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Volumn 1, Issue 3-4, 2001, Pages 327-350

Integral local development: 'Accommodating multiple interests' through entrustment and accountable representation

Author keywords

Community based natural resource management (CBNRM); Decentralization; Democracy; Environment; Government; Integrated rural development

Indexed keywords

ACCOUNTABILITY; DECENTRALIZATION; DEMOCRACY; LOCAL PARTICIPATION; POWER RELATIONS; RURAL DEVELOPMENT;

EID: 0013414248     PISSN: 14624605     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: None     Document Type: Review
Times cited : (45)

References (122)
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    • Although the World Bank [20] calls inclusion of private citizens, NGOs and corporations 'stakeholder participation', this is simply a way of including privatization (of assets and decision-making powers of the state) under the banner of participation. It is also a way of sustaining the status quo. When I use the term participation, I am referring to 'community participation' unless otherwise indicated.
  • 2
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    • Following Moore [79], I prefer to define democracy substantively, rather than using a procedural definition, this highlights the importance of the aspect of accountability. Democratic procedures, such as elections are central to democracy, but they are only part of what makes leaders accountable to their people.
  • 3
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    • The formal transfer of power to lower levels of government may sometimes be a centralizing act if the powers being devolved were earlier exercised informally by non-state actors.
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    • Booth's discussion of decentralization in France shows how it led to greater autonomy for local governments, but at the same time also prompted a struggle for the redefinition of the roles of different levels of government [107, pp.89-105]. For a short statement on the degree of local autonomy in several developing countries, and the relationship of such autonomy to the colonial experience see Smoke [82, pp.901-2].
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    • Bureaucratic decentralization' is another name given to deconcentration [see 108].
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    • Adamolekun [109] points out that deconcentration often takes place in the name of decentralization and that the two are confused.
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    • Political decentralization is also called democratic decentralization by some authors [see 75]. Blair [110, p. 1] talks of democratic decentralization as 'democratic local governance.'
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    • When, under governmental supervision, powers and specific responsibilities are allocated to public corporations or any other special authorities outside of the regular political-administrative structure, it is called delegation [see 109]. Devolution describes 'the increased empowerment of local organizations with no direct government affiliation' such as NGOs, private bodies, corporations, community groups, etc. [see 110, p. 1].
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    • In 1811 De Tracy pointed out that 'Representative democracy...is democracy rendered practicable for a long time and over a great extent of territory' [113, p. 29]. Jeremy Bentham gave us the distinction between direct and representative democracy, arguing for the latter since, in Raymond Williams' [74, p.20] summary, representative democracy '...provided continuity and could be extended to large societies.'
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    • Joint management is now being promoted across Africa in Guinea, Cameroon and Zimbabwe.
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    • Participation in development has been expressed as a principle for a long time. U.S. Public Law 95-424 of 6 October 1987 required of United States bilateral development assistance that: 'Activities shall be emphasized that effectively involve the poor in development by expanding their access to the economy through services and institutions at the local level, increasing their participation in the making of decisions that affect their lives....'
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    • I generally prefer to use the term 'population' rather than 'community', which is too problematic a term. Further, I believe residence-based citizenship to be a form of identity with territorial districts that is most conducive to inclusive and broad-based democratic process [cf. 114]. For an excellent discussion of the idea of 'community' see Agrawal [31].
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    • In this discussion I am referring to the population of a given territorial jurisdiction. When that is a political jurisdiction, it may not always match the scale of the resource - bring larger or smaller or simply containing a portion of the resource in question. Further, it may regroup multiple peoples living in different villages who do not consider themselves part of the same community. While boundaries are often problematic, jurisdictions can be joined together when larger scales are most appropriate [see 111 on special districts]. When the population is diverse within a given jurisdiction, that is exactly the reason that some form of broad representation is important. The purpose of this paper is not to problematize the boundaries and scale of districts - which may not always be appropriate - rather, it is to explore the problem of representation within the boundaries that exist.
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    • The gestion des terroirs approach - one of the cutting edge donor-sponsored natural resource management schemes in Francophone West Africa - implicitly acknowledges the population of a terroir to be a community. 'Gestion des Terroirs refers to the activities of community members as they go about using natural resources within the terroir for their livelihoods. By definition, they have a sense of collective claim on the terroir, and exercise some degree of social and politically sanctioned control over the terms of access to the resources by community members and outsiders.' [30, p.450]. Painter et al. [30] also provide a well developed analysis of the limits of the terroir villageois concept, pointing out how terroirs are embedded in multiple relations that exceed their boundaries.
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    • As Hesseling [42, p.17] writes based on her research in Senegal in 1983, 'They are at times nothing more than sections of the Socialist Party....' Further, few parties have the resources to organize Local Government slates, so there is little competition in local elections. In 1977, when Senegal's Rural Council system was just being established, it was already evident to one researcher that party politics would undermine popular participation. The Rural Community could be a body that would organize and steer desired auto-centric development. But for this, it must be removed from political controversies. Unfortunately, it is already becoming a stake for the political parties who are trying to control its executive institution. A politicized Rural Council is at risk of not serving the interests of the community, but those of the party(ies) from which its members are derived. In this manner popular expression is at risk of being strangled, one more time. [42, p.43] Indeed, in 1994 over 300 of Senegal's 317 rural councils were of the ruling Socialist Party.
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    • Meister [115] for example, defined five types of participation: by fate, voluntary, spontaneous, provoked or imposed. Fate is participation by dint of membership in an inherited identity, such as age, gender, caste, etc. It is not voluntary per se, but rather a form of expected activities for the given group. Voluntary participation is by interest groups who come together to pursue a common interest, as in unions, cooperatives, NGOs, political parties, etc. Spontaneous participation occurs under circumstances where people come together due to locality or other affinities such as friendship. Provoked participation is when an agent encourages collective action around activities she or he deems important for the community. Imposed participation is when is when a group is impelled to act in a particular manner via the edicts of outside actors or by the imposition of regulations. All of these types of participation are ways in which different groups come to engage as groups in particular processes. When groups are left out of the planning phase and impelled to participate in projects as labourers in the implementation phase, Assogba [116, p.84] calls this form 'deterministic participation.' Similar to what Ribot [35] has called 'participatory corvée.' When participation '...integrates the concerned populations in every phase of the project from the identification of needs, the definition of objectives to the follow up and evaluation, including the phases of design, implementation, management training and maintenance of the project' Assogba [116, p.85] calls this 'interactionist participation.' Oakley and Marsden define participation, however, as "achieving power...in terms of access to, and control of, the resources necessary to protect livelihood" [quoted in 118]. McIntosh [117, p.28] points out that this is not about local populations having input into or collaborating with government development plans or establishment of organizations and structures that give local population voice in development programmes. [118, p.28] Rather, it is about local power or empowerment. I distinguish beneficiary and stake holder participation from democratic participation. Beneficiary and stakeholder participation are about target groups selected by their relation to a given set of interventions. Democratic participation is about popular or community participation. I take democratic, community and popular participation to be synonymous. For an excellent critique of 'participation' see Hildyard et al., [118]
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    • Entrustment and trust are important and complementary concepts. To entrust in this context means to 'transfer powers to' - as in the central government entrusting Local Government with real resources and real decision-making powers. Webster's Ninth New Collegiate Dictionary defines entrust as: 'to commit or place in one's hand or keeping.' Shipton [119, p. 172] uses the term 'entrustment' to explore relations of lending and borrowing in Kenya. 1 expand the term to describe the relation of local public authorities to both central government and the populations they serve. See discussion in Section 4.
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    • See Echeverri-Gent [120] for a study of competitive local elections in West Bengal, India that helped make policy more responsive to the poor. For a similar argument from Colombia about the importance of competitive elections at the local level, see Fiszbein. [41,121,122] An important aspect of electoral systems is the ability of the electorate to reject incumbents. In Bangladesh, local council leaders dominated local decision-making and used to position for self-promotion, but in elections 90 percent of them were not re-elected [40, p.26]. The implication is that in open elections local politicians are more likely to try to meet felt local needs. On this count, Crook and Manor [40, p.26] found that locally controlled resources were re-directed towards more micro-level public works. Citing Crook and Manor, Parker [40, p.27] points out that locally elected representatives can also make central government more responsive to local needs. In Karnataka, decentralization brought more elected representatives into the process of RD [Rural Development]. The quantity and quality of work undertaken by line agencies was closely monitored and problems reported early, and it became harder for bureaucrats to get away with corrupt acts. The result was enhanced institutional effectiveness and improved coordination among civil servants working for different line agencies.
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