The use of force: Israeli public opinion on military options

Armed Forces and Society

Volumn 23, Issue 1, 1996, Pages 49-80

  Barzilai, Gad ^a   Inbar, Efraim ^b  

^a TEL AVIV UNIVERSITY   (Israel)

^b BAR ILAN UNIVERSITY   (Israel)

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

EID: 0030502496     PISSN: 0095327X     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1177/0095327X9602300103     Document Type: Article

References (103)

1. For a review of the literature and its main themes, see Bruce Russett and Thomas W. Graham, "Public Opinion and National Security Policy: Relationships and Impacts," in Handbook of War Studies, ed. Manus I. Midlarsky (Boston: Unwin Hyman, 1989), pp. 239-57; and Ole R. Holsti, "Public Opinion and Foreign Policy: Challenges to the Almond-Lippman Consensus," International Studies Quarterly 36 (December 1992): 439-66. For specific studies, see Bruce M. Russett, Controlling the Sword. The Democratic Governance of National Security (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1990); Benjamin Page and Robert Shapiro, "Effects of Public Opinion on Policy," American Political Science Review 77 (March 1983): 175-90; and their The Rational Public: Fifty Years of Trends in Americans' Policy Preferences (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1992); John E. Mueller, War, Presidents and Public Opinion (New York: Wiley, 1973); and his Policy and Opinion in the Gulf War (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1994); Eugene R. Wittkopf and James M. McCormick, "Cold War Consensus: Did It Exist?" Polity 22 (Summer 1990): 627-53.
2. For a review of the literature and its main themes, see Bruce Russett and Thomas W. Graham, "Public Opinion and National Security Policy: Relationships and Impacts," in Handbook of War Studies, ed. Manus I. Midlarsky (Boston: Unwin Hyman, 1989), pp. 239-57; and Ole R. Holsti, "Public Opinion and Foreign Policy: Challenges to the Almond-Lippman Consensus," International Studies Quarterly 36 (December 1992): 439-66. For specific studies, see Bruce M. Russett, Controlling the Sword. The Democratic Governance of National Security (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1990); Benjamin Page and Robert Shapiro, "Effects of Public Opinion on Policy," American Political Science Review 77 (March 1983): 175-90; and their The Rational Public: Fifty Years of Trends in Americans' Policy Preferences (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1992); John E. Mueller, War, Presidents and Public Opinion (New York: Wiley, 1973); and his Policy and Opinion in the Gulf War (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1994); Eugene R. Wittkopf and James M. McCormick, "Cold War Consensus: Did It Exist?" Polity 22 (Summer 1990): 627-53.
3. For a review of the literature and its main themes, see Bruce Russett and Thomas W. Graham, "Public Opinion and National Security Policy: Relationships and Impacts," in Handbook of War Studies, ed. Manus I. Midlarsky (Boston: Unwin Hyman, 1989), pp. 239-57; and Ole R. Holsti, "Public Opinion and Foreign Policy: Challenges to the Almond-Lippman Consensus," International Studies Quarterly 36 (December 1992): 439-66. For specific studies, see Bruce M. Russett, Controlling the Sword. The Democratic Governance of National Security (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1990); Benjamin Page and Robert Shapiro, "Effects of Public Opinion on Policy," American Political Science Review 77 (March 1983): 175-90; and their The Rational Public: Fifty Years of Trends in Americans' Policy Preferences (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1992); John E. Mueller, War, Presidents and Public Opinion (New York: Wiley, 1973); and his Policy and Opinion in the Gulf War (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1994); Eugene R. Wittkopf and James M. McCormick, "Cold War Consensus: Did It Exist?" Polity 22 (Summer 1990): 627-53.
4. For a review of the literature and its main themes, see Bruce Russett and Thomas W. Graham, "Public Opinion and National Security Policy: Relationships and Impacts," in Handbook of War Studies, ed. Manus I. Midlarsky (Boston: Unwin Hyman, 1989), pp. 239-57; and Ole R. Holsti, "Public Opinion and Foreign Policy: Challenges to the Almond-Lippman Consensus," International Studies Quarterly 36 (December 1992): 439-66. For specific studies, see Bruce M. Russett, Controlling the Sword. The Democratic Governance of National Security (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1990); Benjamin Page and Robert Shapiro, "Effects of Public Opinion on Policy," American Political Science Review 77 (March 1983): 175-90; and their The Rational Public: Fifty Years of Trends in Americans' Policy Preferences (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1992); John E. Mueller, War, Presidents and Public Opinion (New York: Wiley, 1973); and his Policy and Opinion in the Gulf War (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1994); Eugene R. Wittkopf and James M. McCormick, "Cold War Consensus: Did It Exist?" Polity 22 (Summer 1990): 627-53.
5. For a review of the literature and its main themes, see Bruce Russett and Thomas W. Graham, "Public Opinion and National Security Policy: Relationships and Impacts," in Handbook of War Studies, ed. Manus I. Midlarsky (Boston: Unwin Hyman, 1989), pp. 239-57; and Ole R. Holsti, "Public Opinion and Foreign Policy: Challenges to the Almond-Lippman Consensus," International Studies Quarterly 36 (December 1992): 439-66. For specific studies, see Bruce M. Russett, Controlling the Sword. The Democratic Governance of National Security (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1990); Benjamin Page and Robert Shapiro, "Effects of Public Opinion on Policy," American Political Science Review 77 (March 1983): 175-90; and their The Rational Public: Fifty Years of Trends in Americans' Policy Preferences (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1992); John E. Mueller, War, Presidents and Public Opinion (New York: Wiley, 1973); and his Policy and Opinion in the Gulf War (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1994); Eugene R. Wittkopf and James M. McCormick, "Cold War Consensus: Did It Exist?" Polity 22 (Summer 1990): 627-53.
6. For a review of the literature and its main themes, see Bruce Russett and Thomas W. Graham, "Public Opinion and National Security Policy: Relationships and Impacts," in Handbook of War Studies, ed. Manus I. Midlarsky (Boston: Unwin Hyman, 1989), pp. 239-57; and Ole R. Holsti, "Public Opinion and Foreign Policy: Challenges to the Almond-Lippman Consensus," International Studies Quarterly 36 (December 1992): 439-66. For specific studies, see Bruce M. Russett, Controlling the Sword. The Democratic Governance of National Security (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1990); Benjamin Page and Robert Shapiro, "Effects of Public Opinion on Policy," American Political Science Review 77 (March 1983): 175-90; and their The Rational Public: Fifty Years of Trends in Americans' Policy Preferences (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1992); John E. Mueller, War, Presidents and Public Opinion (New York: Wiley, 1973); and his Policy and Opinion in the Gulf War (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1994); Eugene R. Wittkopf and James M. McCormick, "Cold War Consensus: Did It Exist?" Polity 22 (Summer 1990): 627-53.
7. For a review of the literature and its main themes, see Bruce Russett and Thomas W. Graham, "Public Opinion and National Security Policy: Relationships and Impacts," in Handbook of War Studies, ed. Manus I. Midlarsky (Boston: Unwin Hyman, 1989), pp. 239-57; and Ole R. Holsti, "Public Opinion and Foreign Policy: Challenges to the Almond-Lippman Consensus," International Studies Quarterly 36 (December 1992): 439-66. For specific studies, see Bruce M. Russett, Controlling the Sword. The Democratic Governance of National Security (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1990); Benjamin Page and Robert Shapiro, "Effects of Public Opinion on Policy," American Political Science Review 77 (March 1983): 175-90; and their The Rational Public: Fifty Years of Trends in Americans' Policy Preferences (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1992); John E. Mueller, War, Presidents and Public Opinion (New York: Wiley, 1973); and his Policy and Opinion in the Gulf War (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1994); Eugene R. Wittkopf and James M. McCormick, "Cold War Consensus: Did It Exist?" Polity 22 (Summer 1990): 627-53.
8. For a review of the literature and its main themes, see Bruce Russett and Thomas W. Graham, "Public Opinion and National Security Policy: Relationships and Impacts," in Handbook of War Studies, ed. Manus I. Midlarsky (Boston: Unwin Hyman, 1989), pp. 239-57; and Ole R. Holsti, "Public Opinion and Foreign Policy: Challenges to the Almond-Lippman Consensus," International Studies Quarterly 36 (December 1992): 439-66. For specific studies, see Bruce M. Russett, Controlling the Sword. The Democratic Governance of National Security (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1990); Benjamin Page and Robert Shapiro, "Effects of Public Opinion on Policy," American Political Science Review 77 (March 1983): 175-90; and their The Rational Public: Fifty Years of Trends in Americans' Policy Preferences (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1992); John E. Mueller, War, Presidents and Public Opinion (New York: Wiley, 1973); and his Policy and Opinion in the Gulf War (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1994); Eugene R. Wittkopf and James M. McCormick, "Cold War Consensus: Did It Exist?" Polity 22 (Summer 1990): 627-53.
9. Gabriel Almond, The American People and Foreign Policy (New York: Praeger, 1960); Benjamin Ginsberg, The Captive Public: How Mass Opinion Promotes State Power (New York: Basic Books, 1988); ed. Mark Margolis and Gary A. Mauser, Manipulating Public Opinion (Pacific Grove, CA: Brooks/Cole, 1989); Joel E. Brooks, "The Opinion-Policy Nexus in Germany," Public Opinion Quarterly 54 (Winter 1990): 508-29.
10. Gabriel Almond, The American People and Foreign Policy (New York: Praeger, 1960); Benjamin Ginsberg, The Captive Public: How Mass Opinion Promotes State Power (New York: Basic Books, 1988); ed. Mark Margolis and Gary A. Mauser, Manipulating Public Opinion (Pacific Grove, CA: Brooks/Cole, 1989); Joel E. Brooks, "The Opinion-Policy Nexus in Germany," Public Opinion Quarterly 54 (Winter 1990): 508-29.
11. Gabriel Almond, The American People and Foreign Policy (New York: Praeger, 1960); Benjamin Ginsberg, The Captive Public: How Mass Opinion Promotes State Power (New York: Basic Books, 1988); ed. Mark Margolis and Gary A. Mauser, Manipulating Public Opinion (Pacific Grove, CA: Brooks/Cole, 1989); Joel E. Brooks, "The Opinion-Policy Nexus in Germany," Public Opinion Quarterly 54 (Winter 1990): 508-29.
12. Gabriel Almond, The American People and Foreign Policy (New York: Praeger, 1960); Benjamin Ginsberg, The Captive Public: How Mass Opinion Promotes State Power (New York: Basic Books, 1988); ed. Mark Margolis and Gary A. Mauser, Manipulating Public Opinion (Pacific Grove, CA: Brooks/Cole, 1989); Joel E. Brooks, "The Opinion-Policy Nexus in Germany," Public Opinion Quarterly 54 (Winter 1990): 508-29.
13. Williiam R. Caspary, "The 'Mood Theory': A Study of Public Opinion and Foreign Policy," American Political Science Review 64 (June 1970): 536-47; Thomas Hartley and Bruce M. Russett, "Public Opinion and the Common Defense: Who Governs Military Spending in the United States?" American Political Science Review 86 (December 1992): 905-15; Hosti, "Public Opinion and Foreign Policy"; Page and Shapiro, "Effects of Public Opinion on Policy"; and their The Rational Public; Jon Hurwitz and Mark Peffley, "How Are Foreign Policy Attitudes Structured? A Hierarchical Model," American Political Science Review 81 (December 1987): 1099-1120; Bruce W. Jentleson, "The Pretty Prudent Public: Post Vietnam American Opinion on the Use of Military Force," International Studies Quarterly 36 (March 1992): 49-73; Charles W. Ostrom and Robin F. Marra, "U.S. Defense Spending and the Soviet Estimate," American Political Science Review 80 (September 1986): 819-41; Philip J. Powlick, "The Sources of Public Opinion for American Foreign Policy Officials," International Studies Quarterly 39 (December 1995): 427-51; Wittkopf and McCormick, "Cold War Consensus: Did It Exist?"; for Western European public opinion, see Richard C. Eichenberg, Public Opinion and National Security in Western Europe (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1989).
14. Williiam R. Caspary, "The 'Mood Theory': A Study of Public Opinion and Foreign Policy," American Political Science Review 64 (June 1970): 536-47; Thomas Hartley and Bruce M. Russett, "Public Opinion and the Common Defense: Who Governs Military Spending in the United States?" American Political Science Review 86 (December 1992): 905-15; Hosti, "Public Opinion and Foreign Policy"; Page and Shapiro, "Effects of Public Opinion on Policy"; and their The Rational Public; Jon Hurwitz and Mark Peffley, "How Are Foreign Policy Attitudes Structured? A Hierarchical Model," American Political Science Review 81 (December 1987): 1099-1120; Bruce W. Jentleson, "The Pretty Prudent Public: Post Vietnam American Opinion on the Use of Military Force," International Studies Quarterly 36 (March 1992): 49-73; Charles W. Ostrom and Robin F. Marra, "U.S. Defense Spending and the Soviet Estimate," American Political Science Review 80 (September 1986): 819-41; Philip J. Powlick, "The Sources of Public Opinion for American Foreign Policy Officials," International Studies Quarterly 39 (December 1995): 427-51; Wittkopf and McCormick, "Cold War Consensus: Did It Exist?"; for Western European public opinion, see Richard C. Eichenberg, Public Opinion and National Security in Western Europe (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1989).
15. Williiam R. Caspary, "The 'Mood Theory': A Study of Public Opinion and Foreign Policy," American Political Science Review 64 (June 1970): 536-47; Thomas Hartley and Bruce M. Russett, "Public Opinion and the Common Defense: Who Governs Military Spending in the United States?" American Political Science Review 86 (December 1992): 905-15; Hosti, "Public Opinion and Foreign Policy"; Page and Shapiro, "Effects of Public Opinion on Policy"; and their The Rational Public; Jon Hurwitz and Mark Peffley, "How Are Foreign Policy Attitudes Structured? A Hierarchical Model," American Political Science Review 81 (December 1987): 1099-1120; Bruce W. Jentleson, "The Pretty Prudent Public: Post Vietnam American Opinion on the Use of Military Force," International Studies Quarterly 36 (March 1992): 49-73; Charles W. Ostrom and Robin F. Marra, "U.S. Defense Spending and the Soviet Estimate," American Political Science Review 80 (September 1986): 819-41; Philip J. Powlick, "The Sources of Public Opinion for American Foreign Policy Officials," International Studies Quarterly 39 (December 1995): 427-51; Wittkopf and McCormick, "Cold War Consensus: Did It Exist?"; for Western European public opinion, see Richard C. Eichenberg, Public Opinion and National Security in Western Europe (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1989).
16. Williiam R. Caspary, "The 'Mood Theory': A Study of Public Opinion and Foreign Policy," American Political Science Review 64 (June 1970): 536-47; Thomas Hartley and Bruce M. Russett, "Public Opinion and the Common Defense: Who Governs Military Spending in the United States?" American Political Science Review 86 (December 1992): 905-15; Hosti, "Public Opinion and Foreign Policy"; Page and Shapiro, "Effects of Public Opinion on Policy"; and their The Rational Public; Jon Hurwitz and Mark Peffley, "How Are Foreign Policy Attitudes Structured? A Hierarchical Model," American Political Science Review 81 (December 1987): 1099-1120; Bruce W. Jentleson, "The Pretty Prudent Public: Post Vietnam American Opinion on the Use of Military Force," International Studies Quarterly 36 (March 1992): 49-73; Charles W. Ostrom and Robin F. Marra, "U.S. Defense Spending and the Soviet Estimate," American Political Science Review 80 (September 1986): 819-41; Philip J. Powlick, "The Sources of Public Opinion for American Foreign Policy Officials," International Studies Quarterly 39 (December 1995): 427-51; Wittkopf and McCormick, "Cold War Consensus: Did It Exist?"; for Western European public opinion, see Richard C. Eichenberg, Public Opinion and National Security in Western Europe (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1989).
17. Williiam R. Caspary, "The 'Mood Theory': A Study of Public Opinion and Foreign Policy," American Political Science Review 64 (June 1970): 536-47; Thomas Hartley and Bruce M. Russett, "Public Opinion and the Common Defense: Who Governs Military Spending in the United States?" American Political Science Review 86 (December 1992): 905-15; Hosti, "Public Opinion and Foreign Policy"; Page and Shapiro, "Effects of Public Opinion on Policy"; and their The Rational Public; Jon Hurwitz and Mark Peffley, "How Are Foreign Policy Attitudes Structured? A Hierarchical Model," American Political Science Review 81 (December 1987): 1099-1120; Bruce W. Jentleson, "The Pretty Prudent Public: Post Vietnam American Opinion on the Use of Military Force," International Studies Quarterly 36 (March 1992): 49-73; Charles W. Ostrom and Robin F. Marra, "U.S. Defense Spending and the Soviet Estimate," American Political Science Review 80 (September 1986): 819-41; Philip J. Powlick, "The Sources of Public Opinion for American Foreign Policy Officials," International Studies Quarterly 39 (December 1995): 427-51; Wittkopf and McCormick, "Cold War Consensus: Did It Exist?"; for Western European public opinion, see Richard C. Eichenberg, Public Opinion and National Security in Western Europe (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1989).
18. Williiam R. Caspary, "The 'Mood Theory': A Study of Public Opinion and Foreign Policy," American Political Science Review 64 (June 1970): 536-47; Thomas Hartley and Bruce M. Russett, "Public Opinion and the Common Defense: Who Governs Military Spending in the United States?" American Political Science Review 86 (December 1992): 905-15; Hosti, "Public Opinion and Foreign Policy"; Page and Shapiro, "Effects of Public Opinion on Policy"; and their The Rational Public; Jon Hurwitz and Mark Peffley, "How Are Foreign Policy Attitudes Structured? A Hierarchical Model," American Political Science Review 81 (December 1987): 1099-1120; Bruce W. Jentleson, "The Pretty Prudent Public: Post Vietnam American Opinion on the Use of Military Force," International Studies Quarterly 36 (March 1992): 49-73; Charles W. Ostrom and Robin F. Marra, "U.S. Defense Spending and the Soviet Estimate," American Political Science Review 80 (September 1986): 819-41; Philip J. Powlick, "The Sources of Public Opinion for American Foreign Policy Officials," International Studies Quarterly 39 (December 1995): 427-51; Wittkopf and McCormick, "Cold War Consensus: Did It Exist?"; for Western European public opinion, see Richard C. Eichenberg, Public Opinion and National Security in Western Europe (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1989).
19. Williiam R. Caspary, "The 'Mood Theory': A Study of Public Opinion and Foreign Policy," American Political Science Review 64 (June 1970): 536-47; Thomas Hartley and Bruce M. Russett, "Public Opinion and the Common Defense: Who Governs Military Spending in the United States?" American Political Science Review 86 (December 1992): 905-15; Hosti, "Public Opinion and Foreign Policy"; Page and Shapiro, "Effects of Public Opinion on Policy"; and their The Rational Public; Jon Hurwitz and Mark Peffley, "How Are Foreign Policy Attitudes Structured? A Hierarchical Model," American Political Science Review 81 (December 1987): 1099-1120; Bruce W. Jentleson, "The Pretty Prudent Public: Post Vietnam American Opinion on the Use of Military Force," International Studies Quarterly 36 (March 1992): 49-73; Charles W. Ostrom and Robin F. Marra, "U.S. Defense Spending and the Soviet Estimate," American Political Science Review 80 (September 1986): 819-41; Philip J. Powlick, "The Sources of Public Opinion for American Foreign Policy Officials," International Studies Quarterly 39 (December 1995): 427-51; Wittkopf and McCormick, "Cold War Consensus: Did It Exist?"; for Western European public opinion, see Richard C. Eichenberg, Public Opinion and National Security in Western Europe (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1989).
20. Williiam R. Caspary, "The 'Mood Theory': A Study of Public Opinion and Foreign Policy," American Political Science Review 64 (June 1970): 536-47; Thomas Hartley and Bruce M. Russett, "Public Opinion and the Common Defense: Who Governs Military Spending in the United States?" American Political Science Review 86 (December 1992): 905-15; Hosti, "Public Opinion and Foreign Policy"; Page and Shapiro, "Effects of Public Opinion on Policy"; and their The Rational Public; Jon Hurwitz and Mark Peffley, "How Are Foreign Policy Attitudes Structured? A Hierarchical Model," American Political Science Review 81 (December 1987): 1099-1120; Bruce W. Jentleson, "The Pretty Prudent Public: Post Vietnam American Opinion on the Use of Military Force," International Studies Quarterly 36 (March 1992): 49-73; Charles W. Ostrom and Robin F. Marra, "U.S. Defense Spending and the Soviet Estimate," American Political Science Review 80 (September 1986): 819-41; Philip J. Powlick, "The Sources of Public Opinion for American Foreign Policy Officials," International Studies Quarterly 39 (December 1995): 427-51; Wittkopf and McCormick, "Cold War Consensus: Did It Exist?"; for Western European public opinion, see Richard C. Eichenberg, Public Opinion and National Security in Western Europe (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1989).
21. Williiam R. Caspary, "The 'Mood Theory': A Study of Public Opinion and Foreign Policy," American Political Science Review 64 (June 1970): 536-47; Thomas Hartley and Bruce M. Russett, "Public Opinion and the Common Defense: Who Governs Military Spending in the United States?" American Political Science Review 86 (December 1992): 905-15; Hosti, "Public Opinion and Foreign Policy"; Page and Shapiro, "Effects of Public Opinion on Policy"; and their The Rational Public; Jon Hurwitz and Mark Peffley, "How Are Foreign Policy Attitudes Structured? A Hierarchical Model," American Political Science Review 81 (December 1987): 1099-1120; Bruce W. Jentleson, "The Pretty Prudent Public: Post Vietnam American Opinion on the Use of Military Force," International Studies Quarterly 36 (March 1992): 49-73; Charles W. Ostrom and Robin F. Marra, "U.S. Defense Spending and the Soviet Estimate," American Political Science Review 80 (September 1986): 819-41; Philip J. Powlick, "The Sources of Public Opinion for American Foreign Policy Officials," International Studies Quarterly 39 (December 1995): 427-51; Wittkopf and McCormick, "Cold War Consensus: Did It Exist?"; for Western European public opinion, see Richard C. Eichenberg, Public Opinion and National Security in Western Europe (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1989).
22. Williiam R. Caspary, "The 'Mood Theory': A Study of Public Opinion and Foreign Policy," American Political Science Review 64 (June 1970): 536-47; Thomas Hartley and Bruce M. Russett, "Public Opinion and the Common Defense: Who Governs Military Spending in the United States?" American Political Science Review 86 (December 1992): 905-15; Hosti, "Public Opinion and Foreign Policy"; Page and Shapiro, "Effects of Public Opinion on Policy"; and their The Rational Public; Jon Hurwitz and Mark Peffley, "How Are Foreign Policy Attitudes Structured? A Hierarchical Model," American Political Science Review 81 (December 1987): 1099-1120; Bruce W. Jentleson, "The Pretty Prudent Public: Post Vietnam American Opinion on the Use of Military Force," International Studies Quarterly 36 (March 1992): 49-73; Charles W. Ostrom and Robin F. Marra, "U.S. Defense Spending and the Soviet Estimate," American Political Science Review 80 (September 1986): 819-41; Philip J. Powlick, "The Sources of Public Opinion for American Foreign Policy Officials," International Studies Quarterly 39 (December 1995): 427-51; Wittkopf and McCormick, "Cold War Consensus: Did It Exist?"; for Western European public opinion, see Richard C. Eichenberg, Public Opinion and National Security in Western Europe (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1989).
23. Thomas Risse-Kappen, "Public Opinion, Domestic Structure, and Foreign Policy in Liberal Democracies," World Politics 43 (July 1991): 479-512.
24. See, inter alia, Bruce Russett and Gad Barzilai, "The Political Economy of Military Actions: The United States and Israel," in The Political Economy of Military Spending in the United States, ed. Alex Mintz (London: Routledge, 1992), 155-81; Karl R. DeRouen, "Indirect Link: Politics, the Economy and the Use of Force," Journal of Conflict Resolution 39 (December 1995): 671-95.
25. See, inter alia, Bruce Russett and Gad Barzilai, "The Political Economy of Military Actions: The United States and Israel," in The Political Economy of Military Spending in the United States, ed. Alex Mintz (London: Routledge, 1992), 155-81; Karl R. DeRouen, "Indirect Link: Politics, the Economy and the Use of Force," Journal of Conflict Resolution 39 (December 1995): 671-95.
26. We conducted polls on attitudes toward national security issues in November 1988, April 1989, May 1990, June 1991, February 1992, March and December 1993, June and November 1994. The sample included approximately 1,200 Israeli Jews who underwent a personal interview. The maximum potential statistical error does not exceed 3 percent. The polling was conducted by a professional polling agency, Modiin Ezrachi. The same questions were posed in all surveys, and the terminology used in the questionnaire is compatible with average Israeli use and recognition, and without value judgments. With the exception of the March 1993 survey, all polls were conducted during relatively quiet periods, without serious security-related incidents. During mid-March 1993, however, several terrorist events occurred that were extensively covered by the media, and subsequent responses show a somewhat greater tendency to use force in all categories.
27. Efraim Inbar, "Attitudes Toward War in the Israeli Political Elite," Middle East Journal 44 (Summer 1990): 431-45; Efraim Inbar, War and Peace in Israeli Politics. Labor Party Positions on National Security (Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner, 1991); Efraim Inbar, "Contours of New Israeli Strategic Thinking," Political Science Quarterly 111 (Spring 1996); Gad Barzilai, Wars, Internal Conflicts and Political Order: A Jewish Democracy in the Middle East (Albany, NY: SUNY Press, 1996).
28. Efraim Inbar, "Attitudes Toward War in the Israeli Political Elite," Middle East Journal 44 (Summer 1990): 431-45; Efraim Inbar, War and Peace in Israeli Politics. Labor Party Positions on National Security (Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner, 1991); Efraim Inbar, "Contours of New Israeli Strategic Thinking," Political Science Quarterly 111 (Spring 1996); Gad Barzilai, Wars, Internal Conflicts and Political Order: A Jewish Democracy in the Middle East (Albany, NY: SUNY Press, 1996).
29. Efraim Inbar, "Attitudes Toward War in the Israeli Political Elite," Middle East Journal 44 (Summer 1990): 431-45; Efraim Inbar, War and Peace in Israeli Politics. Labor Party Positions on National Security (Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner, 1991); Efraim Inbar, "Contours of New Israeli Strategic Thinking," Political Science Quarterly 111 (Spring 1996); Gad Barzilai, Wars, Internal Conflicts and Political Order: A Jewish Democracy in the Middle East (Albany, NY: SUNY Press, 1996).
30. Efraim Inbar, "Attitudes Toward War in the Israeli Political Elite," Middle East Journal 44 (Summer 1990): 431-45; Efraim Inbar, War and Peace in Israeli Politics. Labor Party Positions on National Security (Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner, 1991); Efraim Inbar, "Contours of New Israeli Strategic Thinking," Political Science Quarterly 111 (Spring 1996); Gad Barzilai, Wars, Internal Conflicts and Political Order: A Jewish Democracy in the Middle East (Albany, NY: SUNY Press, 1996).
31. David Sanders, Hugh Ward, and David Marsh (with Tony Fletcher), "Government Popularity and the Falklands War: A Reassessment," British Journal of Political Science 17 (July 1987): 281-313; John T. Marcus, Neutralism and Nationalism in France (New York: Bookman Associates, 1958); Eichenberg, Public Opinion and National Security; Elisabeth Noelle-Neumann, The Germans, Public Opinion Polls, 1967-1980 (Westport, CA: Greenwood Press, 1981); Jentleson, "The Pretty Prudent Public"; Stuart Oskamp, Attitudes and Opinions (Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall, 1977); Mueller, Policy and Opinion in the Gulf War. For an analysis that also includes attitudes toward force in New Zealand, see James W. Lamar, "Gender and Public Opinion: Defense and Nuclear Issues," Journal of Peace Research 26 (August 1989): 285-296; for Japan, see Risse-Kappen, "Public Opinion, Domestic Structure, and Foreign Policy in Liberal Democracies."
32. David Sanders, Hugh Ward, and David Marsh (with Tony Fletcher), "Government Popularity and the Falklands War: A Reassessment," British Journal of Political Science 17 (July 1987): 281-313; John T. Marcus, Neutralism and Nationalism in France (New York: Bookman Associates, 1958); Eichenberg, Public Opinion and National Security; Elisabeth Noelle-Neumann, The Germans, Public Opinion Polls, 1967-1980 (Westport, CA: Greenwood Press, 1981); Jentleson, "The Pretty Prudent Public"; Stuart Oskamp, Attitudes and Opinions (Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall, 1977); Mueller, Policy and Opinion in the Gulf War. For an analysis that also includes attitudes toward force in New Zealand, see James W. Lamar, "Gender and Public Opinion: Defense and Nuclear Issues," Journal of Peace Research 26 (August 1989): 285-296; for Japan, see Risse-Kappen, "Public Opinion, Domestic Structure, and Foreign Policy in Liberal Democracies."
33. David Sanders, Hugh Ward, and David Marsh (with Tony Fletcher), "Government Popularity and the Falklands War: A Reassessment," British Journal of Political Science 17 (July 1987): 281-313; John T. Marcus, Neutralism and Nationalism in France (New York: Bookman Associates, 1958); Eichenberg, Public Opinion and National Security; Elisabeth Noelle-Neumann, The Germans, Public Opinion Polls, 1967-1980 (Westport, CA: Greenwood Press, 1981); Jentleson, "The Pretty Prudent Public"; Stuart Oskamp, Attitudes and Opinions (Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall, 1977); Mueller, Policy and Opinion in the Gulf War. For an analysis that also includes attitudes toward force in New Zealand, see James W. Lamar, "Gender and Public Opinion: Defense and Nuclear Issues," Journal of Peace Research 26 (August 1989): 285-296; for Japan, see Risse-Kappen, "Public Opinion, Domestic Structure, and Foreign Policy in Liberal Democracies."
34. David Sanders, Hugh Ward, and David Marsh (with Tony Fletcher), "Government Popularity and the Falklands War: A Reassessment," British Journal of Political Science 17 (July 1987): 281-313; John T. Marcus, Neutralism and Nationalism in France (New York: Bookman Associates, 1958); Eichenberg, Public Opinion and National Security; Elisabeth Noelle-Neumann, The Germans, Public Opinion Polls, 1967-1980 (Westport, CA: Greenwood Press, 1981); Jentleson, "The Pretty Prudent Public"; Stuart Oskamp, Attitudes and Opinions (Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall, 1977); Mueller, Policy and Opinion in the Gulf War. For an analysis that also includes attitudes toward force in New Zealand, see James W. Lamar, "Gender and Public Opinion: Defense and Nuclear Issues," Journal of Peace Research 26 (August 1989): 285-296; for Japan, see Risse-Kappen, "Public Opinion, Domestic Structure, and Foreign Policy in Liberal Democracies."
35. David Sanders, Hugh Ward, and David Marsh (with Tony Fletcher), "Government Popularity and the Falklands War: A Reassessment," British Journal of Political Science 17 (July 1987): 281-313; John T. Marcus, Neutralism and Nationalism in France (New York: Bookman Associates, 1958); Eichenberg, Public Opinion and National Security; Elisabeth Noelle-Neumann, The Germans, Public Opinion Polls, 1967-1980 (Westport, CA: Greenwood Press, 1981); Jentleson, "The Pretty Prudent Public"; Stuart Oskamp, Attitudes and Opinions (Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall, 1977); Mueller, Policy and Opinion in the Gulf War. For an analysis that also includes attitudes toward force in New Zealand, see James W. Lamar, "Gender and Public Opinion: Defense and Nuclear Issues," Journal of Peace Research 26 (August 1989): 285-296; for Japan, see Risse-Kappen, "Public Opinion, Domestic Structure, and Foreign Policy in Liberal Democracies."
36. David Sanders, Hugh Ward, and David Marsh (with Tony Fletcher), "Government Popularity and the Falklands War: A Reassessment," British Journal of Political Science 17 (July 1987): 281-313; John T. Marcus, Neutralism and Nationalism in France (New York: Bookman Associates, 1958); Eichenberg, Public Opinion and National Security; Elisabeth Noelle-Neumann, The Germans, Public Opinion Polls, 1967-1980 (Westport, CA: Greenwood Press, 1981); Jentleson, "The Pretty Prudent Public"; Stuart Oskamp, Attitudes and Opinions (Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall, 1977); Mueller, Policy and Opinion in the Gulf War. For an analysis that also includes attitudes toward force in New Zealand, see James W. Lamar, "Gender and Public Opinion: Defense and Nuclear Issues," Journal of Peace Research 26 (August 1989): 285-296; for Japan, see Risse-Kappen, "Public Opinion, Domestic Structure, and Foreign Policy in Liberal Democracies."
37. David Sanders, Hugh Ward, and David Marsh (with Tony Fletcher), "Government Popularity and the Falklands War: A Reassessment," British Journal of Political Science 17 (July 1987): 281-313; John T. Marcus, Neutralism and Nationalism in France (New York: Bookman Associates, 1958); Eichenberg, Public Opinion and National Security; Elisabeth Noelle-Neumann, The Germans, Public Opinion Polls, 1967-1980 (Westport, CA: Greenwood Press, 1981); Jentleson, "The Pretty Prudent Public"; Stuart Oskamp, Attitudes and Opinions (Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall, 1977); Mueller, Policy and Opinion in the Gulf War. For an analysis that also includes attitudes toward force in New Zealand, see James W. Lamar, "Gender and Public Opinion: Defense and Nuclear Issues," Journal of Peace Research 26 (August 1989): 285-296; for Japan, see Risse-Kappen, "Public Opinion, Domestic Structure, and Foreign Policy in Liberal Democracies."
38. David Sanders, Hugh Ward, and David Marsh (with Tony Fletcher), "Government Popularity and the Falklands War: A Reassessment," British Journal of Political Science 17 (July 1987): 281-313; John T. Marcus, Neutralism and Nationalism in France (New York: Bookman Associates, 1958); Eichenberg, Public Opinion and National Security; Elisabeth Noelle-Neumann, The Germans, Public Opinion Polls, 1967-1980 (Westport, CA: Greenwood Press, 1981); Jentleson, "The Pretty Prudent Public"; Stuart Oskamp, Attitudes and Opinions (Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall, 1977); Mueller, Policy and Opinion in the Gulf War. For an analysis that also includes attitudes toward force in New Zealand, see James W. Lamar, "Gender and Public Opinion: Defense and Nuclear Issues," Journal of Peace Research 26 (August 1989): 285-296; for Japan, see Risse-Kappen, "Public Opinion, Domestic Structure, and Foreign Policy in Liberal Democracies."
39. Louis Guttmann, The Israeli Public, Peace and Territory: The Impact of the Sadat Initiative (Jerusalem: Jerusalem Institute for Federal Studies, 1978). See also Asher Arian, Security Threatened: Surveying Israeli Public Opinion on Peace and War (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995), 55. The debates over the military dilemmas on the nature of the Soviet threat and the required responses in the U.S. and western countries in the past, and the present rationale for having military forces in those countries, have little relevance to the Israeli context.
40. Louis Guttmann, The Israeli Public, Peace and Territory: The Impact of the Sadat Initiative (Jerusalem: Jerusalem Institute for Federal Studies, 1978). See also Asher Arian, Security Threatened: Surveying Israeli Public Opinion on Peace and War (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995), 55. The debates over the military dilemmas on the nature of the Soviet threat and the required responses in the U.S. and western countries in the past, and the present rationale for having military forces in those countries, have little relevance to the Israeli context.
41. See, inter alia, Jacob Shamir and Michal Shamir, The Dynamics of Israeli Public Opinion on Peace and the Territories (Tel Aviv: Tami Steinmetz Center for Peace Studies, Tel Aviv University, 1993); Gad Barzilai and Ilan Peleg, "Israel and Future Borders: Assessment of a Dynamic Process," Journal of Peace Research 31 (February 1994): 59-73; Asher Arian, The Peace Process and Terror: Conflicting Trends in Israeli Public Opinion (Tel Aviv: Jaffee Center for Strategic Studies, 1995); Asher Arian, Security Threatened. Arian's recent book is an exception because it includes some data on attitudes toward the use of force.
42. See, inter alia, Jacob Shamir and Michal Shamir, The Dynamics of Israeli Public Opinion on Peace and the Territories (Tel Aviv: Tami Steinmetz Center for Peace Studies, Tel Aviv University, 1993); Gad Barzilai and Ilan Peleg, "Israel and Future Borders: Assessment of a Dynamic Process," Journal of Peace Research 31 (February 1994): 59-73; Asher Arian, The Peace Process and Terror: Conflicting Trends in Israeli Public Opinion (Tel Aviv: Jaffee Center for Strategic Studies, 1995); Asher Arian, Security Threatened. Arian's recent book is an exception because it includes some data on attitudes toward the use of force.
43. See, inter alia, Jacob Shamir and Michal Shamir, The Dynamics of Israeli Public Opinion on Peace and the Territories (Tel Aviv: Tami Steinmetz Center for Peace Studies, Tel Aviv University, 1993); Gad Barzilai and Ilan Peleg, "Israel and Future Borders: Assessment of a Dynamic Process," Journal of Peace Research 31 (February 1994): 59-73; Asher Arian, The Peace Process and Terror: Conflicting Trends in Israeli Public Opinion (Tel Aviv: Jaffee Center for Strategic Studies, 1995); Asher Arian, Security Threatened. Arian's recent book is an exception because it includes some data on attitudes toward the use of force.
44. See, inter alia, Jacob Shamir and Michal Shamir, The Dynamics of Israeli Public Opinion on Peace and the Territories (Tel Aviv: Tami Steinmetz Center for Peace Studies, Tel Aviv University, 1993); Gad Barzilai and Ilan Peleg, "Israel and Future Borders: Assessment of a Dynamic Process," Journal of Peace Research 31 (February 1994): 59-73; Asher Arian, The Peace Process and Terror: Conflicting Trends in Israeli Public Opinion (Tel Aviv: Jaffee Center for Strategic Studies, 1995); Asher Arian, Security Threatened. Arian's recent book is an exception because it includes some data on attitudes toward the use of force.
45. For the multidimensional dovish-hawkish continuum, see Efraim Inbar and Giora Goldberg, "Is Israel's Political Elite Becoming More Hawkish?" International Journal 45 (Summer 1990): 631-60; and Inbar, War and Peace in Israeli Politics, 11-15. For including the use of force as an element in the dovish-hawkish distinctions elsewhere, see John E. Mueller, War, Presidents and Public Opinion; Ole R. Holsti, American Leadership in World Affairs. Vietnam, and the Breakdown of Consensus (Boston: Allen and Unwin, 1984); and Russett, Controlling the Sword.
46. For the multidimensional dovish-hawkish continuum, see Efraim Inbar and Giora Goldberg, "Is Israel's Political Elite Becoming More Hawkish?" International Journal 45 (Summer 1990): 631-60; and Inbar, War and Peace in Israeli Politics, 11-15. For including the use of force as an element in the dovish-hawkish distinctions elsewhere, see John E. Mueller, War, Presidents and Public Opinion; Ole R. Holsti, American Leadership in World Affairs. Vietnam, and the Breakdown of Consensus (Boston: Allen and Unwin, 1984); and Russett, Controlling the Sword.
47. For the multidimensional dovish-hawkish continuum, see Efraim Inbar and Giora Goldberg, "Is Israel's Political Elite Becoming More Hawkish?" International Journal 45 (Summer 1990): 631-60; and Inbar, War and Peace in Israeli Politics, 11-15. For including the use of force as an element in the dovish-hawkish distinctions elsewhere, see John E. Mueller, War, Presidents and Public Opinion; Ole R. Holsti, American Leadership in World Affairs. Vietnam, and the Breakdown of Consensus (Boston: Allen and Unwin, 1984); and Russett, Controlling the Sword.
48. For the multidimensional dovish-hawkish continuum, see Efraim Inbar and Giora Goldberg, "Is Israel's Political Elite Becoming More Hawkish?" International Journal 45 (Summer 1990): 631-60; and Inbar, War and Peace in Israeli Politics, 11-15. For including the use of force as an element in the dovish-hawkish distinctions elsewhere, see John E. Mueller, War, Presidents and Public Opinion; Ole R. Holsti, American Leadership in World Affairs. Vietnam, and the Breakdown of Consensus (Boston: Allen and Unwin, 1984); and Russett, Controlling the Sword.
49. For the multidimensional dovish-hawkish continuum, see Efraim Inbar and Giora Goldberg, "Is Israel's Political Elite Becoming More Hawkish?" International Journal 45 (Summer 1990): 631-60; and Inbar, War and Peace in Israeli Politics, 11-15. For including the use of force as an element in the dovish-hawkish distinctions elsewhere, see John E. Mueller, War, Presidents and Public Opinion; Ole R. Holsti, American Leadership in World Affairs. Vietnam, and the Breakdown of Consensus (Boston: Allen and Unwin, 1984); and Russett, Controlling the Sword.
50. Giora Goldberg, Gad Barzilai, and Efraim Inbar, The Impact of Intercommunal Conflict: The Intifada and Israeli Public Opinion, Policy Studies, No. 43 (Jerusalem: The Leonard Davis Institute for International Relations, the Hebrew University, February 1991); Gad Barzilai and Efraim Inbar, "Do Wars Have An Impact? Israeli Public Opinion After the Gulf War," Jerusalem Journal of International Relations 14 (March 1992): 44-64; Shamir and Shamir, The Dynamics of Israeli Public Opinion, and Arian, Security Threatened.
51. Giora Goldberg, Gad Barzilai, and Efraim Inbar, The Impact of Intercommunal Conflict: The Intifada and Israeli Public Opinion, Policy Studies, No. 43 (Jerusalem: The Leonard Davis Institute for International Relations, the Hebrew University, February 1991); Gad Barzilai and Efraim Inbar, "Do Wars Have An Impact? Israeli Public Opinion After the Gulf War," Jerusalem Journal of International Relations 14 (March 1992): 44-64; Shamir and Shamir, The Dynamics of Israeli Public Opinion, and Arian, Security Threatened.
52. Giora Goldberg, Gad Barzilai, and Efraim Inbar, The Impact of Intercommunal Conflict: The Intifada and Israeli Public Opinion, Policy Studies, No. 43 (Jerusalem: The Leonard Davis Institute for International Relations, the Hebrew University, February 1991); Gad Barzilai and Efraim Inbar, "Do Wars Have An Impact? Israeli Public Opinion After the Gulf War," Jerusalem Journal of International Relations 14 (March 1992): 44-64; Shamir and Shamir, The Dynamics of Israeli Public Opinion, and Arian, Security Threatened.
53. Giora Goldberg, Gad Barzilai, and Efraim Inbar, The Impact of Intercommunal Conflict: The Intifada and Israeli Public Opinion, Policy Studies, No. 43 (Jerusalem: The Leonard Davis Institute for International Relations, the Hebrew University, February 1991); Gad Barzilai and Efraim Inbar, "Do Wars Have An Impact? Israeli Public Opinion After the Gulf War," Jerusalem Journal of International Relations 14 (March 1992): 44-64; Shamir and Shamir, The Dynamics of Israeli Public Opinion, and Arian, Security Threatened.
54. We conducted a rotated factor analysis using SPSS (X) on each of the questionnaires (1988-94). Generally, attitudes toward the future of the territories and attitudes toward the use of force loaded on different factors.
55. For a review of the literature and a typology of the use of force, see Stuart A. Cohen and Efraim Inbar, "A Taxonomy of Israel's Use of Force," Comparative Strategy 10 (April 1991): 121-38.
56. The changes between points in time, discussed below, are significant (p<.0001). However, the general stability is statistically dominant.
57. For the distinction between the interstate and the intercommunal aspects in the Arab-Israeli conflict, see Shmuel Sandler, "The Protracted Arab-Israeli Conflict: A Temporal-Spatial Analysis," Jerusalem Journal of International Relations 10 (December 1988): 54-78.
58. For the Intifada and the Israeli reaction to it, see inter alia Zeev Schiff and Ehud Yaari, The Intifada (Tel Aviv: Schoken, 1990); Aryeh Shalev, The Intifada, Causes and Effects (Boulder, CO: Westview, 1991); Robert O. Freedman, ed., The Intifada (Miami: Florida University Press, 1991); Efraim Inbar, "Israel's Small War: The Military Reaction to the Intifada," Armed Forces & Society 18 (Fall 1991): 29-50.
59. For the Intifada and the Israeli reaction to it, see inter alia Zeev Schiff and Ehud Yaari, The Intifada (Tel Aviv: Schoken, 1990); Aryeh Shalev, The Intifada, Causes and Effects (Boulder, CO: Westview, 1991); Robert O. Freedman, ed., The Intifada (Miami: Florida University Press, 1991); Efraim Inbar, "Israel's Small War: The Military Reaction to the Intifada," Armed Forces & Society 18 (Fall 1991): 29-50.
60. For the Intifada and the Israeli reaction to it, see inter alia Zeev Schiff and Ehud Yaari, The Intifada (Tel Aviv: Schoken, 1990); Aryeh Shalev, The Intifada, Causes and Effects (Boulder, CO: Westview, 1991); Robert O. Freedman, ed., The Intifada (Miami: Florida University Press, 1991); Efraim Inbar, "Israel's Small War: The Military Reaction to the Intifada," Armed Forces & Society 18 (Fall 1991): 29-50.
61. For the Intifada and the Israeli reaction to it, see inter alia Zeev Schiff and Ehud Yaari, The Intifada (Tel Aviv: Schoken, 1990); Aryeh Shalev, The Intifada, Causes and Effects (Boulder, CO: Westview, 1991); Robert O. Freedman, ed., The Intifada (Miami: Florida University Press, 1991); Efraim Inbar, "Israel's Small War: The Military Reaction to the Intifada," Armed Forces & Society 18 (Fall 1991): 29-50.
62. See Efraim Inbar, "The 'No Choice War' Debate in Israel," Journal of Strategic Studies 12 (March 1989): 22-37.
63. Jentleson, "The Pretty Prudent Public," and Mueller, War, Presidents and Public Opinion.
64. Jentleson, "The Pretty Prudent Public," and Mueller, War, Presidents and Public Opinion.
65. For similar conclusions about the support for such military actions among the American public, see Jentleson, "The Pretty Prudent Public." Low-intensity military actions have also been used by the Israeli leadership to rally support for the government, especially before elections. See Dan Horowitz and Shlomo Aharonson, "A Strategy of Limited Retaliation," State and Government 1 (1971): 77-99; Gad Barzilai and Bruce Russett, "The Political Economy of Israeli Military Action," in The Elections in Israel - 1988, ed. Asher Arian and Michal Shamir (Boulder: Westview, 1990), 13-55.
66. For similar conclusions about the support for such military actions among the American public, see Jentleson, "The Pretty Prudent Public." Low-intensity military actions have also been used by the Israeli leadership to rally support for the government, especially before elections. See Dan Horowitz and Shlomo Aharonson, "A Strategy of Limited Retaliation," State and Government 1 (1971): 77-99; Gad Barzilai and Bruce Russett, "The Political Economy of Israeli Military Action," in The Elections in Israel - 1988, ed. Asher Arian and Michal Shamir (Boulder: Westview, 1990), 13-55.
67. For similar conclusions about the support for such military actions among the American public, see Jentleson, "The Pretty Prudent Public." Low-intensity military actions have also been used by the Israeli leadership to rally support for the government, especially before elections. See Dan Horowitz and Shlomo Aharonson, "A Strategy of Limited Retaliation," State and Government 1 (1971): 77-99; Gad Barzilai and Bruce Russett, "The Political Economy of Israeli Military Action," in The Elections in Israel - 1988, ed. Asher Arian and Michal Shamir (Boulder: Westview, 1990), 13-55.
68. For the results of various polls during the crisis and after, see Yehuda Ben-Meir, "The Israeli Domestic Arena During the Gulf War," War in the Gulf, Implications for Israel (Hebrew) (Tel Aviv: Papyrus and Jaffee Center for Strategic Studies, 1991), 300-301. For a comparison between 1990 and 1991, see Barzilai and Inbar, "Do Wars Have An Impact?"
69. For the results of various polls during the crisis and after, see Yehuda Ben-Meir, "The Israeli Domestic Arena During the Gulf War," War in the Gulf, Implications for Israel (Hebrew) (Tel Aviv: Papyrus and Jaffee Center for Strategic Studies, 1991), 300-301. For a comparison between 1990 and 1991, see Barzilai and Inbar, "Do Wars Have An Impact?"
70. The indicator for membership in the political bloc was the respondent's answer to the question "For what party would you have voted if elections were held today?"
71. See inter alia, Dan Horowitz and Moshe Lissak, Trouble in Utopia. The Overburdened Polity of Israel (Albany, NY: SUNY Press, 1989); Myron J. Aronoff, Israel Visions and Divisions: Cultural Change and Political Conflict (New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction, 1989); Avraham Diskin, Elections and Voters in Israel (New York: Praeger, 1991); Yochanan Peres and Ephraim Yuchtman-Yaar, Trends in Israel Democracy. The Public's View (Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner, 1992); Giora Goldberg, The Israeli Voter. 1992 (Hebrew) (Jerusalem: Magnes, 1994).
72. See inter alia, Dan Horowitz and Moshe Lissak, Trouble in Utopia. The Overburdened Polity of Israel (Albany, NY: SUNY Press, 1989); Myron J. Aronoff, Israel Visions and Divisions: Cultural Change and Political Conflict (New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction, 1989); Avraham Diskin, Elections and Voters in Israel (New York: Praeger, 1991); Yochanan Peres and Ephraim Yuchtman-Yaar, Trends in Israel Democracy. The Public's View (Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner, 1992); Giora Goldberg, The Israeli Voter. 1992 (Hebrew) (Jerusalem: Magnes, 1994).
73. See inter alia, Dan Horowitz and Moshe Lissak, Trouble in Utopia. The Overburdened Polity of Israel (Albany, NY: SUNY Press, 1989); Myron J. Aronoff, Israel Visions and Divisions: Cultural Change and Political Conflict (New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction, 1989); Avraham Diskin, Elections and Voters in Israel (New York: Praeger, 1991); Yochanan Peres and Ephraim Yuchtman-Yaar, Trends in Israel Democracy. The Public's View (Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner, 1992); Giora Goldberg, The Israeli Voter. 1992 (Hebrew) (Jerusalem: Magnes, 1994).
74. See inter alia, Dan Horowitz and Moshe Lissak, Trouble in Utopia. The Overburdened Polity of Israel (Albany, NY: SUNY Press, 1989); Myron J. Aronoff, Israel Visions and Divisions: Cultural Change and Political Conflict (New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction, 1989); Avraham Diskin, Elections and Voters in Israel (New York: Praeger, 1991); Yochanan Peres and Ephraim Yuchtman-Yaar, Trends in Israel Democracy. The Public's View (Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner, 1992); Giora Goldberg, The Israeli Voter. 1992 (Hebrew) (Jerusalem: Magnes, 1994).
75. See inter alia, Dan Horowitz and Moshe Lissak, Trouble in Utopia. The Overburdened Polity of Israel (Albany, NY: SUNY Press, 1989); Myron J. Aronoff, Israel Visions and Divisions: Cultural Change and Political Conflict (New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction, 1989); Avraham Diskin, Elections and Voters in Israel (New York: Praeger, 1991); Yochanan Peres and Ephraim Yuchtman-Yaar, Trends in Israel Democracy. The Public's View (Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner, 1992); Giora Goldberg, The Israeli Voter. 1992 (Hebrew) (Jerusalem: Magnes, 1994).
76. This poll was conducted one month after the Cairo agreement between Israel and the PLO on evacuating Gaza.
77. For hawkishness of the religious sector, see Eliezer Don-Yehiya, "Religion, Social Clevages and Political Behavior: The Religious Parties in the Elections," in Who's the Boss in Israel. Israel at the Polls, 1988-90, ed. Daniel J. Elazar and Shmuel Sandler (Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 1992), 91-93; Gary S. Schiff, "Recent Development in Israel's Religious Parties," Israel After Begin, ed. Gregory S. Mahler (Albany: SUNY Press, 1990); Diskin, Elections and Voters in Israel; and Goldberg, The Israeli Voter. 1992.
78. For hawkishness of the religious sector, see Eliezer Don-Yehiya, "Religion, Social Clevages and Political Behavior: The Religious Parties in the Elections," in Who's the Boss in Israel. Israel at the Polls, 1988-90, ed. Daniel J. Elazar and Shmuel Sandler (Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 1992), 91-93; Gary S. Schiff, "Recent Development in Israel's Religious Parties," Israel After Begin, ed. Gregory S. Mahler (Albany: SUNY Press, 1990); Diskin, Elections and Voters in Israel; and Goldberg, The Israeli Voter. 1992.
79. For hawkishness of the religious sector, see Eliezer Don-Yehiya, "Religion, Social Clevages and Political Behavior: The Religious Parties in the Elections," in Who's the Boss in Israel. Israel at the Polls, 1988-90, ed. Daniel J. Elazar and Shmuel Sandler (Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 1992), 91-93; Gary S. Schiff, "Recent Development in Israel's Religious Parties," Israel After Begin, ed. Gregory S. Mahler (Albany: SUNY Press, 1990); Diskin, Elections and Voters in Israel; and Goldberg, The Israeli Voter. 1992.
80. For hawkishness of the religious sector, see Eliezer Don-Yehiya, "Religion, Social Clevages and Political Behavior: The Religious Parties in the Elections," in Who's the Boss in Israel. Israel at the Polls, 1988-90, ed. Daniel J. Elazar and Shmuel Sandler (Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 1992), 91-93; Gary S. Schiff, "Recent Development in Israel's Religious Parties," Israel After Begin, ed. Gregory S. Mahler (Albany: SUNY Press, 1990); Diskin, Elections and Voters in Israel; and Goldberg, The Israeli Voter. 1992.
81. The percentages of religious respondents inclined to vote for the right-wing secular parties (Tzomet, Techiya, Moledet) were: 3% (11/1988); 6.3% (4/1989); 5.5% (5/1990); 3.5% (6/1991); 8.1% (2/1992); 8.8% (3/1993); 9.7% (12/1993); 5.1% (5/1994); 5.9% (11/1994). The size of the religious population in our samples was, respectively, 204, 142, 135, 116, 112, 103, 155, 135, and 146, based on the reply to the question, "For what party would you have voted if elections were held today?" Religiosity was defined as answering religious or ultra-orthodox, rather than observant and secular. The proportions of religious voters for Likud was: 15.7% (11/1988); 31% (4/1989); 22.2% (5/1990); 19% (6/1991); 24.1% (2/1992); 27.2% (3/1993); 27.5% (12/1993); 27.9% (5/1994); 31.1% (11/1994).
82. The correlations show expected results; i.e., support for Likud and the right bloc is positively correlated with greater advocacy of use of force and vice versa.
83. Chi-square tests show a relationship between political bloc and attitudes toward responses to war, intifada, and terror at the level of p<.0001. However, the coefficients are very small and not meaningful; war-political blocs (Lambda=0; Gamma=0; Pearson=.03, p<.0001); intifada-political blocs (Lambda=.08; Gamma=-.06; Pearson=not significant); terror-political blocs (Lambda=0; Gamma=-.03; Pearson=not significant).
84. These indicators are frequently used to explore electoral behavior and political attitudes in Israel. See inter alia, Diskin, Elections and Voters in Israel; Goldberg, The Israeli Voter, 1992; Asher Arian and Michal Shamir, The Elections in Israel, 1992 (Albany, NY: SUNY Press, 1995).
85. These indicators are frequently used to explore electoral behavior and political attitudes in Israel. See inter alia, Diskin, Elections and Voters in Israel; Goldberg, The Israeli Voter, 1992; Asher Arian and Michal Shamir, The Elections in Israel, 1992 (Albany, NY: SUNY Press, 1995).
86. For a claim of inverse linkage between feminism and militarism, see Sarah Ruddick, Maternal Thinking: Towards a Politics of Peace (New York: Ballantine Books, 1989). For a review of feminist theory and international relations, see Joshua S. Goldstein, "IR Theory and Feminism(s): Can We Talk?" Mershon International Studies Review 39 (April 1995): 167-69.
87. For a claim of inverse linkage between feminism and militarism, see Sarah Ruddick, Maternal Thinking: Towards a Politics of Peace (New York: Ballantine Books, 1989). For a review of feminist theory and international relations, see Joshua S. Goldstein, "IR Theory and Feminism(s): Can We Talk?" Mershon International Studies Review 39 (April 1995): 167-69.
88. Diskin, Elections and Voters in Israel; Yochanan Peres, Ethnic Relations in Israel (Hebrew) (Tel Aviv: Sifriat Hapoalim, 1978); Michal Shamir and Asher Arian, "Ethnic Voting in Elections - 1981," State, Government and International Relations (Hebrew) 19-20 (Spring 1982): 88-104.
89. Diskin, Elections and Voters in Israel; Yochanan Peres, Ethnic Relations in Israel (Hebrew) (Tel Aviv: Sifriat Hapoalim, 1978); Michal Shamir and Asher Arian, "Ethnic Voting in Elections - 1981," State, Government and International Relations (Hebrew) 19-20 (Spring 1982): 88-104.
90. Diskin, Elections and Voters in Israel; Yochanan Peres, Ethnic Relations in Israel (Hebrew) (Tel Aviv: Sifriat Hapoalim, 1978); Michal Shamir and Asher Arian, "Ethnic Voting in Elections - 1981," State, Government and International Relations (Hebrew) 19-20 (Spring 1982): 88-104.
91. This comparison does not include respondents in the extreme categories in each level of analysis, which are dealt with in the Extremist section.
92. Risse-Kappen, "Public Opinion, Domestic Structure, and Foreign Policy in Liberal Democracies."
93. Baruch Kimmerling, The Interrupted System (New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction, 1986).
94. Anita Shapira, Land and Power. The Zionist Resort to Force 1881-1948 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1992).
95. Peres and Yuchtman-Yaar, Trends in Israeli Democracy; Gad Barzilai, Ephraim Yuchtman-Yaar and Zeev Segal, The Israeli Supreme Court and the Israeli Public (Hebrew) (Tel Aviv: Papyrus, 1994), 69. For recent studies of the IDF and Israeli society, see Stuart A. Cohen, "The IDF: From a 'People's Army' to a 'Professional Military' - Causes and Consequences," Armed Forces & Society 21 (Winter 1995): 237-54; and "How Did the Intifada Affect the IDF?" Conflict Quarterly 14 (Summer 1994): 7-22.
96. Peres and Yuchtman-Yaar, Trends in Israeli Democracy; Gad Barzilai, Ephraim Yuchtman-Yaar and Zeev Segal, The Israeli Supreme Court and the Israeli Public (Hebrew) (Tel Aviv: Papyrus, 1994), 69. For recent studies of the IDF and Israeli society, see Stuart A. Cohen, "The IDF: From a 'People's Army' to a 'Professional Military' - Causes and Consequences," Armed Forces & Society 21 (Winter 1995): 237-54; and "How Did the Intifada Affect the IDF?" Conflict Quarterly 14 (Summer 1994): 7-22.
97. Peres and Yuchtman-Yaar, Trends in Israeli Democracy; Gad Barzilai, Ephraim Yuchtman-Yaar and Zeev Segal, The Israeli Supreme Court and the Israeli Public (Hebrew) (Tel Aviv: Papyrus, 1994), 69. For recent studies of the IDF and Israeli society, see Stuart A. Cohen, "The IDF: From a 'People's Army' to a 'Professional Military' - Causes and Consequences," Armed Forces & Society 21 (Winter 1995): 237-54; and "How Did the Intifada Affect the IDF?" Conflict Quarterly 14 (Summer 1994): 7-22.
98. Peres and Yuchtman-Yaar, Trends in Israeli Democracy; Gad Barzilai, Ephraim Yuchtman-Yaar and Zeev Segal, The Israeli Supreme Court and the Israeli Public (Hebrew) (Tel Aviv: Papyrus, 1994), 69. For recent studies of the IDF and Israeli society, see Stuart A. Cohen, "The IDF: From a 'People's Army' to a 'Professional Military' - Causes and Consequences," Armed Forces & Society 21 (Winter 1995): 237-54; and "How Did the Intifada Affect the IDF?" Conflict Quarterly 14 (Summer 1994): 7-22.
99. See Barzilai and Inbar, "Do Wars Have an Impact? Israeli Public Opinion After the Gulf War"; Gad Barzilai, Giora Goldberg, and Efraim Inbar, "Israeli Leadership and Public Attitudes Toward Federal Solutions for the Arab-Israeli Conflict Before and After Desert Storm," Publius 21 (Summer 1991): 191-209.
100. See Barzilai and Inbar, "Do Wars Have an Impact? Israeli Public Opinion After the Gulf War"; Gad Barzilai, Giora Goldberg, and Efraim Inbar, "Israeli Leadership and Public Attitudes Toward Federal Solutions for the Arab-Israeli Conflict Before and After Desert Storm," Publius 21 (Summer 1991): 191-209.
101. See Gad Barzilai, "Territory, State, and Power: The 1992 Elections," in Israel at Crossroads: The Challenge of Peace, ed. Efraim Karsh and Gregory Mahler (London: British Academic Press, 1994), 137-50; Ehud Sprinzak, The Ascendance of Israel's Radical Right (New York: Oxford University Press, 1991).
102. See Gad Barzilai, "Territory, State, and Power: The 1992 Elections," in Israel at Crossroads: The Challenge of Peace, ed. Efraim Karsh and Gregory Mahler (London: British Academic Press, 1994), 137-50; Ehud Sprinzak, The Ascendance of Israel's Radical Right (New York: Oxford University Press, 1991).
103. Russett, Controlling the Sword, 34-44, 54-55, 150-52.