6 (1977), 65-73, quote at 65.
20. David J. Handelsman, 'Bridging the Gender Gap in Contraception; Another Hurdle Cleared', The Medical Journal of Australia, Vol. 154, No. 4 (18 February 1991), 230-33, quote at 230; Fred C.W. Wu, 'Male Contraception: Current Status and Future Prospects', Clinical Endocrinology, Vol. 29 (1988), 443-65.
21. David J. Handelsman, 'Bridging the Gender Gap in Contraception; Another Hurdle Cleared', The Medical Journal of Australia, Vol. 154, No. 4 (18 February 1991), 230-33, quote at 230; Fred C.W. Wu, 'Male Contraception: Current Status and Future Prospects', Clinical Endocrinology, Vol. 29 (1988), 443-65.
22. Pierre Crabbé, Egon Diczfalusy and Carl Djerassi, 'Injectable Contraceptive Synthesis: An Example of International Cooperation', Science, Vol. 209 (29 August 1980), 992-95; Diczfalusy, 'World Health Organization, Special Programme of Research, Development and Research Training in Human Reproduction, The First Fifteen Years: A Review', Contraception, Vol. 34, No. 1 (July 1986), 3-119. In this context, it is important to emphasize that the need for long-acting contraceptives was articulated by population control organizations and not by the eventual users. Population control organizations and reproductive scientists have, by and large, ignored women's perspectives on contraceptives. The history of contraceptive research indicates that there has been hardly any social science research on consumers' concerns. All through the history of contraceptive development there have been, and still are, severe conflicts between the population control perspective and women's perspectives on birth control. These different perspectives have also shaped the terms in this domain. In the 1920s and 1930s, feminists, most notably Margaret Sanger, used the term 'birth control' which reflected the incentive that contraceptives should enhance women's control over their reproductive life. The term 'family planning' was introduced in the 1940s, when more conservative men began to dominate the birth control movement. During the last three decades, the term 'population control' has been used by feminists and other progressives to refer to 'national and international organizations and movements which have focused on controlling the size of particular populations over and against both the specific desires and interests of women and the distribution of resources across such populations' (personal communication, Adele Clarke, 11 May 1995). Throughout this paper I use the term 'population control' in cases in which the actors consider the reduction of the size of populations as the major incentive for contraceptive development, and the term 'birth control' in cases in which users' concerns are considered as the major incentive for contraceptive R&D. For a detailed analysis of the debates on population policies, see: Judith Bruce, 'Users' Perspectives on Contraceptive Technology and Delivery Systems: Highlighting Some Feminist Issues', Technology in Society, Vol. 9, Nos 3/4 (1987), 359-83; Holmes (ed.), op. cit. note 12; Ruth Dixon-Mueller, Population Policy and Women's Rights: Transforming Reproductive Choice (New York: Praeger Press, 1993); Gita Sen and Rachel Snow, Power and Decision: The Social Control of Reproduction (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1994); Gita Sen, Adrienne Germaine and Lincoln C. Chen (eds), Population Policies Reconsidered: Health, Empowerment and Rights (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1994). I am grateful to Adele Clarke, who clarified these points for me.
23. Pierre Crabbé, Egon Diczfalusy and Carl Djerassi, 'Injectable Contraceptive Synthesis: An Example of International Cooperation', Science, Vol. 209 (29 August 1980), 992-95; Diczfalusy, 'World Health Organization, Special Programme of Research, Development and Research Training in Human Reproduction, The First Fifteen Years: A Review', Contraception, Vol. 34, No. 1 (July 1986), 3-119. In this context, it is important to emphasize that the need for long-acting contraceptives was articulated by population control organizations and not by the eventual users. Population control organizations and reproductive scientists have, by and large, ignored women's perspectives on contraceptives. The history of contraceptive research indicates that there has been hardly any social science research on consumers' concerns. All through the history of contraceptive development there have been, and still are, severe conflicts between the population control perspective and women's perspectives on birth control. These different perspectives have also shaped the terms in this domain. In the 1920s and 1930s, feminists, most notably Margaret Sanger, used the term 'birth control' which reflected the incentive that contraceptives should enhance women's control over their reproductive life. The term 'family planning' was introduced in the 1940s, when more conservative men began to dominate the birth control movement. During the last three decades, the term 'population control' has been used by feminists and other progressives to refer to 'national and international organizations and movements which have focused on controlling the size of particular populations over and against both the specific desires and interests of women and the distribution of resources across such populations' (personal communication, Adele Clarke, 11 May 1995). Throughout this paper I use the term 'population control' in cases in which the actors consider the reduction of the size of populations as the major incentive for contraceptive development, and the term 'birth control' in cases in which users' concerns are considered as the major incentive for contraceptive R&D. For a detailed analysis of the debates on population policies, see: Judith Bruce, 'Users' Perspectives on Contraceptive Technology and Delivery Systems: Highlighting Some Feminist Issues', Technology in Society, Vol. 9, Nos 3/4 (1987), 359-83; Holmes (ed.), op. cit. note 12; Ruth Dixon-Mueller, Population Policy and Women's Rights: Transforming Reproductive Choice (New York: Praeger Press, 1993); Gita Sen and Rachel Snow, Power and Decision: The Social Control of Reproduction (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1994); Gita Sen, Adrienne Germaine and Lincoln C. Chen (eds), Population Policies Reconsidered: Health, Empowerment and Rights (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1994). I am grateful to Adele Clarke, who clarified these points for me.
24. Pierre Crabbé, Egon Diczfalusy and Carl Djerassi, 'Injectable Contraceptive Synthesis: An Example of International Cooperation', Science, Vol. 209 (29 August 1980), 992-95; Diczfalusy, 'World Health Organization, Special Programme of Research, Development and Research Training in Human Reproduction, The First Fifteen Years: A Review', Contraception, Vol. 34, No. 1 (July 1986), 3-119. In this context, it is important to emphasize that the need for long-acting contraceptives was articulated by population control organizations and not by the eventual users. Population control organizations and reproductive scientists have, by and large, ignored women's perspectives on contraceptives. The history of contraceptive research indicates that there has been hardly any social science research on consumers' concerns. All through the history of contraceptive development there have been, and still are, severe conflicts between the population control perspective and women's perspectives on birth control. These different perspectives have also shaped the terms in this domain. In the 1920s and 1930s, feminists, most notably Margaret Sanger, used the term 'birth control' which reflected the incentive that contraceptives should enhance women's control over their reproductive life. The term 'family planning' was introduced in the 1940s, when more conservative men began to dominate the birth control movement. During the last three decades, the term 'population control' has been used by feminists and other progressives to refer to 'national and international organizations and movements which have focused on controlling the size of particular populations over and against both the specific desires and interests of women and the distribution of resources across such populations' (personal communication, Adele Clarke, 11 May 1995). Throughout this paper I use the term 'population control' in cases in which the actors consider the reduction of the size of populations as the major incentive for contraceptive development, and the term 'birth control' in cases in which users' concerns are considered as the major incentive for contraceptive R&D. For a detailed analysis of the debates on population policies, see: Judith Bruce, 'Users' Perspectives on Contraceptive Technology and Delivery Systems: Highlighting Some Feminist Issues', Technology in Society, Vol. 9, Nos 3/4 (1987), 359-83; Holmes (ed.), op. cit. note 12; Ruth Dixon-Mueller, Population Policy and Women's Rights: Transforming Reproductive Choice (New York: Praeger Press, 1993); Gita Sen and Rachel Snow, Power and Decision: The Social Control of Reproduction (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1994); Gita Sen, Adrienne Germaine and Lincoln C. Chen (eds), Population Policies Reconsidered: Health, Empowerment and Rights (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1994). I am grateful to Adele Clarke, who clarified these points for me.
25. Pierre Crabbé, Egon Diczfalusy and Carl Djerassi, 'Injectable Contraceptive Synthesis: An Example of International Cooperation', Science, Vol. 209 (29 August 1980), 992-95; Diczfalusy, 'World Health Organization, Special Programme of Research, Development and Research Training in Human Reproduction, The First Fifteen Years: A Review', Contraception, Vol. 34, No. 1 (July 1986), 3-119. In this context, it is important to emphasize that the need for long-acting contraceptives was articulated by population control organizations and not by the eventual users. Population control organizations and reproductive scientists have, by and large, ignored women's perspectives on contraceptives. The history of contraceptive research indicates that there has been hardly any social science research on consumers' concerns. All through the history of contraceptive development there have been, and still are, severe conflicts between the population control perspective and women's perspectives on birth control. These different perspectives have also shaped the terms in this domain. In the 1920s and 1930s, feminists, most notably Margaret Sanger, used the term 'birth control' which reflected the incentive that contraceptives should enhance women's control over their reproductive life. The term 'family planning' was introduced in the 1940s, when more conservative men began to dominate the birth control movement. During the last three decades, the term 'population control' has been used by feminists and other progressives to refer to 'national and international organizations and movements which have focused on controlling the size of particular populations over and against both the specific desires and interests of women and the distribution of resources across such populations' (personal communication, Adele Clarke, 11 May 1995). Throughout this paper I use the term 'population control' in cases in which the actors consider the reduction of the size of populations as the major incentive for contraceptive development, and the term 'birth control' in cases in which users' concerns are considered as the major incentive for contraceptive R&D. For a detailed analysis of the debates on population policies, see: Judith Bruce, 'Users' Perspectives on Contraceptive Technology and Delivery Systems: Highlighting Some Feminist Issues', Technology in Society, Vol. 9, Nos 3/4 (1987), 359-83; Holmes (ed.), op. cit. note 12; Ruth Dixon-Mueller, Population Policy and Women's Rights: Transforming Reproductive Choice (New York: Praeger Press, 1993); Gita Sen and Rachel Snow, Power and Decision: The Social Control of Reproduction (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1994); Gita Sen, Adrienne Germaine and Lincoln C. Chen (eds), Population Policies Reconsidered: Health, Empowerment and Rights (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1994). I am grateful to Adele Clarke, who clarified these points for me.
26. Pierre Crabbé, Egon Diczfalusy and Carl Djerassi, 'Injectable Contraceptive Synthesis: An Example of International Cooperation', Science, Vol. 209 (29 August 1980), 992-95; Diczfalusy, 'World Health Organization, Special Programme of Research, Development and Research Training in Human Reproduction, The First Fifteen Years: A Review', Contraception, Vol. 34, No. 1 (July 1986), 3-119. In this context, it is important to emphasize that the need for long-acting contraceptives was articulated by population control organizations and not by the eventual users. Population control organizations and reproductive scientists have, by and large, ignored women's perspectives on contraceptives. The history of contraceptive research indicates that there has been hardly any social science research on consumers' concerns. All through the history of contraceptive development there have been, and still are, severe conflicts between the population control perspective and women's perspectives on birth control. These different perspectives have also shaped the terms in this domain. In the 1920s and 1930s, feminists, most notably Margaret Sanger, used the term 'birth control' which reflected the incentive that contraceptives should enhance women's control over their reproductive life. The term 'family planning' was introduced in the 1940s, when more conservative men began to dominate the birth control movement. During the last three decades, the term 'population control' has been used by feminists and other progressives to refer to 'national and international organizations and movements which have focused on controlling the size of particular populations over and against both the specific desires and interests of women and the distribution of resources across such populations' (personal communication, Adele Clarke, 11 May 1995). Throughout this paper I use the term 'population control' in cases in which the actors consider the reduction of the size of populations as the major incentive for contraceptive development, and the term 'birth control' in cases in which users' concerns are considered as the major incentive for contraceptive R&D. For a detailed analysis of the debates on population policies, see: Judith Bruce, 'Users' Perspectives on Contraceptive Technology and Delivery Systems: Highlighting Some Feminist Issues', Technology in Society, Vol. 9, Nos 3/4 (1987), 359-83; Holmes (ed.), op. cit. note 12; Ruth Dixon-Mueller, Population Policy and Women's Rights: Transforming Reproductive Choice (New York: Praeger Press, 1993); Gita Sen and Rachel Snow, Power and Decision: The Social Control of Reproduction (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1994); Gita Sen, Adrienne Germaine and Lincoln C. Chen (eds), Population Policies Reconsidered: Health, Empowerment and Rights (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1994). I am grateful to Adele Clarke, who clarified these points for me.
27. Pierre Crabbé, Egon Diczfalusy and Carl Djerassi, 'Injectable Contraceptive Synthesis: An Example of International Cooperation', Science, Vol. 209 (29 August 1980), 992-95; Diczfalusy, 'World Health Organization, Special Programme of Research, Development and Research Training in Human Reproduction, The First Fifteen Years: A Review', Contraception, Vol. 34, No. 1 (July 1986), 3-119. In this context, it is important to emphasize that the need for long-acting contraceptives was articulated by population control organizations and not by the eventual users. Population control organizations and reproductive scientists have, by and large, ignored women's perspectives on contraceptives. The history of contraceptive research indicates that there has been hardly any social science research on consumers' concerns. All through the history of contraceptive development there have been, and still are, severe conflicts between the population control perspective and women's perspectives on birth control. These different perspectives have also shaped the terms in this domain. In the 1920s and 1930s, feminists, most notably Margaret Sanger, used the term 'birth control' which reflected the incentive that contraceptives should enhance women's control over their reproductive life. The term 'family planning' was introduced in the 1940s, when more conservative men began to dominate the birth control movement. During the last three decades, the term 'population control' has been used by feminists and other progressives to refer to 'national and international organizations and movements which have focused on controlling the size of particular populations over and against both the specific desires and interests of women and the distribution of resources across such populations' (personal communication, Adele Clarke, 11 May 1995). Throughout this paper I use the term 'population control' in cases in which the actors consider the reduction of the size of populations as the major incentive for contraceptive development, and the term 'birth control' in cases in which users' concerns are considered as the major incentive for contraceptive R&D. For a detailed analysis of the debates on population policies, see: Judith Bruce, 'Users' Perspectives on Contraceptive Technology and Delivery Systems: Highlighting Some Feminist Issues', Technology in Society, Vol. 9, Nos 3/4 (1987), 359-83; Holmes (ed.), op. cit. note 12; Ruth Dixon-Mueller, Population Policy and Women's Rights: Transforming Reproductive Choice (New York: Praeger Press, 1993); Gita Sen and Rachel Snow, Power and Decision: The Social Control of Reproduction (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1994); Gita Sen, Adrienne Germaine and Lincoln C. Chen (eds), Population Policies Reconsidered: Health, Empowerment and Rights (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1994). I am grateful to Adele Clarke, who clarified these points for me.
28. Pierre Crabbé, Egon Diczfalusy and Carl Djerassi, 'Injectable Contraceptive Synthesis: An Example of International Cooperation', Science, Vol. 209 (29 August 1980), 992-95; Diczfalusy, 'World Health Organization, Special Programme of Research, Development and Research Training in Human Reproduction, The First Fifteen Years: A Review', Contraception, Vol. 34, No. 1 (July 1986), 3-119. In this context, it is important to emphasize that the need for long-acting contraceptives was articulated by population control organizations and not by the eventual users. Population control organizations and reproductive scientists have, by and large, ignored women's perspectives on contraceptives. The history of contraceptive research indicates that there has been hardly any social science research on consumers' concerns. All through the history of contraceptive development there have been, and still are, severe conflicts between the population control perspective and women's perspectives on birth control. These different perspectives have also shaped the terms in this domain. In the 1920s and 1930s, feminists, most notably Margaret Sanger, used the term 'birth control' which reflected the incentive that contraceptives should enhance women's control over their reproductive life. The term 'family planning' was introduced in the 1940s, when more conservative men began to dominate the birth control movement. During the last three decades, the term 'population control' has been used by feminists and other progressives to refer to 'national and international organizations and movements which have focused on controlling the size of particular populations over and against both the specific desires and interests of women and the distribution of resources across such populations' (personal communication, Adele Clarke, 11 May 1995). Throughout this paper I use the term 'population control' in cases in which the actors consider the reduction of the size of populations as the major incentive for contraceptive development, and the term 'birth control' in cases in which users' concerns are considered as the major incentive for contraceptive R&D. For a detailed analysis of the debates on population policies, see: Judith Bruce, 'Users' Perspectives on Contraceptive Technology and Delivery Systems: Highlighting Some Feminist Issues', Technology in Society, Vol. 9, Nos 3/4 (1987), 359-83; Holmes (ed.), op. cit. note 12; Ruth Dixon-Mueller, Population Policy and Women's Rights: Transforming Reproductive Choice (New York: Praeger Press, 1993); Gita Sen and Rachel Snow, Power and Decision: The Social Control of Reproduction (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1994); Gita Sen, Adrienne Germaine and Lincoln C. Chen (eds), Population Policies Reconsidered: Health, Empowerment and Rights (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1994). I am grateful to Adele Clarke, who clarified these points for me.
29. Madeleine Akrich, 'Comment décrire les objects techniques?', Technique et Culture, Vol. 5 (1987), 49-63; Bruno Latour, 'Mixing Humans and Nonhumans Together: The Sociology of a Door-Closer', Social Problems, Vol. 35 (1988), 298-310. In medicine, 'proper' use of prescribed drugs is called patient compliance. The implanted contraceptive Norplant is, for example, advertised by Wyeth-Ayert as 'Compliance Free Contraception': Clarke, loc. cit. note 16.
30. Madeleine Akrich, 'Comment décrire les objects techniques?', Technique et Culture, Vol. 5 (1987), 49-63; Bruno Latour, 'Mixing Humans and Nonhumans Together: The Sociology of a Door-Closer', Social Problems, Vol. 35 (1988), 298-310. In medicine, 'proper' use of prescribed drugs is called patient compliance. The implanted contraceptive Norplant is, for example, advertised by Wyeth-Ayert as 'Compliance Free Contraception': Clarke, loc. cit. note 16.
31. Madeleine Akrich, 'Comment décrire les objects techniques?', Technique et Culture, Vol. 5 (1987), 49-63; Bruno Latour, 'Mixing Humans and Nonhumans Together: The Sociology of a Door-Closer', Social Problems, Vol. 35 (1988), 298-310. In medicine, 'proper' use of prescribed drugs is called patient compliance. The implanted contraceptive Norplant is, for example, advertised by Wyeth-Ayert as 'Compliance Free Contraception': Clarke, loc. cit. note 16.
32. Anneline Gelijns and C. Pannenborg, 'The Development of Contraceptive Technology. Case Studies of Incentives and Disincentives to Innovation', International Journal of Technology Assessment in Health Care, Vol. 9, No. 2 (Spring 1993), 210-32; Philip J. Hilts, 'Birth-Control Backlash: Years of Litigation and Agitation Have Left America in the Dark Ages of Contraception', New York Times Magazine (16 December 1990), 41, 55, 70, 72, 74.
33. Anneline Gelijns and C. Pannenborg, 'The Development of Contraceptive Technology. Case Studies of Incentives and Disincentives to Innovation', International Journal of Technology Assessment in Health Care, Vol. 9, No. 2 (Spring 1993), 210-32; Philip J. Hilts, 'Birth-Control Backlash: Years of Litigation and Agitation Have Left America in the Dark Ages of Contraception', New York Times Magazine (16 December 1990), 41, 55, 70, 72, 74.
34. Seaman & Seaman, op. cit. note 8.
35. Gelijns & Pannenborg, op. cit. note 18; Seaman & Seaman op. cit. note 8.
36. Karen M. Hicks, Surviving the Dalkon Shield: Women versus the Pharmaceutical Industry (New York: Teachers College Press, 1994).
37. The concerns about health produced an enormous increase in the number of liability suits, initially against US manufacturers of the Dalkon Shield intra-uterine device, and later against manufacturers of oral contraceptives. In the 1980s, 'there were more liability suits for oral contraceptives annually than for any other drug category': see Gelijns & Pannenborg, op. cit. note 18, 227; and Carl Djerassi, 'The Bitter Pill', Science, Vol. 245, No. 35 (28 July 1989), 356-61. In the United States this dramatic increase in lawsuits led to a situation in which liability insurance for manufacturers became temporarily unavailable. Nowadays, the liability costs in the field of contraceptives are higher than for any other drug category (Djerassi, ibid., 357). Moreover, the public demand to reduce health risks led to more stringent rules and procedural regulations for the production and approval of new drugs. The requirements for contraceptives are even more stringent than for other types of drugs because contraceptives are normally used by healthy people for many years: see Greep, Koblisky & Jaffe, op. cit. note 9, 352. In response to concerns about the long-term effects of oral contraceptives, the US FDA has demanded more stringent premarketing requirements for long-term animal research and clinical testing. These more extensive testing requirements significantly increased the R&D cost for drugs and contraceptives. Within two decades, the average R&D cost of developing a new chemical compound has increased from $65 million to $344 million: see World Health Organization, Special Programme of Research, Development and Research Training in Human Reproduction, Inter-Agency Consultation on Meeting the Challenges of the 1990s in Human Reproduction Research (Geneva, 1990). Other sources suggest, however, that the decline in industrial involvement in contraceptive R&D can be ascribed to the role of American health agencies such as Planned Parenthood US, and international agencies such as the WHO and Planned Parenthood International, who have adopted the policy of bargaining for lower prices for contraceptives with pharmaceutical firms, thus lowering the firms' profits from these products. Pharmaceutical companies and population control organizations usually blame feminists who have fought for contraceptive safety for the decline in interest of pharmaceutical firms to invest in contraceptive R&D (Clarke, loc. cit. note 16). See also: Luigi Mastroianni, Peter Donaldson and Thomas Kane (eds), Developing New Contraceptives: Obstacles and Opportunities. Committee on Population, Commission on Behavioral and Social Sciences and Education, National Research Council and Division of International Health, Institute of Medicine (Washington, DC: National Academy Press, 1990).
38. The concerns about health produced an enormous increase in the number of liability suits, initially against US manufacturers of the Dalkon Shield intra-uterine device, and later against manufacturers of oral contraceptives. In the 1980s, 'there were more liability suits for oral contraceptives annually than for any other drug category': see Gelijns & Pannenborg, op. cit. note 18, 227; and Carl Djerassi, 'The Bitter Pill', Science, Vol. 245, No. 35 (28 July 1989), 356-61. In the United States this dramatic increase in lawsuits led to a situation in which liability insurance for manufacturers became temporarily unavailable. Nowadays, the liability costs in the field of contraceptives are higher than for any other drug category (Djerassi, ibid., 357). Moreover, the public demand to reduce health risks led to more stringent rules and procedural regulations for the production and approval of new drugs. The requirements for contraceptives are even more stringent than for other types of drugs because contraceptives are normally used by healthy people for many years: see Greep, Koblisky & Jaffe, op. cit. note 9, 352. In response to concerns about the long-term effects of oral contraceptives, the US FDA has demanded more stringent premarketing requirements for long-term animal research and clinical testing. These more extensive testing requirements significantly increased the R&D cost for drugs and contraceptives. Within two decades, the average R&D cost of developing a new chemical compound has increased from $65 million to $344 million: see World Health Organization, Special Programme of Research, Development and Research Training in Human Reproduction, Inter-Agency Consultation on Meeting the Challenges of the 1990s in Human Reproduction Research (Geneva, 1990). Other sources suggest, however, that the decline in industrial involvement in contraceptive R&D can be ascribed to the role of American health agencies such as Planned Parenthood US, and international agencies such as the WHO and Planned Parenthood International, who have adopted the policy of bargaining for lower prices for contraceptives with pharmaceutical firms, thus lowering the firms' profits from these products. Pharmaceutical companies and population control organizations usually blame feminists who have fought for contraceptive safety for the decline in interest of pharmaceutical firms to invest in contraceptive R&D (Clarke, loc. cit. note 16). See also: Luigi Mastroianni, Peter Donaldson and Thomas Kane (eds), Developing New Contraceptives: Obstacles and Opportunities. Committee on Population, Commission on Behavioral and Social Sciences and Education, National Research Council and Division of International Health, Institute of Medicine (Washington, DC: National Academy Press, 1990).
39. The concerns about health produced an enormous increase in the number of liability suits, initially against US manufacturers of the Dalkon Shield intra-uterine device, and later against manufacturers of oral contraceptives. In the 1980s, 'there were more liability suits for oral contraceptives annually than for any other drug category': see Gelijns & Pannenborg, op. cit. note 18, 227; and Carl Djerassi, 'The Bitter Pill', Science, Vol. 245, No. 35 (28 July 1989), 356-61. In the United States this dramatic increase in lawsuits led to a situation in which liability insurance for manufacturers became temporarily unavailable. Nowadays, the liability costs in the field of contraceptives are higher than for any other drug category (Djerassi, ibid., 357). Moreover, the public demand to reduce health risks led to more stringent rules and procedural regulations for the production and approval of new drugs. The requirements for contraceptives are even more stringent than for other types of drugs because contraceptives are normally used by healthy people for many years: see Greep, Koblisky & Jaffe, op. cit. note 9, 352. In response to concerns about the long-term effects of oral contraceptives, the US FDA has demanded more stringent premarketing requirements for long-term animal research and clinical testing. These more extensive testing requirements significantly increased the R&D cost for drugs and contraceptives. Within two decades, the average R&D cost of developing a new chemical compound has increased from $65 million to $344 million: see World Health Organization, Special Programme of Research, Development and Research Training in Human Reproduction, Inter-Agency Consultation on Meeting the Challenges of the 1990s in Human Reproduction Research (Geneva, 1990). Other sources suggest, however, that the decline in industrial involvement in contraceptive R&D can be ascribed to the role of American health agencies such as Planned Parenthood US, and international agencies such as the WHO and Planned Parenthood International, who have adopted the policy of bargaining for lower prices for contraceptives with pharmaceutical firms, thus lowering the firms' profits from these products. Pharmaceutical companies and population control organizations usually blame feminists who have fought for contraceptive safety for the decline in interest of pharmaceutical firms to invest in contraceptive R&D (Clarke, loc. cit. note 16). See also: Luigi Mastroianni, Peter Donaldson and Thomas Kane (eds), Developing New Contraceptives: Obstacles and Opportunities. Committee on Population, Commission on Behavioral and Social Sciences and Education, National Research Council and Division of International Health, Institute of Medicine (Washington, DC: National Academy Press, 1990).
40. The concerns about health produced an enormous increase in the number of liability suits, initially against US manufacturers of the Dalkon Shield intra-uterine device, and later against manufacturers of oral contraceptives. In the 1980s, 'there were more liability suits for oral contraceptives annually than for any other drug category': see Gelijns & Pannenborg, op. cit. note 18, 227; and Carl Djerassi, 'The Bitter Pill', Science, Vol. 245, No. 35 (28 July 1989), 356-61. In the United States this dramatic increase in lawsuits led to a situation in which liability insurance for manufacturers became temporarily unavailable. Nowadays, the liability costs in the field of contraceptives are higher than for any other drug category (Djerassi, ibid., 357). Moreover, the public demand to reduce health risks led to more stringent rules and procedural regulations for the production and approval of new drugs. The requirements for contraceptives are even more stringent than for other types of drugs because contraceptives are normally used by healthy people for many years: see Greep, Koblisky & Jaffe, op. cit. note 9, 352. In response to concerns about the long-term effects of oral contraceptives, the US FDA has demanded more stringent premarketing requirements for long-term animal research and clinical testing. These more extensive testing requirements significantly increased the R&D cost for drugs and contraceptives. Within two decades, the average R&D cost of developing a new chemical compound has increased from $65 million to $344 million: see World Health Organization, Special Programme of Research, Development and Research Training in Human Reproduction, Inter-Agency Consultation on Meeting the Challenges of the 1990s in Human Reproduction Research (Geneva, 1990). Other sources suggest, however, that the decline in industrial involvement in contraceptive R&D can be ascribed to the role of American health agencies such as Planned Parenthood US, and international agencies such as the WHO and Planned Parenthood International, who have adopted the policy of bargaining for lower prices for contraceptives with pharmaceutical firms, thus lowering the firms' profits from these products. Pharmaceutical companies and population control organizations usually blame feminists who have fought for contraceptive safety for the decline in interest of pharmaceutical firms to invest in contraceptive R&D (Clarke, loc. cit. note 16). See also: Luigi Mastroianni, Peter Donaldson and Thomas Kane (eds), Developing New Contraceptives: Obstacles and Opportunities. Committee on Population, Commission on Behavioral and Social Sciences and Education, National Research Council and Division of International Health, Institute of Medicine (Washington, DC: National Academy Press, 1990).
41. The concerns about health produced an enormous increase in the number of liability suits, initially against US manufacturers of the Dalkon Shield intra-uterine device, and later against manufacturers of oral contraceptives. In the 1980s, 'there were more liability suits for oral contraceptives annually than for any other drug category': see Gelijns & Pannenborg, op. cit. note 18, 227; and Carl Djerassi, 'The Bitter Pill', Science, Vol. 245, No. 35 (28 July 1989), 356-61. In the United States this dramatic increase in lawsuits led to a situation in which liability insurance for manufacturers became temporarily unavailable. Nowadays, the liability costs in the field of contraceptives are higher than for any other drug category (Djerassi, ibid., 357). Moreover, the public demand to reduce health risks led to more stringent rules and procedural regulations for the production and approval of new drugs. The requirements for contraceptives are even more stringent than for other types of drugs because contraceptives are normally used by healthy people for many years: see Greep, Koblisky & Jaffe, op. cit. note 9, 352. In response to concerns about the long-term effects of oral contraceptives, the US FDA has demanded more stringent premarketing requirements for long-term animal research and clinical testing. These more extensive testing requirements significantly increased the R&D cost for drugs and contraceptives. Within two decades, the average R&D cost of developing a new chemical compound has increased from $65 million to $344 million: see World Health Organization, Special Programme of Research, Development and Research Training in Human Reproduction, Inter-Agency Consultation on Meeting the Challenges of the 1990s in Human Reproduction Research (Geneva, 1990). Other sources suggest, however, that the decline in industrial involvement in contraceptive R&D can be ascribed to the role of American health agencies such as Planned Parenthood US, and international agencies such as the WHO and Planned Parenthood International, who have adopted the policy of bargaining for lower prices for contraceptives with pharmaceutical firms, thus lowering the firms' profits from these products. Pharmaceutical companies and population control organizations usually blame feminists who have fought for contraceptive safety for the decline in interest of pharmaceutical firms to invest in contraceptive R&D (Clarke, loc. cit. note 16). See also: Luigi Mastroianni, Peter Donaldson and Thomas Kane (eds), Developing New Contraceptives: Obstacles and Opportunities. Committee on Population, Commission on Behavioral and Social Sciences and Education, National Research Council and Division of International Health, Institute of Medicine (Washington, DC: National Academy Press, 1990).
42. The concerns about health produced an enormous increase in the number of liability suits, initially against US manufacturers of the Dalkon Shield intra-uterine device, and later against manufacturers of oral contraceptives. In the 1980s, 'there were more liability suits for oral contraceptives annually than for any other drug category': see Gelijns & Pannenborg, op. cit. note 18, 227; and Carl Djerassi, 'The Bitter Pill', Science, Vol. 245, No. 35 (28 July 1989), 356-61. In the United States this dramatic increase in lawsuits led to a situation in which liability insurance for manufacturers became temporarily unavailable. Nowadays, the liability costs in the field of contraceptives are higher than for any other drug category (Djerassi, ibid., 357). Moreover, the public demand to reduce health risks led to more stringent rules and procedural regulations for the production and approval of new drugs. The requirements for contraceptives are even more stringent than for other types of drugs because contraceptives are normally used by healthy people for many years: see Greep, Koblisky & Jaffe, op. cit. note 9, 352. In response to concerns about the long-term effects of oral contraceptives, the US FDA has demanded more stringent premarketing requirements for long-term animal research and clinical testing. These more extensive testing requirements significantly increased the R&D cost for drugs and contraceptives. Within two decades, the average R&D cost of developing a new chemical compound has increased from $65 million to $344 million: see World Health Organization, Special Programme of Research, Development and Research Training in Human Reproduction, Inter-Agency Consultation on Meeting the Challenges of the 1990s in Human Reproduction Research (Geneva, 1990). Other sources suggest, however, that the decline in industrial involvement in contraceptive R&D can be ascribed to the role of American health agencies such as Planned Parenthood US, and international agencies such as the WHO and Planned Parenthood International, who have adopted the policy of bargaining for lower prices for contraceptives with pharmaceutical firms, thus lowering the firms' profits from these products. Pharmaceutical companies and population control organizations usually blame feminists who have fought for contraceptive safety for the decline in interest of pharmaceutical firms to invest in contraceptive R&D (Clarke, loc. cit. note 16). See also: Luigi Mastroianni, Peter Donaldson and Thomas Kane (eds), Developing New Contraceptives: Obstacles and Opportunities. Committee on Population, Commission on Behavioral and Social Sciences and Education, National Research Council and Division of International Health, Institute of Medicine (Washington, DC: National Academy Press, 1990).
43. Laura Fraser, 'Pill Polities', Mother Jones (San Francisco, CA). Vol. 12, No. 5 (1988), 30.
44. Gelijns & Pannenborg, op. cit. note 18, 216. The European industry has been able to continue research in contraceptives since liability issues have not played such a major role in Europe as in the United States: see WHO, op. cit. note 22, 14.
45. Linda Atkinson, S. Bruce Schearer, Oscar Harkavy and Richard Lincoln, 'Prospects for Improved Contraception', Family Planning Perspectives, Vol. 6, No. 2 (June 1980), 43-59.
46. Pierre Crabbé, Sydney Archer, Giuseppe Benagiano, Egon Diczfalusy, Carl Djerassi, Josef Fried and Takeru Higuchi, 'Long-Acting Contraceptive Agents: Design of the WHO Chemical Synthesis Programme', Steroids, Vol. 41, No. 3 (March 1983), 243-53.
47. Stephen Matlin, 'The Pill - 40 Years On', Education in Chemistry, Vol. 31 (September 1994), 123-27, quote at 125. For women's health and feminist perspectives on Depo Provera, see Jill Rakusen, 'Depo-Provera: the Extent of the Problem. A Case Study in the Politics of Birth Control', in Helen Roberts (ed.), Women, Health and Reproduction (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1981), 75-108; Kim Yanoshik and Judy Norsigian, 'Contraception, Control, and Choice: International Perspectives', in Kathryn Strother Ratcliff (ed.), Healing Technology: Feminist Perspectives (Ann Arbor, MI: The University of Michigan Press, 1989), 61-92.
48. Stephen Matlin, 'The Pill - 40 Years On', Education in Chemistry, Vol. 31 (September 1994), 123-27, quote at 125. For women's health and feminist perspectives on Depo Provera, see Jill Rakusen, 'Depo-Provera: the Extent of the Problem. A Case Study in the Politics of Birth Control', in Helen Roberts (ed.), Women, Health and Reproduction (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1981), 75-108; Kim Yanoshik and Judy Norsigian, 'Contraception, Control, and Choice: International Perspectives', in Kathryn Strother Ratcliff (ed.), Healing Technology: Feminist Perspectives (Ann Arbor, MI: The University of Michigan Press, 1989), 61-92.
49. Stephen Matlin, 'The Pill - 40 Years On', Education in Chemistry, Vol. 31 (September 1994), 123-27, quote at 125. For women's health and feminist perspectives on Depo Provera, see Jill Rakusen, 'Depo-Provera: the Extent of the Problem. A Case Study in the Politics of Birth Control', in Helen Roberts (ed.), Women, Health and Reproduction (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1981), 75-108; Kim Yanoshik and Judy Norsigian, 'Contraception, Control, and Choice: International Perspectives', in Kathryn Strother Ratcliff (ed.), Healing Technology: Feminist Perspectives (Ann Arbor, MI: The University of Michigan Press, 1989), 61-92.
50. Stephen Matlin has been one of my major sources for information about the role of the WHO in developing new contraceptives, particularly about the HRP's Synthesis Programme that was created to synthesize new contraceptive compounds. Matlin was one of the principal investigators of this programme, and worked at that time at the Department of Chemistry of the City University in London, a laboratory that played a central role in the Synthesis Programme.
51. Interview, Stephen Matlin, University of Warwick, Coventry, 28 November 1994. For a similar analysis of the reluctance of the pharmaceutical industry to invest in the development of long-acting contraceptive methods, see also Djerassi, op. cit. note 22; Gelijns & Pannenborg, op. cit. note 18.
52. Crabbé, Diczfalusy & Djerassi, op. cit. note 16, 992.
53. By taking the decision to develop long-acting contraceptives, the WHO, like the pharmaceutical firm Upjohn, had to face feminist criticism. Since the 1980s, the WHO has adopted the strategy of inviting representatives of women's health organizations to special meetings to discuss issues such as safety and acceptability of new contraceptives. See Bruce, op. cit. note 4; Anita Harden, 'The Construction of Antifertility Vaccines: Contesting Assessments of Safety and Acceptability To Future Users', Science, Technology, & Human Values (forthcoming). Moreover, the WHO has appointed a special staff member to maintain contacts with women's health organizations 'to help integrate women's perspectives into the research and the institution strengthening work of the programme' (interview, Jane Cottingham, staff member of the WHO's HRP, Geneva, 2 February 1994).
54. By taking the decision to develop long-acting contraceptives, the WHO, like the pharmaceutical firm Upjohn, had to face feminist criticism. Since the 1980s, the WHO has adopted the strategy of inviting representatives of women's health organizations to special meetings to discuss issues such as safety and acceptability of new contraceptives. See Bruce, op. cit. note 4; Anita Harden, 'The Construction of Antifertility Vaccines: Contesting Assessments of Safety and Acceptability To Future Users', Science, Technology, & Human Values (forthcoming). Moreover, the WHO has appointed a special staff member to maintain contacts with women's health organizations 'to help integrate women's perspectives into the research and the institution strengthening work of the programme' (interview, Jane Cottingham, staff member of the WHO's HRP, Geneva, 2 February 1994).
55. By taking the decision to develop long-acting contraceptives, the WHO, like the pharmaceutical firm Upjohn, had to face feminist criticism. Since the 1980s, the WHO has adopted the strategy of inviting representatives of women's health organizations to special meetings to discuss issues such as safety and acceptability of new contraceptives. See Bruce, op. cit. note 4; Anita Harden, 'The Construction of Antifertility Vaccines: Contesting Assessments of Safety and Acceptability To Future Users', Science, Technology, & Human Values (forthcoming). Moreover, the WHO has appointed a special staff member to maintain contacts with women's health organizations 'to help integrate women's perspectives into the research and the institution strengthening work of the programme' (interview, Jane Cottingham, staff member of the WHO's HRP, Geneva, 2 February 1994).
56. Those present at the July meeting included Sidney Archer (Professor of Steroid Chemistry at the Rensselaer Polytechnic Institute, who had worked with Sterling Winthrop), Giuseppe Benagiano (Manager, Task Force for Long-acting Contraceptives, WHO Geneva), Pierre Crabbé (Professor of Chemistry at the University of Grenoble and, in the 1960s, general manager of the research division of Syntex in Mexico City, who was appointed coordinator of the synthesis programme), Egon Diczfalusy (Professor of Reproductive Endocrinology at the Karolinska Institute in Stockholm, also affiliated with industry), Carl Djerassi (a leading chemist and research president of Syntex at that time) and Josef Fried (Professor of Steroid Chemistry at the University of Chicago, who had previously worked with Squibb).
57. Hoch introduced the concept of 'boundary elites' to describe the role of scientists who have regular and direct involvement with both business and academic science: Paul K. Hoch, 'The Crystallization of a Strategic Alliance: The American Physics Élite and the Military in the 1940s', in Everett Mendelsohn, Merritt Rue Smith and Peter Weingart (eds), Science, Technology, and the Military (Dordrecht: Kluwer, 1989), 87-116; Crabbé, Diczfalusy & Djerassi, op. cit. note 16, 992.
58. Hoch introduced the concept of 'boundary elites' to describe the role of
59. Interview, Geoffrey Waites, WHO, Geneva, 2 February 1994.
60. The chemists were selected largely because they were known to the initiators of the synthesis programme. Djerassi, Fried and Archer were all steroid chemists with former PhD students in all parts of the world. Pierre Crabbé, who began his career in chemistry as a student of Carl Djerassi, was a chemist with a lot of experience in developing countries. The selected chemists, most of them working in laboratories in developing countries, had thus been trained mainly in the United States and Europe. Interview, Matlin (note 29); see also Carl Djerassi, Steroids Made It Possible: Profiles, Pathways, and Dreams: Autobiographies of Eminent Chemists (Washington, DC: American Chemical Society, 1990), 63.
61. Crabbé, Diczfalusy & Djerassi, op. cit. note 16, 992.
62. Stephen Matlin, 'Pierre Crabbé Memorial Oration' (paper presented at the First International Conference of Andrology, Nenjiing, China, 4 March 1991).
63. Interview, Matlin (note 29). The extension and strengthening of networks with investigators in developing countries has been (and still is) a major incentive of the HRP: see Crabbé, Diczfalusy & Djerassi, op. cit. note 16, 992, 993; Atkinson & Schearer, op. cit. note 25.
64. Crabbé et al., op. cit. note 26, 252.
65. The WHO approached the City University of London laboratory because of its expertise with a then not yet widely available purification technique (high performance liquid chromatography, HPLC). Formulation work included the testing of the compounds to decide which formulation (oily solutions, microcrystalline suspensions, or other forms) had the best profile with respect to the duration of action, since different formulations may give rise to different pharmacological activities, including the duration of action: see World Health Organization, Special Programme of Research, Development and Research Training in Human Reproduction, Task Force on Long-Acting Agents for Fertility Regulation: Meeting of Investigators Participating in the Chemical Synthesis Programme (Singapore, 1981), 3. The formulation work was thus a crucial step in the developmental trajectory, because the development of long-acting compounds was the central aim of this programme.
66. Interview, Matlin (note 29). Gabriel Bialy was the chief of the Contraceptive Development Branch of MH and member of several steering committees of WHO. NIH was then spending millions per year on contraceptive development. Bialy was able to use part of the available budget to collaborate with WHO and has acted as one of the scientists who published the results and evaluation of the synthesis programme (ibid.; interview, C. Alvin Paulsen, Professor Emeritus in Medicine at the Medical School of the University of Washington, Seattle, 18 October 1994). See also Crabbé, Diczfalusy & Djerassi, op. cit. note 16; Crabbé et al., op. cit. note 26; Peter E. Hall, Gabriel Baily, R.P. Blye and P. Crabbé, 'Development of Certain Levonorgestrel Esters as Long-Acting Injectable Contraceptives', in Gerald I. Zatuchni et al. (eds), Long-Acting Contraceptive Delivery Systems (Philadelphia, PA: Harper & Row, 1983), 190-98.
67. Interview, Matlin (note 29). Gabriel Bialy was the chief of the Contraceptive Development Branch of MH and member of several steering committees of WHO. NIH was then spending millions per year on contraceptive development. Bialy was able to use part of the available budget to collaborate with WHO and has acted as one of the scientists who published the results and evaluation of the synthesis programme (ibid.; interview, C. Alvin Paulsen, Professor Emeritus in Medicine at the Medical School of the University of Washington, Seattle, 18 October 1994). See also Crabbé, Diczfalusy & Djerassi, op. cit. note 16; Crabbé et al., op. cit. note 26; Peter E. Hall, Gabriel Baily, R.P. Blye and P. Crabbé, 'Development of Certain Levonorgestrel Esters as Long-Acting Injectable Contraceptives', in Gerald I. Zatuchni et al. (eds), Long-Acting Contraceptive Delivery Systems (Philadelphia, PA: Harper & Row, 1983), 190-98.
68. Interview, Matlin (note 29). Gabriel Bialy was the chief of the Contraceptive Development Branch of MH and member of several steering committees of WHO. NIH was then spending millions per year on contraceptive development. Bialy was able to use part of the available budget to collaborate with WHO and has acted as one of the scientists who published the results and evaluation of the synthesis programme (ibid.; interview, C. Alvin Paulsen, Professor Emeritus in Medicine at the Medical School of the University of Washington, Seattle, 18 October 1994). See also Crabbé, Diczfalusy & Djerassi, op. cit. note 16; Crabbé et al., op. cit. note 26; Peter E. Hall, Gabriel Baily, R.P. Blye and P. Crabbé, 'Development of Certain Levonorgestrel Esters as Long-Acting Injectable Contraceptives', in Gerald I. Zatuchni et al. (eds), Long-Acting Contraceptive Delivery Systems (Philadelphia, PA: Harper & Row, 1983), 190-98.
69. Geoffrey Bowker, Science on the Run: Information Management and Industrial Geophysics at Schlumberger, 1920-1940 (Cambridge, MA: The MIT Press, 1994); Peter Galison, How Experiments End (Chicago, IL: The University of Chicago Press, 1987); Joan Fujimura, 'Constructing 'Do-able' Problems in Cancer Research: Articulating Alignment', Social Studies of Science, Vol. 17 (1987), 257-93; Susan Leigh Star, Regions of the Mind: Brain Research and the Quest for Scientific Certainty (Stanford, CA: University of Stanford Press, 1989).
70. Geoffrey Bowker, Science on the Run: Information Management and Industrial Geophysics at Schlumberger, 1920-1940 (Cambridge, MA: The MIT Press, 1994); Peter Galison, How Experiments End (Chicago, IL: The University of Chicago Press, 1987); Joan Fujimura, 'Constructing 'Do-able' Problems in Cancer Research: Articulating Alignment', Social Studies of Science, Vol. 17 (1987), 257-93; Susan Leigh Star, Regions of the Mind: Brain Research and the Quest for Scientific Certainty (Stanford, CA: University of Stanford Press, 1989).
71. Geoffrey Bowker, Science on the Run: Information Management and Industrial Geophysics at Schlumberger, 1920-1940 (Cambridge, MA: The MIT Press, 1994); Peter Galison, How Experiments End (Chicago, IL: The University of Chicago Press, 1987); Joan Fujimura, 'Constructing 'Do-able' Problems in Cancer Research: Articulating Alignment', Social Studies of Science, Vol. 17 (1987), 257-93; Susan Leigh Star, Regions of the Mind: Brain Research and the Quest for Scientific Certainty (Stanford, CA: University of Stanford Press, 1989).
72. Geoffrey Bowker, Science on the Run: Information Management and Industrial Geophysics at Schlumberger, 1920-1940 (Cambridge, MA: The MIT Press, 1994); Peter Galison, How Experiments End (Chicago, IL: The University of Chicago Press, 1987); Joan Fujimura, 'Constructing 'Do-able' Problems in Cancer Research: Articulating Alignment', Social Studies of Science, Vol. 17 (1987), 257-93; Susan Leigh Star, Regions of the Mind: Brain Research and the Quest for Scientific Certainty (Stanford, CA: University of Stanford Press, 1989).
73. Steven Shapin and Simon Schaffer, Leviathan and the Air Pump: Hobbes, Boyle, and the Experimental Life (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press 1985), 25.
74. Willem Halffman, 'The Standardization of Chemical Risk: The Transformation of Expertise in Two Regulatory Regimes of the EPA', Social Studies of Science (forthcoming).
75. Ibid., 3.
76. Crabbé, Diczfalusy & Djerassi, op. cit. note 16, 993.
77. Interview, Matlin (note 29).
78. Crabbé, Diczfalusy & Djerassi, op. cit. note 16, 993.
79. Ibid.
80. Ibid.; interview, Matlin (note 29).
81. Interview, Matlin (note 29); Crabbé, Diczfalusy & Djerassi, op. cit. note 16, 993.
82. Crabbé et al., op. cit. note 26; Hall et al., op. cit. note 41, 191.
83. Interview, Matlin (note 29).
84. Ibid.;
85. Crabbé, Diczfalusy & Djerassi, op. cit. note 16, 993.
86. Marc Berg, 'The Construction of Medical Disposals: Medical Sociology and Medical Problem Solving in Clinical Practices', Sociology of Health and Illness, Vol. 14 (1992), 151-80.
87. Interview, Matlin (note 29).
88. Ibid.
89. Most participating scientists readily adopted the regime set by the programme for synthesizing the predesigned compounds, not least because alternative compounds would very likely cost extra money: interview, Matlin (note 29).
90. The criteria for testing the purity of the compounds were set by the Steering Committee. This committee had set very strict purity limits of at least 99.5%, which is a much stricter condition than is normally found in the pharmaceutical industry. 'Part of the concern was that as they were looking for very long-acting injectable agents, it was appreciated that the physical form of the solid might have a critical bearing on the rate of release. So in order to avoid artifacts and confusion they decided that they wanted such a high purity': interview, Matlin (note 29). Due to these strict limits more than 50% of the synthesized steroids failed to pass the test.
91. Interview, Matlin (note 29).
92. WHO, Task Force, op. cit. note 40. Although most participating laboratories developed esters of both progestins and testosterone in parallel, the androgens were given 'a somewhat lower priority partly because it was mainly a female-oriented focus in the Task Force : interview, Matlin (note 29). The fact that the Task Force for Long-acting Contraceptives was more interested in female contraceptives also resulted in a delay in the actual work on androgens: although 20 AET-1, which was eventually selected as an effective male compound, was first synthesized in 1979, it was only 'during a re-evaluation of the data at the end of the programme that people realized that there was actually an androgen there that was looking very good' (ibid.).
93. World Health Organization, Special Programme of Research, Development and Research Training in Human Reproduction, Annual Technical Report 1992 (Geneva, 1993), 10, 64; interview, Waites (note 34). The injectable for men, testosterone buciclate (code name 20 AET-1), is a long-acting androgen replacement preparation. Many strategies envisaged for controlling male fertility necessi-tate androgen replacement therapy. The development of long-acting androgens is therefore a crucial part of the development of hormonal contraceptives for men. See World Health Organization, Special Programme of Research, Development and Research Training in Human Reproduction, Twelfth Annual Report (Geneva, 1983), 71.
94. World Health Organization, Special Programme of Research, Development and Research Training in Human Reproduction, Annual Technical Report 1992 (Geneva, 1993), 10, 64; interview, Waites (note 34). The injectable for men, testosterone buciclate (code name 20 AET-1), is a long-acting androgen replacement preparation. Many strategies envisaged for controlling male fertility necessi-tate androgen replacement therapy. The development of long-acting androgens is therefore a crucial part of the development of hormonal contraceptives for men. See World Health Organization, Special Programme of Research, Development and Research Training in Human Reproduction, Twelfth Annual Report (Geneva, 1983), 71.
95. World Health Organization, Special Programme of Research, Development and Research Training in Human Reproduction, Annual Technical Report 1992 (Geneva, 1993), 10, 64; interview, Waites (note 34). The injectable for men, testosterone buciclate (code name 20 AET-1), is a long-acting androgen replacement preparation. Many strategies envisaged for controlling male fertility necessi-tate androgen replacement therapy. The development of long-acting androgens is therefore a crucial part of the development of hormonal contraceptives for men. See World Health Organization, Special Programme of Research, Development and Research Training in Human Reproduction, Twelfth Annual Report (Geneva, 1983), 71.
96. Crabbé et al., op. cit. note 26, 251.
97. According to Matlin, 'two or three laboratories designed new coupling procedures. Some of the publications that came out were actually to do with novel coupling procedures. This was one of the spin-offs. Obviously the motivation of the people who agreed to take part in the programme involved several factors, but one of them was the opportunity to develop something academic and get publications': interview, Matlin (note 29).
98. Crabbé, Diczfalusy & Djerassi, op. cit. note 16, 993.
99. Ibid., 992.
100. The antimalarial programme during World War II was organized by the military: ibid., 993.
101. Ibid.
102. Gossypol, a component of cottonseed oil, was discovered accidentally by Chinese scientists to have contraceptive properties. Although clinical trials with gossypol had already taken place since 1972, the news only reached the western scientific press in the early 1980s: National Coordinating Group on Male Antifertility Agents, 'Gossypol: A New Antifertility Agent for Males', Chinese Medical Journal, Vol. 4 (1978), 4. For a more detailed analysis of the role of Chinese scientists in contraceptive R&D see: Nelly Oudshoorn, 'Discourse Coalitions in Contraceptive Technologies. The Case of Male Contraceptives' (paper presented at the Annual Meeting of the Society for Social Studies of Science [4S], Charlottesville, VA, 18-21 October 1995). In 1982, the WHO initiated a synthesis programme, similar to the steroid synthesis programme, to synthesize gossypol analogues for the development of male contraceptives: 78 analogues were produced, of which 37 were passed for animal screening. The Gossypol Synthesis Programme had a similar impact and was particularly instrumental in stimulating contraceptive research in China. Or, as Waites put it: 'Gossypol, whose action as a potential antifertility drug was first described in China, has been very important for China. It was a useful entity to encourage research by Chinese scientists with not much experience with scientific method in the early 1980s because of isolation during the cultural revolution. Gossypol provided an entity to enable scientists in China to develop skills in the classical basis of scientific investigation. So it had an enormous influence on the development of scientific work in China': interview, Waites (note 34). Unlike the Steroid Synthesis Programme, the Gossypol Synthesis Programme has not been successful. The Programme was confronted with many problems with compound stability and low productivity. In the late 1980s, HRP decided to stop the programme due to problems with toxicity. See Contraceptive Development Branch, Centre for Population Research, National Institute of Child Health and Human Development, Special Programme of Research, Development and Research Training in Human Reproduction, World Health Organization, Consultation on the Chemical Synthesis of Fertility Regulation Agents (Bethesda, MD, 1985), 9.
103. Gossypol, a component of cottonseed oil, was discovered accidentally by Chinese scientists to have contraceptive properties. Although clinical trials with gossypol had already taken place since 1972, the news only reached the western scientific press in the early 1980s: National Coordinating Group on Male Antifertility Agents, 'Gossypol: A New Antifertility Agent for Males', Chinese Medical Journal, Vol. 4 (1978), 4. For a more detailed analysis of the role of Chinese scientists in contraceptive R&D see: Nelly Oudshoorn, 'Discourse Coalitions in Contraceptive Technologies. The Case of Male Contraceptives' (paper presented at the Annual Meeting of the Society for Social Studies of Science [4S], Charlottesville, VA, 18-21 October 1995). In 1982, the WHO initiated a synthesis programme, similar to the steroid synthesis programme, to synthesize gossypol analogues for the development of male contraceptives: 78 analogues were produced, of which 37 were passed for animal screening. The Gossypol Synthesis Programme had a similar impact and was particularly instrumental in stimulating contraceptive research in China. Or, as Waites put it: 'Gossypol, whose action as a potential antifertility drug was first described in China, has been very important for China. It was a useful entity to encourage research by Chinese scientists with not much experience with scientific method in the early 1980s because of isolation during the cultural revolution. Gossypol provided an entity to enable scientists in China to develop skills in the classical basis of scientific investigation. So it had an enormous influence on the development of scientific work in China': interview, Waites (note 34). Unlike the Steroid Synthesis Programme, the Gossypol Synthesis Programme has not been successful. The Programme was confronted with many problems with compound stability and low productivity. In the late 1980s, HRP decided to stop the programme due to problems with toxicity. See Contraceptive Development Branch, Centre for Population Research, National Institute of Child Health and Human Development, Special Programme of Research, Development and Research Training in Human Reproduction, World Health Organization, Consultation on the Chemical Synthesis of Fertility Regulation Agents (Bethesda, MD, 1985), 9.
104. Gossypol, a component of cottonseed oil, was discovered accidentally by Chinese scientists to have contraceptive properties. Although clinical trials with gossypol had already taken place since 1972, the news only reached the western scientific press in the early 1980s: National Coordinating Group on Male Antifertility Agents, 'Gossypol: A New Antifertility Agent for Males', Chinese Medical Journal, Vol. 4 (1978), 4. For a more detailed analysis of the role of Chinese scientists in contraceptive R&D see: Nelly Oudshoorn, 'Discourse Coalitions in Contraceptive Technologies. The Case of Male Contraceptives' (paper presented at the Annual Meeting of the Society for Social Studies of Science [4S], Charlottesville, VA, 18-21 October 1995). In 1982, the WHO initiated a synthesis programme, similar to the steroid synthesis programme, to synthesize gossypol analogues for the development of male contraceptives: 78 analogues were produced, of which 37 were passed for animal screening. The Gossypol Synthesis Programme had a similar impact and was particularly instrumental in stimulating contraceptive research in China. Or, as Waites put it: 'Gossypol, whose action as a potential antifertility drug was first described in China, has been very important for China. It was a useful entity to encourage research by Chinese scientists with not much experience with scientific method in the early 1980s because of isolation during the cultural revolution. Gossypol provided an entity to enable scientists in China to develop skills in the classical basis of scientific investigation. So it had an enormous influence on the development of scientific work in China': interview, Waites (note 34). Unlike the Steroid Synthesis Programme, the Gossypol Synthesis Programme has not been successful. The Programme was confronted with many problems with compound stability and low productivity. In the late 1980s, HRP decided to stop the programme due to problems with toxicity. See Contraceptive Development Branch, Centre for Population Research, National Institute of Child Health and Human Development, Special Programme of Research, Development and Research Training in Human Reproduction, World Health Organization, Consultation on the Chemical Synthesis of Fertility Regulation Agents (Bethesda, MD, 1985), 9.
105. Interview, Waites (note 34).
106. Examples of such drugs mentioned by the WHO include remedies Cor tropical diseases, rodenticides and pesticides designed specifically for tropical pests: see Crabbé et al., op. cit. note 26, 252.
107. Diczfalusy, op. cit. note 16, para. 5.3.
108. Since 1974, the WHO has filed fourteen patent applications: seven were granted, six were abandoned, and one has been rejected: see ibid.; interview, Waites (note 34).
109. In the early 1980s, WHO's decision to patent its products was ramer controversial, mainly because it involved ethical questions with respect to the organization's position as a public agency. According to Matlin, 'there were huge debates at that time of what was the right approach because one of the things that was held to be true was that WHO as a public agency could not be sued by anybody. What would be the ethical and moral position of an agency developing a drug which might go wrong or which might be abused by somebody if they could not be sued? It has never happened': interview, Matlin (note 29).
110. Diczfalusy, op. cit. note 16, 6; Task Force on Methods for the Regulation of Male Fertility, Report Steering Committee Meeting (Geneva, 23 March 1990), 26. WHO'S decision to patent their products resulted in further restrictions for the scientists who participated in the Synthesis Programme (and other WHO programmes). During meetings with the principal investigators 'the participants were reminded of the confidentiality of the information exchanged at the meeting, and a Secrecy document was circulated for all participants to sign'. Moreover, scientists were only allowed to publish the results of their research after the compounds were patented (WHO, Task Force, op. cit. note 40, 2).
111. Diczfalusy, op. cit. note 16, 6; Task Force on Methods for the Regulation of Male Fertility, Report Steering Committee Meeting (Geneva, 23 March 1990), 26. WHO'S decision to patent their products resulted in further restrictions for the scientists who participated in the Synthesis Programme (and other WHO programmes). During meetings with the principal investigators 'the participants were reminded of the confidentiality of the information exchanged at the meeting, and a Secrecy document was circulated for all participants to sign'. Moreover, scientists were only allowed to publish the results of their research after the compounds were patented (WHO, Task Force, op. cit. note 40, 2).
112. Diczfalusy, op. cit. note 16, 6; Task Force on Methods for the Regulation of Male Fertility, Report Steering Committee Meeting (Geneva, 23 March 1990), 26. WHO'S decision to patent their products resulted in further restrictions for the scientists who participated in the Synthesis Programme (and other WHO programmes). During meetings with the principal investigators 'the participants were reminded of the confidentiality of the information exchanged at the meeting, and a Secrecy document was circulated for all participants to sign'. Moreover, scientists were only allowed to publish the results of their research after the compounds were patented (WHO, Task Force, op. cit. note 40, 2).
113. Ibid., 15.
114. The question that remains to be answered is whether alternative R&D networks, such as those organized by the WHO, can replace the role of industry in contraceptive R&D. I have described elsewhere that, notwithstanding their success, newcomers in the contraceptive arena retain their dependence on industry. Most of these new organizations do not have enough venture capital to start the large-scale manufacturing of the products they develop. The development of contraceptives, including all phases from synthesis to animal testing and clinical testing and the eventual large-scale manufacturing and distribution, requires long-term financial commitments that are beyond the capacities of the nonprofit organizations such as the WHO: see L. Mastroianni, P.J. Donaldson and T.T. Kane, 'Development of Contraceptives: Obstacles and Opportunities', The New England Journal of Medicine, Vol. 322 (15 February 1990), 482-85. Although these new organizations act as drug developers, they will never be able to replace industry: see Nelly Oudshoorn, 'Shifting Boundaries Between Industry and Science: The Role of the WHO in Contraceptive R&D', forthcoming in Jean Pierre Gaudiliiere et al. (eds), The Invisible Industrialist: Manufacturers and the Construction of Scientific Knowledge (Basingstoke, Hants & London: Macmillan Press, 1996).
115. The question that remains to be answered is whether alternative R&D networks, such as those organized by the WHO, can replace the role of industry in contraceptive R&D. I have described elsewhere that, notwithstanding their success, newcomers in the contraceptive arena retain their dependence on industry. Most of these new organizations do not have enough venture capital to start the large-scale manufacturing of the products they develop. The development of contraceptives, including all phases from synthesis to animal testing and clinical testing and the eventual large-scale manufacturing and distribution, requires long-term financial commitments that are beyond the capacities of the nonprofit organizations such as the WHO: see L. Mastroianni, P.J. Donaldson and T.T. Kane, 'Development of Contraceptives: Obstacles and Opportunities', The New England Journal of Medicine, Vol. 322 (15 February 1990), 482-85. Although these new organizations act as drug developers, they will never be able to replace industry: see Nelly Oudshoorn, 'Shifting Boundaries Between Industry and Science: The Role of the WHO in Contraceptive R&D', forthcoming in Jean Pierre Gaudiliiere et al. (eds), The Invisible Industrialist: Manufacturers and the Construction of Scientific Knowledge (Basingstoke, Hants & London: Macmillan Press, 1996).
116. Diczfalusy, op. cit. note 16, para. 5.2.
117. Ibid.
118. Due to a decrease of funding by its donors, WHO is presently re-evaluating its priorities, including its role in drugs development. According to Matlin, critics of WHO's role as a surrogate pharmaceutical firm suggest that 'it really should not have a role in drug development, that it is not what it is there for, and this is an activity that should be cut back. There are certainly a lot of questions around in WHO about whether this is the right thing to be doing': interview, Matlin (note 29). These critics consider the HRP's attempts to develop new contraceptives to be a failure and say '20 years almost down the line and you have not brought a product to market. You have spent how many millions on drug development and at this stage you have not found an industrial partner. The product still might fail at any stage along the way, and what is the public interest in this?' (ibid.). The outcome of this policy re-evaluation is not yet known. Other pressures were voiced at the World Conference on Population and Development held in Cairo in 1994, urging the WHO to continue its role in drug development, particularly with respect to male contraceptives. To quote Matlin again: 'Cairo's emphasis on male participation and sharing burdens of responsibilities is a clear mandate to WHO to look where it has its particular strength and advantages. Very few agencies are trying to do serious work in the male. Moreover, the FDA requirements for manufacturing drugs [the guidelines for Good Manufacturing Practices] set even more constraints on producing drugs; they require expertise and skills that are not present within HRP and obviously not easily borrowed from elsewhere' (ibid.).
119. Ibid. For a more extended analysis of the negotiations between the WHO and pharmaceutical firms to increase the involvement of industry in the development of long-acting hormonal contraceptives, see Oudshoorn, op. cit. note 77.
120. Interview, Matlin (note 29).
121. Laredo, op. cit. note 1.
122. Interview, Matlin (note 29).
123. Interview, Herman J. Kloosterboer, Director, Department of Endocrinology, Organon International BV, Oss, 1 July 1993.
124. Interview, Willem Bergink, Programme Manager, Reproductive Medicine, Organon International BV, Oss, 1 July 1993.
125. Laredo, op. cit. note 1, 2.
126. Laredo, op. cit. note 1. Bont recently described the tensions and conflicts in a WHO R&D network involving fifteen laboratories given the task of mapping the variety of HIV in different countries by collecting blood samples. WHO had to redelegate the tasks originally assigned to these labs to a central laboratory because it failed to reduce all the locally specific routines and practices of blood sampling in the participating laboratories: see Antoinette de Bont, 'HIV1ARWOOSWHO.01 - 1S - DASH0702-L002QA - N - A-A-OOOO: A Reconstruction of the Organisation of An International HIV Registration' (paper presented at the HSS/PSA/4S Meeting, New Orleans, 12-16 October 1994).
127. Laredo, op. cit. note 1. Bont recently described the tensions and conflicts in a WHO R&D network involving fifteen laboratories given the task of mapping the variety of HIV in different countries by collecting blood samples. WHO had to redelegate the tasks originally assigned to these labs to a central laboratory because it failed to reduce all the locally specific routines and practices of blood sampling in the participating laboratories: see Antoinette de Bont, 'HIV1ARWOOSWHO.01 - 1S - DASH0702-L002QA - N - A-A-OOOO: A Reconstruction of the Organisation of An International HIV Registration' (paper presented at the HSS/PSA/4S Meeting, New Orleans, 12-16 October 1994).
128. See Joseph O'Connell, 'Metrology: The Creation of Universality by the Circulation of Particulars', Social Studies of Science, Vol. 23 (1993), 129-73, who has described a similar role of standardized materials and equipment.
129. Fujimura, op. cit. note 42.
130. Economic histories of technology also show the cumulative nature of technology development in which 'one development appears to suggest the next', in the words of Wendy Faulkner, 'Conceptualizing Knowledge Used in Innovation: A Second Look at the Science-Industry Distinction and Industrial Innovation', Science, Technology, & Human Values, Vol. 19 (1994), 425-58; Giovanni Dosi, 'Technological Paradigms and Technological Trajectories: A Suggested Interpretation of the Determinants and Direction of Technical Change', Research Policy, Vol. 11 (1982), 147-62. For a detailed biographical account of the establishment of the steroid paradigm, see Djerassi, op. cit. note 35.
131. Economic histories of technology also show the cumulative nature of technology development in which 'one development appears to suggest the next', in the words of Wendy Faulkner, 'Conceptualizing Knowledge Used in Innovation: A Second Look at the Science-Industry Distinction and Industrial Innovation', Science, Technology, & Human Values, Vol. 19 (1994), 425-58; Giovanni Dosi, 'Technological Paradigms and Technological Trajectories: A Suggested Interpretation of the Determinants and Direction of Technical Change', Research Policy, Vol. 11 (1982), 147-62. For a detailed biographical account of the establishment of the steroid paradigm, see Djerassi, op. cit. note 35.
132. Economic histories of technology also show the cumulative nature of technology development in which 'one development appears to suggest the next', in the words of Wendy Faulkner, 'Conceptualizing Knowledge Used in Innovation: A Second Look at the Science-Industry Distinction and Industrial Innovation', Science, Technology, & Human Values, Vol. 19 (1994), 425-58; Giovanni Dosi, 'Technological Paradigms and Technological Trajectories: A Suggested Interpretation of the Determinants and Direction of Technical Change', Research Policy, Vol. 11 (1982), 147-62. For a detailed biographical account of the establishment of the steroid paradigm, see Djerassi, op. cit. note 35.
133. Interview, Matlin (note 29); Hall et al., op. cit. note 41, 190.
134. The choice of a 'natural' androgen, rather than a synthetic androgen, was made because synthetic androgens 'had a generally very bad image' because, as early as 1954, scientists had reported liver damage in experiments with these compounds (interview, Matlin, note 29); C. Djerassi, L. Miramontes, O. Rosenkranz and F. Sondheimer, 'Steroids: LIV: Synthesis of 19-Nor-17a-ethynyltestosterone and 19-Nor-17a-methyltestosterone', Journal of the American Chemical Society, Vol. 76 (1954), 4092-94.
135. The choice of a 'natural' androgen, rather than a synthetic androgen, was made because synthetic androgens 'had a generally very bad image' because, as early as 1954, scientists had reported liver damage in experiments with these compounds (interview, Matlin, note 29); C. Djerassi, L. Miramontes, O. Rosenkranz and F. Sondheimer, 'Steroids: LIV: Synthesis of 19-Nor-17a-ethynyltestosterone and 19-Nor-17a-methyltestosterone', Journal of the American Chemical Society, Vol. 76 (1954), 4092-94.