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Volumn 47, Issue 4, 1999, Pages 607-626

Economic development and democracy: The view from Latin America

(1)  Landman, Todd a  

a NONE

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EID: 0011573922     PISSN: 00323217     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1111/1467-9248.00220     Document Type: Article
Times cited : (38)

References (121)
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    • J. S. Valenzuela and A. Valenzuela, 'Modernization and dependency: alternative perspectives in the study of Latin American underdevelopment', Comparative Politics, 10 (1978), 535-57; A. Przeworski and F. Limongi, 'Modernization: theories and facts', World Politics, 49 (1997), p. 158.
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    • Valenzuela and Valenzuela, 'Modernization and dependency', p. 538; T. L. Karl, 'Dilemmas of democratization in Latin American', Comparative Politics, 23 (1990), p. 3; J. Hartlyn and A. Valenzuela, 'Democracy in Latin America since 1930', in L. Bethell (ed.), Cambridge History of Latin America, Volume VI: Part 2 (Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1994), p. 102; R. Inglehart, Modernization and Postmodernization, p. 5.
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    • See Cutright, 'National Political Development: its Measurement and Social Correlates'; A. K. Smith, 'Socio-economic development and political democracy: a causal analysis', Midwest Journal of Political Science, 13 (1969), 95-125; Neubauer, 'Some conditions of democracy'; Jackman, 'On the relation of economic development to democratic performance'; and K. Bollen, 'Political democracy and the timing of development', American Sociological Review, 44 (1979).
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    • Socio-economic development and political democracy: A causal analysis
    • See Cutright, 'National Political Development: its Measurement and Social Correlates'; A. K. Smith, 'Socio-economic development and political democracy: a causal analysis', Midwest Journal of Political Science, 13 (1969), 95-125; Neubauer, 'Some conditions of democracy'; Jackman, 'On the relation of economic development to democratic performance'; and K. Bollen, 'Political democracy and the timing of development', American Sociological Review, 44 (1979).
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    • See Cutright, 'National Political Development: its Measurement and Social Correlates'; A. K. Smith, 'Socio-economic development and political democracy: a causal analysis', Midwest Journal of Political Science, 13 (1969), 95-125; Neubauer, 'Some conditions of democracy'; Jackman, 'On the relation of economic development to democratic performance'; and K. Bollen, 'Political democracy and the timing of development', American Sociological Review, 44 (1979).
    • Some Conditions of Democracy
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    • See Cutright, 'National Political Development: its Measurement and Social Correlates'; A. K. Smith, 'Socio-economic development and political democracy: a causal analysis', Midwest Journal of Political Science, 13 (1969), 95-125; Neubauer, 'Some conditions of democracy'; Jackman, 'On the relation of economic development to democratic performance'; and K. Bollen, 'Political democracy and the timing of development', American Sociological Review, 44 (1979).
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    • Political democracy and the timing of development
    • See Cutright, 'National Political Development: its Measurement and Social Correlates'; A. K. Smith, 'Socio-economic development and political democracy: a causal analysis', Midwest Journal of Political Science, 13 (1969), 95-125; Neubauer, 'Some conditions of democracy'; Jackman, 'On the relation of economic development to democratic performance'; and K. Bollen, 'Political democracy and the timing of development', American Sociological Review, 44 (1979).
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    • Helliwell, 'Empirical linkages', p. 244; Burkhart and Lewis-Beck, 'Comparative democracy', pp. 907-8; T. Vanhanen, Prospects of Democracy (London, Routledge, 1997).
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    • Helliwell, 'Empirical linkages', p. 244; Burkhart and Lewis-Beck, 'Comparative democracy', pp. 907-8; T. Vanhanen, Prospects of Democracy (London, Routledge, 1997).
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    • Max Singer offers the strongest restatement of the basic claims of modernization: 'Because some societies learned to increase productivity, presently about 1/7th of the world's population lives in wealthy, democratic, and peaceful countries - unlike anything seen in history. The process that changed them is still continuing, probably accelerating, and there is every reason to believe that it will continue until by the end of the coming century, or the one after, essentially all the world will be wealthy, democratic, and peaceful, as North America and Western Europe are now.'
    • Przeworski and Limongi, 'Modernization: theory and facts', p. 176. Max Singer offers the strongest restatement of the basic claims of modernization: 'Because some societies learned to increase productivity, presently about 1/7th of the world's population lives in wealthy, democratic, and peaceful countries - unlike anything seen in history. The process that changed them is still continuing, probably accelerating, and there is every reason to believe that it will continue until by the end of the coming century, or the one after, essentially all the world will be wealthy, democratic, and peaceful, as North America and Western Europe are now.' See M. Singer, 'What is happening in history?', PS: Political Science and Politics, 30 (1997), p. 28.
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    • Baltimore, Johns Hopkins University Press, While this definition of democracy includes all elements that make up a polity, the democratic 'credentials' of the five arenas remain unclear. For example, there is nothing inherently democratic about an autonomous and lively civil society, since many of the voluntary associations that comprise it often serve as the breeding ground for radical movements of the right and the left, nor does it seem likely that economic society is necessarily democratic
    • The five arenas include: a 'free and lively civil society', a 'relatively autonomous and valued political society', the rule of law, a 'usable' state bureaucracy, and 'an institutionalized economic society'. See J. J. Linz and A. Stepan, Problems of Democratic Transition and Consolidation (Baltimore, Johns Hopkins University Press, 1996), pp. 7-15. While this definition of democracy includes all elements that make up a polity, the democratic 'credentials' of the five arenas remain unclear. For example, there is nothing inherently democratic about an autonomous and lively civil society, since many of the voluntary associations that comprise it often serve as the breeding ground for radical movements of the right and the left, nor does it seem likely that economic society is necessarily democratic.
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    • K. Jaggers and T. R. Gurr, 'Tracking democracy's third wave with the Polity III data', Journal of Peace Research 32 (1995), 469-82. Data set is available from the Inter-University Consortium for Political and Social Research (ICPSR) in Ann Arbour Michigan (http://www.icpsr.umich.edu) and the UK Data Archive (http://dawww.essex.ac.uk).
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    • The checklist for political liberties includes: chief authority recently elected by a meaningful process; legislature recently elected by a meaningful process; fair election laws, campaigning opportunity, polling and tabulation; fair reflection of voter preference in the distribution of power; multiple political parties; recent shifts in power through elections; significant opposition vote; free of military or foreign control; major groups or groups allowed reasonable self-determination; decentralized political power; informal consensus, de facto opposition power. The checklist for civil liberties includes: media and literature are free of political censorship; open public discussion; freedom of assembly and demonstration; freedom of political or quasi-political organization; non-discriminatory rule of law in politically relevant cases; free from unjustified political terror or imprisonment; free trade unions, peasant organizations, or equivalent; free businesses or cooperatives; free professional or other private organizations; free religious institutions; personal social rights; socio-economic rights. See R. D. Gastil, Freedom in the World: Political and Civil Liberties, 1986-1987 (New York, Freedom House, 1987);
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    • note
    • Arat is transformed by subtracting 29 from the raw score and dividing the difference by 80. Banks is transformed by dividing the raw score by 17. Each Poe and Tate score is subtracted from 5 and the difference is divided by 4. Polity III is transformed as follows: [[[democracy -autocracy] + 10]/20], the addition of 10 removes the negative values and the division by 20 makes it range from 0 to 1. Vanhanen is transformed by dividing the raw score by 50.
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    • J. Dunkerley, Power in the Isthmus: a Political History of Central America (London, Verso, 1988); J Dunkerley, The Pacification of Central America (London, Verso, 1994).
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    • Berkeley CA, Institute for International Studies
    • G. O'Donnell Modernization and Bureaucratic Authoritarianism (Berkeley CA, Institute for International Studies, 1973); D. Collier, The New Authoritarianism in Latin America (Princeton, Princeton University Press, 1979).
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    • G. O'Donnell Modernization and Bureaucratic Authoritarianism (Berkeley CA, Institute for International Studies, 1973); D. Collier, The New Authoritarianism in Latin America (Princeton, Princeton University Press, 1979).
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    • note
    • For Burkhart and Lewis-Beck, this lagged term represents other 'social forces'. Surprisingly, Vanhanen does not include a lagged term in his longitudinal regressions of democracy on the index of power resources, despite seeking to make predictions.
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    • See K. Bollen, 'Political Rights and Political Liberties in Nations: an Evaluation of Rights Measures, 1950 to 1984', in Jabine and Claude, Human Rights and Statistics, pp. 188-215.
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    • the Assistant Secretary of State for Human Rights and Human Affairs claimed 'Free societies also require free trade unions'. The economic or capitalist influence on the measures should not be exaggerated but the relationship between the Poe and Tate State Department measures and both per capita GDP and energy consumption is still food for thought
    • In the 1993 Country Reports, John Shattuck, the Assistant Secretary of State for Human Rights and Human Affairs claimed 'Free societies also require free trade unions'. The economic or capitalist influence on the measures should not be exaggerated but the relationship between the Poe and Tate State Department measures and both per capita GDP and energy consumption is still food for thought. See J. Shattuck, 'Overview' in United States State Department, Country Reports on Human Rights Practices (Washington DC, US Government Printing Office, 1993), pp. xi-xix.
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    • In the 1993 Country Reports, John Shattuck, the Assistant Secretary of State for Human Rights and Human Affairs claimed 'Free societies also require free trade unions'. The economic or capitalist influence on the measures should not be exaggerated but the relationship between the Poe and Tate State Department measures and both per capita GDP and energy consumption is still food for thought. See J. Shattuck, 'Overview' in United States State Department, Country Reports on Human Rights Practices (Washington DC, US Government Printing Office, 1993), pp. xi-xix.
    • (1993) Country Reports on Human Rights Practices
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    • note
    • Przeworski and Limongi use a similar procedure at $1000 increments, but the $500 increment used here is more sensitive to the Latin American context.
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    • See H Eckstein, 'Case-study and theory in political science', in F. I. Greenstein and N. S. Polsby (eds), Handbook of Political Science, Vol. 7: Strategies of Inquiry (Reading MA, Addison-Wesley, 1975), pp. 79-137; A. Lijphart, 'Comparative politics and comparative method', American Political Science Review, 65 (1971), pp. 691-2.
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    • Rueschemeyer et al. argue that the nature of the export economy (agriculture vs. mineral) has implications for the type of class alliances that develop, which in turn may have a subsequent impact on the process of democratization. Burkhart and Lewis-Beck, drawing on world systems and dependency theory, suggest that position in the world economy can affect the patterns of economic development and by extension, the possibilities for establishing and maintaining democracy. See Rueschemeyer et al., Capitalist Development and Democracy; Burkhart and Lewis-Beck, 'Comparative democracy'.
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    • Rueschemeyer et al. argue that the nature of the export economy (agriculture vs. mineral) has implications for the type of class alliances that develop, which in turn may have a subsequent impact on the process of democratization. Burkhart and Lewis-Beck, drawing on world systems and dependency theory, suggest that position in the world economy can affect the patterns of economic development and by extension, the possibilities for establishing and maintaining democracy. See Rueschemeyer et al., Capitalist Development and Democracy; Burkhart and Lewis-Beck, 'Comparative democracy'.
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    • Much of the Latin American region underwent a period of import substitution industrialization (ISI), which required state intervention to protect nascent industry, maintain import quotas and tariffs, and manage exchange rates. ISI had profound implications for new class alliances, populist politics, and new forms of interest intermediation, all of which conditioned the emergence of democracy in the region. See Rueschemeyer et al., Capitalist Development and Democracy.
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    • Both Rueschemeyer et al. and Linz and Stepan argue that the state is the crucial explanatory variable for the successful establishment and maintenance of democracy. For Rueschemeyer et al., early consolidation of state power eliminates overt challenges from dissident groups. Drawing on theoretical conceptions in Max Weber and Benedict Anderson, Linz and Stepan argue that 'stateness' provides the physical and imaginary basis upon which to found a democracy. See M. Weber 'Politics as a Vocation', in H. H. Gerth and C. W. Mills (eds), From Max Weber (New York, Oxford University Press, 1972); B. Anderson, Imagined Political Communities (London, Verso, 1983); Linz and Stepan, Problems of Democratic Transition and Consolidation.
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    • Both Rueschemeyer et al. and Linz and Stepan argue that the state is the crucial explanatory variable for the successful establishment and maintenance of democracy. For Rueschemeyer et al., early consolidation of state power eliminates overt challenges from dissident groups. Drawing on theoretical conceptions in Max Weber and Benedict Anderson, Linz and Stepan argue that 'stateness' provides the physical and imaginary basis upon which to found a democracy. See M. Weber 'Politics as a Vocation', in H. H. Gerth and C. W. Mills (eds), From Max Weber (New York, Oxford University Press, 1972); B. Anderson, Imagined Political Communities (London, Verso, 1983); Linz and Stepan, Problems of Democratic Transition and Consolidation.
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    • Both Rueschemeyer et al. and Linz and Stepan argue that the state is the crucial explanatory variable for the successful establishment and maintenance of democracy. For Rueschemeyer et al., early consolidation of state power eliminates overt challenges from dissident groups. Drawing on theoretical conceptions in Max Weber and Benedict Anderson, Linz and Stepan argue that 'stateness' provides the physical and imaginary basis upon which to found a democracy. See M. Weber 'Politics as a Vocation', in H. H. Gerth and C. W. Mills (eds), From Max Weber (New York, Oxford University Press, 1972); B. Anderson, Imagined Political Communities (London, Verso, 1983); Linz and Stepan, Problems of Democratic Transition and Consolidation.
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    • Rueschemeyer et al. argue that the presence of two strong political parties are most likely to facilitate the establishment of democracy, and Mainwaring and Scully suggest that the presence of two institutionalized, non-ideologically polarized parties are the best guarantors of stable democracy. See Rueschemeyer et al., Capitalist Development and Democracy; S. Mainwaring and T. Scully, Building Democratic Institutions (Stanford, Stanford University Press, 1995).
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    • Rueschemeyer et al. argue that the presence of two strong political parties are most likely to facilitate the establishment of democracy, and Mainwaring and Scully suggest that the presence of two institutionalized, non-ideologically polarized parties are the best guarantors of stable democracy. See Rueschemeyer et al., Capitalist Development and Democracy; S. Mainwaring and T. Scully, Building Democratic Institutions (Stanford, Stanford University Press, 1995).
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    • Foweraker and Landman demonstrate that democracy is the direct result of the collective struggle for individual rights. See Foweraker and Landman, Citizenship Rights and Social Movements; J. Foweraker and T. Landman, 'Individual rights and social movements: a comparative and statistical inquiry', British Journal of Political Science, 29 (1999), 291-322.
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    • For a discussion of the Alliance for Progress and the reliance of US Foreign Policy on the modernization perspective, see H. J. Wiarda, 'Concepts and Models in Comparative Politics: Political Development Reconsidered - and its Alternatives', in D. A. Rustow and K. P. Erickson (eds), Comparative Political Dynamics: Global Research Perspectives (New York, Harper Collins, 1991), pp. 32-53; K. P. Erickson and D. A. Rustow, 'Global Research Perspective: Paradigms, Concepts, and Data in a Changing World', in Rustow and Erickson, Comparative Political Dynamics, pp. 443-4; R. Chilcote, Theories of Comparative Politics, pp. 215-83, Cammack, Capitalism and Democracy in the Third World.
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