Individual Rights and Social Movements: A Comparative and Statistical Inquiry

British Journal of Political Science

Volumn 29, Issue 2, 1999, Pages 291-322

  Foweraker, Joe ^a   Landman, Todd ^a  

^a NONE

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

EID: 0033472442     PISSN: 00071234     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1017/S0007123499000137     Document Type: Article

References (106)

1. Robert Putnam, Making Democracy Work: Civic Traditions in Modern Italy (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1993).
2. Robert A. Dahl, Polyarchy: Participation and Opposition (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1971).
3. Andrew M. Faure, 'Some Methodological Problems in Comparative Polities', Journal of Theoretical Politics, 6 (1994), 307-22.
4. This is as true of the arguments drawn from history and historical sociology as it is of sociology and political sociology, political theory and political economy. See Eric J. Hobsbawm, Labouring Men: Studies in the History of Labour (London: Wiedenfeld and Nicolson, 1968); Eric J. Hobsbawm, The Age of Revolution: Europe 1789-1848 (London: Sphere Books, 1977); Barrington Moore Jr, Social Origins of Dictatorship and Democracy: Landlord and Peasant in the Making of the Modern World (Harmondsworth: Penguin University Books, 1973); E. P. Thompson, The Making of the English Working Class (Harmondsworth: Penguin Books, 1974); Goran Therborn, Science, Class and Society (London: New Left Books, 1976); Goran Therborn, 'The Rule of Capital and the Rise of Democracy', New Left Review, 103 (1977), 3-42; Anthony Giddens, Profiles and Critiques in Social Theory (London: Macmillan, 1982); Anthony Giddens, The Nation-State and Violence (London: Macmillan, 1985); Bryan S. Turner, Citizenship and Capitalism: The Debate over Reformism (London: Allen & Unwin, 1986); Samuel Bowles and Herbert Gintis, Democracy and Capitalism: Property, Community and the Contradictions of Modern Social Thought (New York: Basic Books, 1987); Iris M. Young, 'Impartiality and the Civic Public', in Seyla Benhabib and Drucilla Cornell, eds, Feminism As Critique (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1987); Iris M. Young, 'Polity and Group Difference: A Critique of the Ideal of Universal Citizenship', Ethics, 99 (1989), 250-74; J. M. Barbalet, Citizenship: Rights, Struggle and Class Inequality (Milton Keynes: Open University Press, 1988); David Held, 'Citizenship and Autonomy', Political Theory and the Modern State (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1989), pp. 189-213; Michael S. Kimmel, Revolution: A Sociological Interpretation (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1990); Dennis Smith, The Rise of Historical Sociology (Cambridge: Polity Press 1991); Barry Clarke, 'Citizen Human', Citizenship (London: Pluto Press, 1993), pp. 4-30.
5. This is as true of the arguments drawn from history and historical sociology as it is of sociology and political sociology, political theory and political economy. See Eric J. Hobsbawm, Labouring Men: Studies in the History of Labour (London: Wiedenfeld and Nicolson, 1968); Eric J. Hobsbawm, The Age of Revolution: Europe 1789-1848 (London: Sphere Books, 1977); Barrington Moore Jr, Social Origins of Dictatorship and Democracy: Landlord and Peasant in the Making of the Modern World (Harmondsworth: Penguin University Books, 1973); E. P. Thompson, The Making of the English Working Class (Harmondsworth: Penguin Books, 1974); Goran Therborn, Science, Class and Society (London: New Left Books, 1976); Goran Therborn, 'The Rule of Capital and the Rise of Democracy', New Left Review, 103 (1977), 3-42; Anthony Giddens, Profiles and Critiques in Social Theory (London: Macmillan, 1982); Anthony Giddens, The Nation-State and Violence (London: Macmillan, 1985); Bryan S. Turner, Citizenship and Capitalism: The Debate over Reformism (London: Allen & Unwin, 1986); Samuel Bowles and Herbert Gintis, Democracy and Capitalism: Property, Community and the Contradictions of Modern Social Thought (New York: Basic Books, 1987); Iris M. Young, 'Impartiality and the Civic Public', in Seyla Benhabib and Drucilla Cornell, eds, Feminism As Critique (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1987); Iris M. Young, 'Polity and Group Difference: A Critique of the Ideal of Universal Citizenship', Ethics, 99 (1989), 250-74; J. M. Barbalet, Citizenship: Rights, Struggle and Class Inequality (Milton Keynes: Open University Press, 1988); David Held, 'Citizenship and Autonomy', Political Theory and the Modern State (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1989), pp. 189-213; Michael S. Kimmel, Revolution: A Sociological Interpretation (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1990); Dennis Smith, The Rise of Historical Sociology (Cambridge: Polity Press 1991); Barry Clarke, 'Citizen Human', Citizenship (London: Pluto Press, 1993), pp. 4-30.
6. This is as true of the arguments drawn from history and historical sociology as it is of sociology and political sociology, political theory and political economy. See Eric J. Hobsbawm, Labouring Men: Studies in the History of Labour (London: Wiedenfeld and Nicolson, 1968); Eric J. Hobsbawm, The Age of Revolution: Europe 1789-1848 (London: Sphere Books, 1977); Barrington Moore Jr, Social Origins of Dictatorship and Democracy: Landlord and Peasant in the Making of the Modern World (Harmondsworth: Penguin University Books, 1973); E. P. Thompson, The Making of the English Working Class (Harmondsworth: Penguin Books, 1974); Goran Therborn, Science, Class and Society (London: New Left Books, 1976); Goran Therborn, 'The Rule of Capital and the Rise of Democracy', New Left Review, 103 (1977), 3-42; Anthony Giddens, Profiles and Critiques in Social Theory (London: Macmillan, 1982); Anthony Giddens, The Nation-State and Violence (London: Macmillan, 1985); Bryan S. Turner, Citizenship and Capitalism: The Debate over Reformism (London: Allen & Unwin, 1986); Samuel Bowles and Herbert Gintis, Democracy and Capitalism: Property, Community and the Contradictions of Modern Social Thought (New York: Basic Books, 1987); Iris M. Young, 'Impartiality and the Civic Public', in Seyla Benhabib and Drucilla Cornell, eds, Feminism As Critique (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1987); Iris M. Young, 'Polity and Group Difference: A Critique of the Ideal of Universal Citizenship', Ethics, 99 (1989), 250-74; J. M. Barbalet, Citizenship: Rights, Struggle and Class Inequality (Milton Keynes: Open University Press, 1988); David Held, 'Citizenship and Autonomy', Political Theory and the Modern State (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1989), pp. 189-213; Michael S. Kimmel, Revolution: A Sociological Interpretation (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1990); Dennis Smith, The Rise of Historical Sociology (Cambridge: Polity Press 1991); Barry Clarke, 'Citizen Human', Citizenship (London: Pluto Press, 1993), pp. 4-30.
7. This is as true of the arguments drawn from history and historical sociology as it is of sociology and political sociology, political theory and political economy. See Eric J. Hobsbawm, Labouring Men: Studies in the History of Labour (London: Wiedenfeld and Nicolson, 1968); Eric J. Hobsbawm, The Age of Revolution: Europe 1789-1848 (London: Sphere Books, 1977); Barrington Moore Jr, Social Origins of Dictatorship and Democracy: Landlord and Peasant in the Making of the Modern World (Harmondsworth: Penguin University Books, 1973); E. P. Thompson, The Making of the English Working Class (Harmondsworth: Penguin Books, 1974); Goran Therborn, Science, Class and Society (London: New Left Books, 1976); Goran Therborn, 'The Rule of Capital and the Rise of Democracy', New Left Review, 103 (1977), 3-42; Anthony Giddens, Profiles and Critiques in Social Theory (London: Macmillan, 1982); Anthony Giddens, The Nation-State and Violence (London: Macmillan, 1985); Bryan S. Turner, Citizenship and Capitalism: The Debate over Reformism (London: Allen & Unwin, 1986); Samuel Bowles and Herbert Gintis, Democracy and Capitalism: Property, Community and the Contradictions of Modern Social Thought (New York: Basic Books, 1987); Iris M. Young, 'Impartiality and the Civic Public', in Seyla Benhabib and Drucilla Cornell, eds, Feminism As Critique (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1987); Iris M. Young, 'Polity and Group Difference: A Critique of the Ideal of Universal Citizenship', Ethics, 99 (1989), 250-74; J. M. Barbalet, Citizenship: Rights, Struggle and Class Inequality (Milton Keynes: Open University Press, 1988); David Held, 'Citizenship and Autonomy', Political Theory and the Modern State (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1989), pp. 189-213; Michael S. Kimmel, Revolution: A Sociological Interpretation (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1990); Dennis Smith, The Rise of Historical Sociology (Cambridge: Polity Press 1991); Barry Clarke, 'Citizen Human', Citizenship (London: Pluto Press, 1993), pp. 4-30.
8. This is as true of the arguments drawn from history and historical sociology as it is of sociology and political sociology, political theory and political economy. See Eric J. Hobsbawm, Labouring Men: Studies in the History of Labour (London: Wiedenfeld and Nicolson, 1968); Eric J. Hobsbawm, The Age of Revolution: Europe 1789-1848 (London: Sphere Books, 1977); Barrington Moore Jr, Social Origins of Dictatorship and Democracy: Landlord and Peasant in the Making of the Modern World (Harmondsworth: Penguin University Books, 1973); E. P. Thompson, The Making of the English Working Class (Harmondsworth: Penguin Books, 1974); Goran Therborn, Science, Class and Society (London: New Left Books, 1976); Goran Therborn, 'The Rule of Capital and the Rise of Democracy', New Left Review, 103 (1977), 3-42; Anthony Giddens, Profiles and Critiques in Social Theory (London: Macmillan, 1982); Anthony Giddens, The Nation-State and Violence (London: Macmillan, 1985); Bryan S. Turner, Citizenship and Capitalism: The Debate over Reformism (London: Allen & Unwin, 1986); Samuel Bowles and Herbert Gintis, Democracy and Capitalism: Property, Community and the Contradictions of Modern Social Thought (New York: Basic Books, 1987); Iris M. Young, 'Impartiality and the Civic Public', in Seyla Benhabib and Drucilla Cornell, eds, Feminism As Critique (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1987); Iris M. Young, 'Polity and Group Difference: A Critique of the Ideal of Universal Citizenship', Ethics, 99 (1989), 250-74; J. M. Barbalet, Citizenship: Rights, Struggle and Class Inequality (Milton Keynes: Open University Press, 1988); David Held, 'Citizenship and Autonomy', Political Theory and the Modern State (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1989), pp. 189-213; Michael S. Kimmel, Revolution: A Sociological Interpretation (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1990); Dennis Smith, The Rise of Historical Sociology (Cambridge: Polity Press 1991); Barry Clarke, 'Citizen Human', Citizenship (London: Pluto Press, 1993), pp. 4-30.
9. This is as true of the arguments drawn from history and historical sociology as it is of sociology and political sociology, political theory and political economy. See Eric J. Hobsbawm, Labouring Men: Studies in the History of Labour (London: Wiedenfeld and Nicolson, 1968); Eric J. Hobsbawm, The Age of Revolution: Europe 1789-1848 (London: Sphere Books, 1977); Barrington Moore Jr, Social Origins of Dictatorship and Democracy: Landlord and Peasant in the Making of the Modern World (Harmondsworth: Penguin University Books, 1973); E. P. Thompson, The Making of the English Working Class (Harmondsworth: Penguin Books, 1974); Goran Therborn, Science, Class and Society (London: New Left Books, 1976); Goran Therborn, 'The Rule of Capital and the Rise of Democracy', New Left Review, 103 (1977), 3-42; Anthony Giddens, Profiles and Critiques in Social Theory (London: Macmillan, 1982); Anthony Giddens, The Nation-State and Violence (London: Macmillan, 1985); Bryan S. Turner, Citizenship and Capitalism: The Debate over Reformism (London: Allen & Unwin, 1986); Samuel Bowles and Herbert Gintis, Democracy and Capitalism: Property, Community and the Contradictions of Modern Social Thought (New York: Basic Books, 1987); Iris M. Young, 'Impartiality and the Civic Public', in Seyla Benhabib and Drucilla Cornell, eds, Feminism As Critique (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1987); Iris M. Young, 'Polity and Group Difference: A Critique of the Ideal of Universal Citizenship', Ethics, 99 (1989), 250-74; J. M. Barbalet, Citizenship: Rights, Struggle and Class Inequality (Milton Keynes: Open University Press, 1988); David Held, 'Citizenship and Autonomy', Political Theory and the Modern State (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1989), pp. 189-213; Michael S. Kimmel, Revolution: A Sociological Interpretation (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1990); Dennis Smith, The Rise of Historical Sociology (Cambridge: Polity Press 1991); Barry Clarke, 'Citizen Human', Citizenship (London: Pluto Press, 1993), pp. 4-30.
10. This is as true of the arguments drawn from history and historical sociology as it is of sociology and political sociology, political theory and political economy. See Eric J. Hobsbawm, Labouring Men: Studies in the History of Labour (London: Wiedenfeld and Nicolson, 1968); Eric J. Hobsbawm, The Age of Revolution: Europe 1789-1848 (London: Sphere Books, 1977); Barrington Moore Jr, Social Origins of Dictatorship and Democracy: Landlord and Peasant in the Making of the Modern World (Harmondsworth: Penguin University Books, 1973); E. P. Thompson, The Making of the English Working Class (Harmondsworth: Penguin Books, 1974); Goran Therborn, Science, Class and Society (London: New Left Books, 1976); Goran Therborn, 'The Rule of Capital and the Rise of Democracy', New Left Review, 103 (1977), 3-42; Anthony Giddens, Profiles and Critiques in Social Theory (London: Macmillan, 1982); Anthony Giddens, The Nation-State and Violence (London: Macmillan, 1985); Bryan S. Turner, Citizenship and Capitalism: The Debate over Reformism (London: Allen & Unwin, 1986); Samuel Bowles and Herbert Gintis, Democracy and Capitalism: Property, Community and the Contradictions of Modern Social Thought (New York: Basic Books, 1987); Iris M. Young, 'Impartiality and the Civic Public', in Seyla Benhabib and Drucilla Cornell, eds, Feminism As Critique (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1987); Iris M. Young, 'Polity and Group Difference: A Critique of the Ideal of Universal Citizenship', Ethics, 99 (1989), 250-74; J. M. Barbalet, Citizenship: Rights, Struggle and Class Inequality (Milton Keynes: Open University Press, 1988); David Held, 'Citizenship and Autonomy', Political Theory and the Modern State (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1989), pp. 189-213; Michael S. Kimmel, Revolution: A Sociological Interpretation (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1990); Dennis Smith, The Rise of Historical Sociology (Cambridge: Polity Press 1991); Barry Clarke, 'Citizen Human', Citizenship (London: Pluto Press, 1993), pp. 4-30.
11. This is as true of the arguments drawn from history and historical sociology as it is of sociology and political sociology, political theory and political economy. See Eric J. Hobsbawm, Labouring Men: Studies in the History of Labour (London: Wiedenfeld and Nicolson, 1968); Eric J. Hobsbawm, The Age of Revolution: Europe 1789-1848 (London: Sphere Books, 1977); Barrington Moore Jr, Social Origins of Dictatorship and Democracy: Landlord and Peasant in the Making of the Modern World (Harmondsworth: Penguin University Books, 1973); E. P. Thompson, The Making of the English Working Class (Harmondsworth: Penguin Books, 1974); Goran Therborn, Science, Class and Society (London: New Left Books, 1976); Goran Therborn, 'The Rule of Capital and the Rise of Democracy', New Left Review, 103 (1977), 3-42; Anthony Giddens, Profiles and Critiques in Social Theory (London: Macmillan, 1982); Anthony Giddens, The Nation-State and Violence (London: Macmillan, 1985); Bryan S. Turner, Citizenship and Capitalism: The Debate over Reformism (London: Allen & Unwin, 1986); Samuel Bowles and Herbert Gintis, Democracy and Capitalism: Property, Community and the Contradictions of Modern Social Thought (New York: Basic Books, 1987); Iris M. Young, 'Impartiality and the Civic Public', in Seyla Benhabib and Drucilla Cornell, eds, Feminism As Critique (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1987); Iris M. Young, 'Polity and Group Difference: A Critique of the Ideal of Universal Citizenship', Ethics, 99 (1989), 250-74; J. M. Barbalet, Citizenship: Rights, Struggle and Class Inequality (Milton Keynes: Open University Press, 1988); David Held, 'Citizenship and Autonomy', Political Theory and the Modern State (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1989), pp. 189-213; Michael S. Kimmel, Revolution: A Sociological Interpretation (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1990); Dennis Smith, The Rise of Historical Sociology (Cambridge: Polity Press 1991); Barry Clarke, 'Citizen Human', Citizenship (London: Pluto Press, 1993), pp. 4-30.
12. This is as true of the arguments drawn from history and historical sociology as it is of sociology and political sociology, political theory and political economy. See Eric J. Hobsbawm, Labouring Men: Studies in the History of Labour (London: Wiedenfeld and Nicolson, 1968); Eric J. Hobsbawm, The Age of Revolution: Europe 1789-1848 (London: Sphere Books, 1977); Barrington Moore Jr, Social Origins of Dictatorship and Democracy: Landlord and Peasant in the Making of the Modern World (Harmondsworth: Penguin University Books, 1973); E. P. Thompson, The Making of the English Working Class (Harmondsworth: Penguin Books, 1974); Goran Therborn, Science, Class and Society (London: New Left Books, 1976); Goran Therborn, 'The Rule of Capital and the Rise of Democracy', New Left Review, 103 (1977), 3-42; Anthony Giddens, Profiles and Critiques in Social Theory (London: Macmillan, 1982); Anthony Giddens, The Nation-State and Violence (London: Macmillan, 1985); Bryan S. Turner, Citizenship and Capitalism: The Debate over Reformism (London: Allen & Unwin, 1986); Samuel Bowles and Herbert Gintis, Democracy and Capitalism: Property, Community and the Contradictions of Modern Social Thought (New York: Basic Books, 1987); Iris M. Young, 'Impartiality and the Civic Public', in Seyla Benhabib and Drucilla Cornell, eds, Feminism As Critique (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1987); Iris M. Young, 'Polity and Group Difference: A Critique of the Ideal of Universal Citizenship', Ethics, 99 (1989), 250-74; J. M. Barbalet, Citizenship: Rights, Struggle and Class Inequality (Milton Keynes: Open University Press, 1988); David Held, 'Citizenship and Autonomy', Political Theory and the Modern State (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1989), pp. 189-213; Michael S. Kimmel, Revolution: A Sociological Interpretation (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1990); Dennis Smith, The Rise of Historical Sociology (Cambridge: Polity Press 1991); Barry Clarke, 'Citizen Human', Citizenship (London: Pluto Press, 1993), pp. 4-30.
13. This is as true of the arguments drawn from history and historical sociology as it is of sociology and political sociology, political theory and political economy. See Eric J. Hobsbawm, Labouring Men: Studies in the History of Labour (London: Wiedenfeld and Nicolson, 1968); Eric J. Hobsbawm, The Age of Revolution: Europe 1789-1848 (London: Sphere Books, 1977); Barrington Moore Jr, Social Origins of Dictatorship and Democracy: Landlord and Peasant in the Making of the Modern World (Harmondsworth: Penguin University Books, 1973); E. P. Thompson, The Making of the English Working Class (Harmondsworth: Penguin Books, 1974); Goran Therborn, Science, Class and Society (London: New Left Books, 1976); Goran Therborn, 'The Rule of Capital and the Rise of Democracy', New Left Review, 103 (1977), 3-42; Anthony Giddens, Profiles and Critiques in Social Theory (London: Macmillan, 1982); Anthony Giddens, The Nation-State and Violence (London: Macmillan, 1985); Bryan S. Turner, Citizenship and Capitalism: The Debate over Reformism (London: Allen & Unwin, 1986); Samuel Bowles and Herbert Gintis, Democracy and Capitalism: Property, Community and the Contradictions of Modern Social Thought (New York: Basic Books, 1987); Iris M. Young, 'Impartiality and the Civic Public', in Seyla Benhabib and Drucilla Cornell, eds, Feminism As Critique (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1987); Iris M. Young, 'Polity and Group Difference: A Critique of the Ideal of Universal Citizenship', Ethics, 99 (1989), 250-74; J. M. Barbalet, Citizenship: Rights, Struggle and Class Inequality (Milton Keynes: Open University Press, 1988); David Held, 'Citizenship and Autonomy', Political Theory and the Modern State (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1989), pp. 189-213; Michael S. Kimmel, Revolution: A Sociological Interpretation (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1990); Dennis Smith, The Rise of Historical Sociology (Cambridge: Polity Press 1991); Barry Clarke, 'Citizen Human', Citizenship (London: Pluto Press, 1993), pp. 4-30.
14. This is as true of the arguments drawn from history and historical sociology as it is of sociology and political sociology, political theory and political economy. See Eric J. Hobsbawm, Labouring Men: Studies in the History of Labour (London: Wiedenfeld and Nicolson, 1968); Eric J. Hobsbawm, The Age of Revolution: Europe 1789-1848 (London: Sphere Books, 1977); Barrington Moore Jr, Social Origins of Dictatorship and Democracy: Landlord and Peasant in the Making of the Modern World (Harmondsworth: Penguin University Books, 1973); E. P. Thompson, The Making of the English Working Class (Harmondsworth: Penguin Books, 1974); Goran Therborn, Science, Class and Society (London: New Left Books, 1976); Goran Therborn, 'The Rule of Capital and the Rise of Democracy', New Left Review, 103 (1977), 3-42; Anthony Giddens, Profiles and Critiques in Social Theory (London: Macmillan, 1982); Anthony Giddens, The Nation-State and Violence (London: Macmillan, 1985); Bryan S. Turner, Citizenship and Capitalism: The Debate over Reformism (London: Allen & Unwin, 1986); Samuel Bowles and Herbert Gintis, Democracy and Capitalism: Property, Community and the Contradictions of Modern Social Thought (New York: Basic Books, 1987); Iris M. Young, 'Impartiality and the Civic Public', in Seyla Benhabib and Drucilla Cornell, eds, Feminism As Critique (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1987); Iris M. Young, 'Polity and Group Difference: A Critique of the Ideal of Universal Citizenship', Ethics, 99 (1989), 250-74; J. M. Barbalet, Citizenship: Rights, Struggle and Class Inequality (Milton Keynes: Open University Press, 1988); David Held, 'Citizenship and Autonomy', Political Theory and the Modern State (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1989), pp. 189-213; Michael S. Kimmel, Revolution: A Sociological Interpretation (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1990); Dennis Smith, The Rise of Historical Sociology (Cambridge: Polity Press 1991); Barry Clarke, 'Citizen Human', Citizenship (London: Pluto Press, 1993), pp. 4-30.
15. This is as true of the arguments drawn from history and historical sociology as it is of sociology and political sociology, political theory and political economy. See Eric J. Hobsbawm, Labouring Men: Studies in the History of Labour (London: Wiedenfeld and Nicolson, 1968); Eric J. Hobsbawm, The Age of Revolution: Europe 1789-1848 (London: Sphere Books, 1977); Barrington Moore Jr, Social Origins of Dictatorship and Democracy: Landlord and Peasant in the Making of the Modern World (Harmondsworth: Penguin University Books, 1973); E. P. Thompson, The Making of the English Working Class (Harmondsworth: Penguin Books, 1974); Goran Therborn, Science, Class and Society (London: New Left Books, 1976); Goran Therborn, 'The Rule of Capital and the Rise of Democracy', New Left Review, 103 (1977), 3-42; Anthony Giddens, Profiles and Critiques in Social Theory (London: Macmillan, 1982); Anthony Giddens, The Nation-State and Violence (London: Macmillan, 1985); Bryan S. Turner, Citizenship and Capitalism: The Debate over Reformism (London: Allen & Unwin, 1986); Samuel Bowles and Herbert Gintis, Democracy and Capitalism: Property, Community and the Contradictions of Modern Social Thought (New York: Basic Books, 1987); Iris M. Young, 'Impartiality and the Civic Public', in Seyla Benhabib and Drucilla Cornell, eds, Feminism As Critique (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1987); Iris M. Young, 'Polity and Group Difference: A Critique of the Ideal of Universal Citizenship', Ethics, 99 (1989), 250-74; J. M. Barbalet, Citizenship: Rights, Struggle and Class Inequality (Milton Keynes: Open University Press, 1988); David Held, 'Citizenship and Autonomy', Political Theory and the Modern State (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1989), pp. 189-213; Michael S. Kimmel, Revolution: A Sociological Interpretation (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1990); Dennis Smith, The Rise of Historical Sociology (Cambridge: Polity Press 1991); Barry Clarke, 'Citizen Human', Citizenship (London: Pluto Press, 1993), pp. 4-30.
16. This is as true of the arguments drawn from history and historical sociology as it is of sociology and political sociology, political theory and political economy. See Eric J. Hobsbawm, Labouring Men: Studies in the History of Labour (London: Wiedenfeld and Nicolson, 1968); Eric J. Hobsbawm, The Age of Revolution: Europe 1789-1848 (London: Sphere Books, 1977); Barrington Moore Jr, Social Origins of Dictatorship and Democracy: Landlord and Peasant in the Making of the Modern World (Harmondsworth: Penguin University Books, 1973); E. P. Thompson, The Making of the English Working Class (Harmondsworth: Penguin Books, 1974); Goran Therborn, Science, Class and Society (London: New Left Books, 1976); Goran Therborn, 'The Rule of Capital and the Rise of Democracy', New Left Review, 103 (1977), 3-42; Anthony Giddens, Profiles and Critiques in Social Theory (London: Macmillan, 1982); Anthony Giddens, The Nation-State and Violence (London: Macmillan, 1985); Bryan S. Turner, Citizenship and Capitalism: The Debate over Reformism (London: Allen & Unwin, 1986); Samuel Bowles and Herbert Gintis, Democracy and Capitalism: Property, Community and the Contradictions of Modern Social Thought (New York: Basic Books, 1987); Iris M. Young, 'Impartiality and the Civic Public', in Seyla Benhabib and Drucilla Cornell, eds, Feminism As Critique (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1987); Iris M. Young, 'Polity and Group Difference: A Critique of the Ideal of Universal Citizenship', Ethics, 99 (1989), 250-74; J. M. Barbalet, Citizenship: Rights, Struggle and Class Inequality (Milton Keynes: Open University Press, 1988); David Held, 'Citizenship and Autonomy', Political Theory and the Modern State (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1989), pp. 189-213; Michael S. Kimmel, Revolution: A Sociological Interpretation (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1990); Dennis Smith, The Rise of Historical Sociology (Cambridge: Polity Press 1991); Barry Clarke, 'Citizen Human', Citizenship (London: Pluto Press, 1993), pp. 4-30.
17. This is as true of the arguments drawn from history and historical sociology as it is of sociology and political sociology, political theory and political economy. See Eric J. Hobsbawm, Labouring Men: Studies in the History of Labour (London: Wiedenfeld and Nicolson, 1968); Eric J. Hobsbawm, The Age of Revolution: Europe 1789-1848 (London: Sphere Books, 1977); Barrington Moore Jr, Social Origins of Dictatorship and Democracy: Landlord and Peasant in the Making of the Modern World (Harmondsworth: Penguin University Books, 1973); E. P. Thompson, The Making of the English Working Class (Harmondsworth: Penguin Books, 1974); Goran Therborn, Science, Class and Society (London: New Left Books, 1976); Goran Therborn, 'The Rule of Capital and the Rise of Democracy', New Left Review, 103 (1977), 3-42; Anthony Giddens, Profiles and Critiques in Social Theory (London: Macmillan, 1982); Anthony Giddens, The Nation-State and Violence (London: Macmillan, 1985); Bryan S. Turner, Citizenship and Capitalism: The Debate over Reformism (London: Allen & Unwin, 1986); Samuel Bowles and Herbert Gintis, Democracy and Capitalism: Property, Community and the Contradictions of Modern Social Thought (New York: Basic Books, 1987); Iris M. Young, 'Impartiality and the Civic Public', in Seyla Benhabib and Drucilla Cornell, eds, Feminism As Critique (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1987); Iris M. Young, 'Polity and Group Difference: A Critique of the Ideal of Universal Citizenship', Ethics, 99 (1989), 250-74; J. M. Barbalet, Citizenship: Rights, Struggle and Class Inequality (Milton Keynes: Open University Press, 1988); David Held, 'Citizenship and Autonomy', Political Theory and the Modern State (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1989), pp. 189-213; Michael S. Kimmel, Revolution: A Sociological Interpretation (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1990); Dennis Smith, The Rise of Historical Sociology (Cambridge: Polity Press 1991); Barry Clarke, 'Citizen Human', Citizenship (London: Pluto Press, 1993), pp. 4-30.
18. This is as true of the arguments drawn from history and historical sociology as it is of sociology and political sociology, political theory and political economy. See Eric J. Hobsbawm, Labouring Men: Studies in the History of Labour (London: Wiedenfeld and Nicolson, 1968); Eric J. Hobsbawm, The Age of Revolution: Europe 1789-1848 (London: Sphere Books, 1977); Barrington Moore Jr, Social Origins of Dictatorship and Democracy: Landlord and Peasant in the Making of the Modern World (Harmondsworth: Penguin University Books, 1973); E. P. Thompson, The Making of the English Working Class (Harmondsworth: Penguin Books, 1974); Goran Therborn, Science, Class and Society (London: New Left Books, 1976); Goran Therborn, 'The Rule of Capital and the Rise of Democracy', New Left Review, 103 (1977), 3-42; Anthony Giddens, Profiles and Critiques in Social Theory (London: Macmillan, 1982); Anthony Giddens, The Nation-State and Violence (London: Macmillan, 1985); Bryan S. Turner, Citizenship and Capitalism: The Debate over Reformism (London: Allen & Unwin, 1986); Samuel Bowles and Herbert Gintis, Democracy and Capitalism: Property, Community and the Contradictions of Modern Social Thought (New York: Basic Books, 1987); Iris M. Young, 'Impartiality and the Civic Public', in Seyla Benhabib and Drucilla Cornell, eds, Feminism As Critique (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1987); Iris M. Young, 'Polity and Group Difference: A Critique of the Ideal of Universal Citizenship', Ethics, 99 (1989), 250-74; J. M. Barbalet, Citizenship: Rights, Struggle and Class Inequality (Milton Keynes: Open University Press, 1988); David Held, 'Citizenship and Autonomy', Political Theory and the Modern State (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1989), pp. 189-213; Michael S. Kimmel, Revolution: A Sociological Interpretation (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1990); Dennis Smith, The Rise of Historical Sociology (Cambridge: Polity Press 1991); Barry Clarke, 'Citizen Human', Citizenship (London: Pluto Press, 1993), pp. 4-30.
19. This is as true of the arguments drawn from history and historical sociology as it is of sociology and political sociology, political theory and political economy. See Eric J. Hobsbawm, Labouring Men: Studies in the History of Labour (London: Wiedenfeld and Nicolson, 1968); Eric J. Hobsbawm, The Age of Revolution: Europe 1789-1848 (London: Sphere Books, 1977); Barrington Moore Jr, Social Origins of Dictatorship and Democracy: Landlord and Peasant in the Making of the Modern World (Harmondsworth: Penguin University Books, 1973); E. P. Thompson, The Making of the English Working Class (Harmondsworth: Penguin Books, 1974); Goran Therborn, Science, Class and Society (London: New Left Books, 1976); Goran Therborn, 'The Rule of Capital and the Rise of Democracy', New Left Review, 103 (1977), 3-42; Anthony Giddens, Profiles and Critiques in Social Theory (London: Macmillan, 1982); Anthony Giddens, The Nation-State and Violence (London: Macmillan, 1985); Bryan S. Turner, Citizenship and Capitalism: The Debate over Reformism (London: Allen & Unwin, 1986); Samuel Bowles and Herbert Gintis, Democracy and Capitalism: Property, Community and the Contradictions of Modern Social Thought (New York: Basic Books, 1987); Iris M. Young, 'Impartiality and the Civic Public', in Seyla Benhabib and Drucilla Cornell, eds, Feminism As Critique (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1987); Iris M. Young, 'Polity and Group Difference: A Critique of the Ideal of Universal Citizenship', Ethics, 99 (1989), 250-74; J. M. Barbalet, Citizenship: Rights, Struggle and Class Inequality (Milton Keynes: Open University Press, 1988); David Held, 'Citizenship and Autonomy', Political Theory and the Modern State (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1989), pp. 189-213; Michael S. Kimmel, Revolution: A Sociological Interpretation (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1990); Dennis Smith, The Rise of Historical Sociology (Cambridge: Polity Press 1991); Barry Clarke, 'Citizen Human', Citizenship (London: Pluto Press, 1993), pp. 4-30.
20. This is as true of the arguments drawn from history and historical sociology as it is of sociology and political sociology, political theory and political economy. See Eric J. Hobsbawm, Labouring Men: Studies in the History of Labour (London: Wiedenfeld and Nicolson, 1968); Eric J. Hobsbawm, The Age of Revolution: Europe 1789-1848 (London: Sphere Books, 1977); Barrington Moore Jr, Social Origins of Dictatorship and Democracy: Landlord and Peasant in the Making of the Modern World (Harmondsworth: Penguin University Books, 1973); E. P. Thompson, The Making of the English Working Class (Harmondsworth: Penguin Books, 1974); Goran Therborn, Science, Class and Society (London: New Left Books, 1976); Goran Therborn, 'The Rule of Capital and the Rise of Democracy', New Left Review, 103 (1977), 3-42; Anthony Giddens, Profiles and Critiques in Social Theory (London: Macmillan, 1982); Anthony Giddens, The Nation-State and Violence (London: Macmillan, 1985); Bryan S. Turner, Citizenship and Capitalism: The Debate over Reformism (London: Allen & Unwin, 1986); Samuel Bowles and Herbert Gintis, Democracy and Capitalism: Property, Community and the Contradictions of Modern Social Thought (New York: Basic Books, 1987); Iris M. Young, 'Impartiality and the Civic Public', in Seyla Benhabib and Drucilla Cornell, eds, Feminism As Critique (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1987); Iris M. Young, 'Polity and Group Difference: A Critique of the Ideal of Universal Citizenship', Ethics, 99 (1989), 250-74; J. M. Barbalet, Citizenship: Rights, Struggle and Class Inequality (Milton Keynes: Open University Press, 1988); David Held, 'Citizenship and Autonomy', Political Theory and the Modern State (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1989), pp. 189-213; Michael S. Kimmel, Revolution: A Sociological Interpretation (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1990); Dennis Smith, The Rise of Historical Sociology (Cambridge: Polity Press 1991); Barry Clarke, 'Citizen Human', Citizenship (London: Pluto Press, 1993), pp. 4-30.
21. Between 1954 and 1965 2,080 such indices were constructed, of which only 28 per cent have been used more than once. See R. L. Barsh, 'Measuring Human Rights: Problems of Methodology and Purpose', Human Rights Quarterly, 15 (1993), 87-121, p. 91.
22. Civil rights were understood to depend on habeas corpus provisions; freedom of assembly, association, speech and information; independent judiciary and judicial review; and the absence of military tribunals, and of 'exceptional' or emergency clauses in the constitution. Political rights were gauged according to legislative selection, executive selection, competitive nomination procedures, limitation of extreme political parties, dominance of political parties, the freedom of trade unions, suffrage, and free and fair elections.
23. Some coding is binary, indicating that certain rights are present (1) or absent (0). Others run from 0 to 2 or 3, indicating that the guarantees, freedoms or rights in question are absent or partially or completely present.
24. Raymond D. Gastil, Freedom in the World: Political and Civil Liberties, 1986-1987 (New York: Freedom House 1987). The scale has also been used as a measure of the 'repressiveness of the regime', of the 'probability of political freedom', and of democracy tout court, as well as a 'scale of polyarchy'. See Edward N. Muller and Mitchell A. Seligson, 'Inequality and Insurgency', American Political Science Review, 81 (1987), 425-51; Michael Coppedge and W. Reinicke, 'A Scale of Polyarchy', in Gastil, Freedom in the World, pp. 101-21; John F. Helliwell, 'Empirical Linkages between Democracy and Economic Growth', British Journal of Political Science, 24 (1994), 225-48; and Alfred Stepan and Cindy Skach, 'Constitutional Frameworks and Democratic Consolidation: Parliamentarism and Presidentialism', World Politics, 46 (1993), 1-22.
25. Raymond D. Gastil, Freedom in the World: Political and Civil Liberties, 1986-1987 (New York: Freedom House 1987). The scale has also been used as a measure of the 'repressiveness of the regime', of the 'probability of political freedom', and of democracy tout court, as well as a 'scale of polyarchy'. See Edward N. Muller and Mitchell A. Seligson, 'Inequality and Insurgency', American Political Science Review, 81 (1987), 425-51; Michael Coppedge and W. Reinicke, 'A Scale of Polyarchy', in Gastil, Freedom in the World, pp. 101-21; John F. Helliwell, 'Empirical Linkages between Democracy and Economic Growth', British Journal of Political Science, 24 (1994), 225-48; and Alfred Stepan and Cindy Skach, 'Constitutional Frameworks and Democratic Consolidation: Parliamentarism and Presidentialism', World Politics, 46 (1993), 1-22.
26. Raymond D. Gastil, Freedom in the World: Political and Civil Liberties, 1986-1987 (New York: Freedom House 1987). The scale has also been used as a measure of the 'repressiveness of the regime', of the 'probability of political freedom', and of democracy tout court, as well as a 'scale of polyarchy'. See Edward N. Muller and Mitchell A. Seligson, 'Inequality and Insurgency', American Political Science Review, 81 (1987), 425-51; Michael Coppedge and W. Reinicke, 'A Scale of Polyarchy', in Gastil, Freedom in the World, pp. 101-21; John F. Helliwell, 'Empirical Linkages between Democracy and Economic Growth', British Journal of Political Science, 24 (1994), 225-48; and Alfred Stepan and Cindy Skach, 'Constitutional Frameworks and Democratic Consolidation: Parliamentarism and Presidentialism', World Politics, 46 (1993), 1-22.
27. Raymond D. Gastil, Freedom in the World: Political and Civil Liberties, 1986-1987 (New York: Freedom House 1987). The scale has also been used as a measure of the 'repressiveness of the regime', of the 'probability of political freedom', and of democracy tout court, as well as a 'scale of polyarchy'. See Edward N. Muller and Mitchell A. Seligson, 'Inequality and Insurgency', American Political Science Review, 81 (1987), 425-51; Michael Coppedge and W. Reinicke, 'A Scale of Polyarchy', in Gastil, Freedom in the World, pp. 101-21; John F. Helliwell, 'Empirical Linkages between Democracy and Economic Growth', British Journal of Political Science, 24 (1994), 225-48; and Alfred Stepan and Cindy Skach, 'Constitutional Frameworks and Democratic Consolidation: Parliamentarism and Presidentialism', World Politics, 46 (1993), 1-22.
28. Raymond D. Gastil, Freedom in the World: Political and Civil Liberties, 1986-1987 (New York: Freedom House 1987). The scale has also been used as a measure of the 'repressiveness of the regime', of the 'probability of political freedom', and of democracy tout court, as well as a 'scale of polyarchy'. See Edward N. Muller and Mitchell A. Seligson, 'Inequality and Insurgency', American Political Science Review, 81 (1987), 425-51; Michael Coppedge and W. Reinicke, 'A Scale of Polyarchy', in Gastil, Freedom in the World, pp. 101-21; John F. Helliwell, 'Empirical Linkages between Democracy and Economic Growth', British Journal of Political Science, 24 (1994), 225-48; and Alfred Stepan and Cindy Skach, 'Constitutional Frameworks and Democratic Consolidation: Parliamentarism and Presidentialism', World Politics, 46 (1993), 1-22.
29. See R. H. Fitzgibbon, 'Measuring Democratic Change in Latin America', Journal of Politics, 29 (1967), 129-66; Kenneth F. Johnson, 'Scholarly Images of Latin American Political Democracy in 1975', 'Latin American Research Review, 11 (1976), 129-41; Kenneth F. Johnson, 'Research Perspectives on the Revised Fitzgibbon-Johnson Index of the Image of Political Democracy in Latin America, 1945-1975', in James A. Wilkie and Kenneth Ruddle, Statistical Abstract of Latin America (Los Angeles: UCLA, 1977); Kenneth F. Johnson, 'The 1980 Image-Index Survey of Latin American Political Democracy', Latin American Research Review, 16 (1981), 193-201; Earnest A. Duff and John McCamant, Violence and Repression in Latin America: A Quantitative and Historical Analysis (New York: Free Press, 1976).
30. See R. H. Fitzgibbon, 'Measuring Democratic Change in Latin America', Journal of Politics, 29 (1967), 129-66; Kenneth F. Johnson, 'Scholarly Images of Latin American Political Democracy in 1975', 'Latin American Research Review, 11 (1976), 129-41; Kenneth F. Johnson, 'Research Perspectives on the Revised Fitzgibbon-Johnson Index of the Image of Political Democracy in Latin America, 1945-1975', in James A. Wilkie and Kenneth Ruddle, Statistical Abstract of Latin America (Los Angeles: UCLA, 1977); Kenneth F. Johnson, 'The 1980 Image-Index Survey of Latin American Political Democracy', Latin American Research Review, 16 (1981), 193-201; Earnest A. Duff and John McCamant, Violence and Repression in Latin America: A Quantitative and Historical Analysis (New York: Free Press, 1976).
31. See R. H. Fitzgibbon, 'Measuring Democratic Change in Latin America', Journal of Politics, 29 (1967), 129-66; Kenneth F. Johnson, 'Scholarly Images of Latin American Political Democracy in 1975', 'Latin American Research Review, 11 (1976), 129-41; Kenneth F. Johnson, 'Research Perspectives on the Revised Fitzgibbon-Johnson Index of the Image of Political Democracy in Latin America, 1945-1975', in James A. Wilkie and Kenneth Ruddle, Statistical Abstract of Latin America (Los Angeles: UCLA, 1977); Kenneth F. Johnson, 'The 1980 Image-Index Survey of Latin American Political Democracy', Latin American Research Review, 16 (1981), 193-201; Earnest A. Duff and John McCamant, Violence and Repression in Latin America: A Quantitative and Historical Analysis (New York: Free Press, 1976).
32. See R. H. Fitzgibbon, 'Measuring Democratic Change in Latin America', Journal of Politics, 29 (1967), 129-66; Kenneth F. Johnson, 'Scholarly Images of Latin American Political Democracy in 1975', 'Latin American Research Review, 11 (1976), 129-41; Kenneth F. Johnson, 'Research Perspectives on the Revised Fitzgibbon-Johnson Index of the Image of Political Democracy in Latin America, 1945-1975', in James A. Wilkie and Kenneth Ruddle, Statistical Abstract of Latin America (Los Angeles: UCLA, 1977); Kenneth F. Johnson, 'The 1980 Image-Index Survey of Latin American Political Democracy', Latin American Research Review, 16 (1981), 193-201; Earnest A. Duff and John McCamant, Violence and Repression in Latin America: A Quantitative and Historical Analysis (New York: Free Press, 1976).
33. See R. H. Fitzgibbon, 'Measuring Democratic Change in Latin America', Journal of Politics, 29 (1967), 129-66; Kenneth F. Johnson, 'Scholarly Images of Latin American Political Democracy in 1975', 'Latin American Research Review, 11 (1976), 129-41; Kenneth F. Johnson, 'Research Perspectives on the Revised Fitzgibbon-Johnson Index of the Image of Political Democracy in Latin America, 1945-1975', in James A. Wilkie and Kenneth Ruddle, Statistical Abstract of Latin America (Los Angeles: UCLA, 1977); Kenneth F. Johnson, 'The 1980 Image-Index Survey of Latin American Political Democracy', Latin American Research Review, 16 (1981), 193-201; Earnest A. Duff and John McCamant, Violence and Repression in Latin America: A Quantitative and Historical Analysis (New York: Free Press, 1976).
34. Zehra F. Arat, Democracy and Human Rights in Developing Countries (Boulder and London: Lynne Rienner Publishers, 1991); Charles Humana, World Human Rights Guide (London: Hutchinson, 1983); Charles Humana, World Human Rights Guide (New York: Facts On File Publications, 1987, 1992).
35. Zehra F. Arat, Democracy and Human Rights in Developing Countries (Boulder and London: Lynne Rienner Publishers, 1991); Charles Humana, World Human Rights Guide (London: Hutchinson, 1983); Charles Humana, World Human Rights Guide (New York: Facts On File Publications, 1987, 1992).
36. Zehra F. Arat, Democracy and Human Rights in Developing Countries (Boulder and London: Lynne Rienner Publishers, 1991); Charles Humana, World Human Rights Guide (London: Hutchinson, 1983); Charles Humana, World Human Rights Guide (New York: Facts On File Publications, 1987, 1992).
37. The combined rights in practice index (CRI) represents the mean of all five scores in each year of each case. The Gastil, Fitzgibbon-Johnson, and Duff and McCamant measures were reversed and transformed to reflect a positive scaling as is found in the Arat and Humana measures. The separate political and civil liberties of Gastil were combined, reversed and rescaled as follows: [14 - (political liberties + civil liberties)/12] (see Helliwell, 'The Empirical Linkages between Economic Development and Democracy', pp. 225-48). The Fitzgibbon-Johnson raw score was subtracted from 20 and divided by 19. The Duff and McCamant raw score was subtracted from 16 and divided by 16. The Arat raw score was subtracted from 109 and divided by 80. The Humana raw score was divided by 100.
38. For a detailed explanation of this method, see Robert D. Duval and Michal Shamir, 'Indicators from Errors: Cross-National, Time Serial Measures of the Repressive Disposition of Government', in Charles Lewis Taylor, Indicator Systems for Political, Economic, and Social Analysis (Cambridge, Mass.: Oelgeschlager, Gunn and Hain, 1980), pp. 155-82.
39. In more technical terms, GAP represents the unexplained variance in rights-in-practice given a certain level of rights-in-principle.
40. As suggested above, the trends in the measure of GAP simply reflect the ways in which the two rights indices move against each other. As such it is a 'derivative' measure designed more for the subsequent statistical analysis than for the description of rights provision. It is important to note, however, that GAP is negative in Brazil for eleven years, in Chile for eight years, in Mexico for twenty-two years, and in Spain for eighteen years.
41. For example, O'Donnell argues that the process of liberalization, or the 'opening of the previous bureacratic authoritarian regime' includes 'effective judicial guarantees of some individual rights'. See Guillermo O'Donnell, 'Notas para el Estudio de Procesos de Democratización a partir del Estado Burocrático-Autoritario', Estudios CEDES 5 (1979).
42. See E. Shorter and Charles Tilly, 'The Shape of Strikes in France, 1830-1960,' Comparative Studies in Society and History, 13 (1971), 60-86; Douglas A. Hibbs, Mass Political Violence: A Cross-National Causal Analysis (New York: John Wiley and Sons, 1976); and Leopold H. Haimson and Charles Tilly, Strikes, Wars and Revolutions in an International Perspective (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989).
43. See E. Shorter and Charles Tilly, 'The Shape of Strikes in France, 1830-1960,' Comparative Studies in Society and History, 13 (1971), 60-86; Douglas A. Hibbs, Mass Political Violence: A Cross-National Causal Analysis (New York: John Wiley and Sons, 1976); and Leopold H. Haimson and Charles Tilly, Strikes, Wars and Revolutions in an International Perspective (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989).
44. See E. Shorter and Charles Tilly, 'The Shape of Strikes in France, 1830-1960,' Comparative Studies in Society and History, 13 (1971), 60-86; Douglas A. Hibbs, Mass Political Violence: A Cross-National Causal Analysis (New York: John Wiley and Sons, 1976); and Leopold H. Haimson and Charles Tilly, Strikes, Wars and Revolutions in an International Perspective (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989).
45. See William A. Gamson, The Strategy of Social Protest (Homewood, Ill.: Dorsey Press, 1975); Anne N. Costain, Inviting Women's Rebellion: A Political Process Interpretation of the Women's Movement (Baltimore, Md: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1992); Sidney Tarrow, Democracy and Disorder: Protest and Politics in Italy 1965-75 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1989); and Hanspeter Kriesi, Ruud Koopmans, Jan Willem Duyvendak and Marco G. Giugni, New Social Movements in Western Europe: A Comparative Analysis (London: UCL Press, 1995).
46. See William A. Gamson, The Strategy of Social Protest (Homewood, Ill.: Dorsey Press, 1975); Anne N. Costain, Inviting Women's Rebellion: A Political Process Interpretation of the Women's Movement (Baltimore, Md: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1992); Sidney Tarrow, Democracy and Disorder: Protest and Politics in Italy 1965-75 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1989); and Hanspeter Kriesi, Ruud Koopmans, Jan Willem Duyvendak and Marco G. Giugni, New Social Movements in Western Europe: A Comparative Analysis (London: UCL Press, 1995).
47. See William A. Gamson, The Strategy of Social Protest (Homewood, Ill.: Dorsey Press, 1975); Anne N. Costain, Inviting Women's Rebellion: A Political Process Interpretation of the Women's Movement (Baltimore, Md: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1992); Sidney Tarrow, Democracy and Disorder: Protest and Politics in Italy 1965-75 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1989); and Hanspeter Kriesi, Ruud Koopmans, Jan Willem Duyvendak and Marco G. Giugni, New Social Movements in Western Europe: A Comparative Analysis (London: UCL Press, 1995).
48. See William A. Gamson, The Strategy of Social Protest (Homewood, Ill.: Dorsey Press, 1975); Anne N. Costain, Inviting Women's Rebellion: A Political Process Interpretation of the Women's Movement (Baltimore, Md: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1992); Sidney Tarrow, Democracy and Disorder: Protest and Politics in Italy 1965-75 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1989); and Hanspeter Kriesi, Ruud Koopmans, Jan Willem Duyvendak and Marco G. Giugni, New Social Movements in Western Europe: A Comparative Analysis (London: UCL Press, 1995).
49. Newspaper coverage proved difficult for the authoritarian cases, since many events simply never appeared in the press, which in these cases was never free from direct and indirect censorship. Instead, the protocol reflects the events that received wide coverage in the academic literature on social movement activity in the four cases. Two microfilm collections, however, did prove invaluable for the cases of Brazil and Chile. See Library of Congress, Brazil's Popular Groups: 1966-1986 (Washington, DC: Library of Congress, 1988); Princeton University, Chile, Protesta Nacional 1983-1984 (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1985).
50. Newspaper coverage proved difficult for the authoritarian cases, since many events simply never appeared in the press, which in these cases was never free from direct and indirect censorship. Instead, the protocol reflects the events that received wide coverage in the academic literature on social movement activity in the four cases. Two microfilm collections, however, did prove invaluable for the cases of Brazil and Chile. See Library of Congress, Brazil's Popular Groups: 1966-1986 (Washington, DC: Library of Congress, 1988); Princeton University, Chile, Protesta Nacional 1983-1984 (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1985).
51. See Paul Drake and Ivan Jaksic, eds, The Struggle for Democracy in Chile, 1982-1990 (Lincoln and London: University of Nebraska Press, 1991); Brian Loveman, 'Military Dictatorship and Political Opposition in Chile, 1973-1986,' Journal of Inter-American Studies and World Affairs, 28 (1986), 1-38.
52. See Paul Drake and Ivan Jaksic, eds, The Struggle for Democracy in Chile, 1982-1990 (Lincoln and London: University of Nebraska Press, 1991); Brian Loveman, 'Military Dictatorship and Political Opposition in Chile, 1973-1986,' Journal of Inter-American Studies and World Affairs, 28 (1986), 1-38.
53. SR and SMA are not significantly correlated in either Chile (r = -0.09, p = 0.749) or Mexico (r = 0.08, p = 0.72), but are significantly and positively correlated in Spain (r = 0.55, p = 0.009).
54. See Joe Foweraker, Theorizing Social Movements (London: Pluto Press, 1995).
55. Further bivariate correlations between the rights and movements variables at time t as well as time t - 1 (i.e. lagged one-year) do not change the overall interpretation of the simpler matrix presented in Table 3. None the less, these correlates are presented in the Appendix in order to confirm the present results.
56. Since strong causal inferences cannot be made from regressions at time t, the Appendix presents a general model of the relationship between 'first differences' in the dependent variable (i.e. the values at time t minus the values lagged by one year), and differences and lagged differences in the independent variables. The interpretation of these more advanced statistical results does not alter the simpler first order regressions presented in Tables 4-6.
57. Gross domestic product (GDP) growth is the percentage change per year in GDP, inflation is the percentage rise in prices per year and energy consumption is the million metric tons of coal equivalent consumed by a nation in any given year, including solid and liquid fuels; domestic and imported gas; hydroelectric, nuclear and imported electricity. The data were collected from various editions of the Statistical Abstract of Latin America.
58. The literature on the connections between economic growth and regime types has dominated much of comparative political science since the work of Seymour Martin Lipset, who recently defended his original thesis in the American Sociological Review, 59 (1994), 1-22. In particular, there is a large literature on the relationship between economic growth and democracy, which was reviewed in Dietrich Rueschemeyer, Evelyne Huber Stephens and John D. Stephens, Capitalist Development and Democracy (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1992), and which continues to grow (see Helliwell, 'Empirical Linkages between Economic Development and Democracy'). Equally, there have been numerous attempts to explore the relationship between economic development and social mobilization (see Ted R. Gurr, Why Men Rebel (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1970); Charles Tilly From Mobilization to Revolution (Reading, Mass.: Addison-Wesley, 1978); Karl-Werner Brand, 'Cyclical Aspects of New Social Movements: Waves of Cultural Criticism and Mobilization Cycles of New Middle Class Radicalism,' in Russell Dalton and Manfred Kuechler, eds Challenging the Political Order New Social and Political Movements in Western Democracies (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1990), pp. 23-42; and Sidney Tarrow, Power in Movement: Social Movements Collective Action and Politics (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994)).
59. The literature on the connections between economic growth and regime types has dominated much of comparative political science since the work of Seymour Martin Lipset, who recently defended his original thesis in the American Sociological Review, 59 (1994), 1-22. In particular, there is a large literature on the relationship between economic growth and democracy, which was reviewed in Dietrich Rueschemeyer, Evelyne Huber Stephens and John D. Stephens, Capitalist Development and Democracy (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1992), and which continues to grow (see Helliwell, 'Empirical Linkages between Economic Development and Democracy'). Equally, there have been numerous attempts to explore the relationship between economic development and social mobilization (see Ted R. Gurr, Why Men Rebel (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1970); Charles Tilly From Mobilization to Revolution (Reading, Mass.: Addison-Wesley, 1978); Karl-Werner Brand, 'Cyclical Aspects of New Social Movements: Waves of Cultural Criticism and Mobilization Cycles of New Middle Class Radicalism,' in Russell Dalton and Manfred Kuechler, eds Challenging the Political Order New Social and Political Movements in Western Democracies (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1990), pp. 23-42; and Sidney Tarrow, Power in Movement: Social Movements Collective Action and Politics (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994)).
60. The literature on the connections between economic growth and regime types has dominated much of comparative political science since the work of Seymour Martin Lipset, who recently defended his original thesis in the American Sociological Review, 59 (1994), 1-22. In particular, there is a large literature on the relationship between economic growth and democracy, which was reviewed in Dietrich Rueschemeyer, Evelyne Huber Stephens and John D. Stephens, Capitalist Development and Democracy (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1992), and which continues to grow (see Helliwell, 'Empirical Linkages between Economic Development and Democracy'). Equally, there have been numerous attempts to explore the relationship between economic development and social mobilization (see Ted R. Gurr, Why Men Rebel (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1970); Charles Tilly From Mobilization to Revolution (Reading, Mass.: Addison-Wesley, 1978); Karl-Werner Brand, 'Cyclical Aspects of New Social Movements: Waves of Cultural Criticism and Mobilization Cycles of New Middle Class Radicalism,' in Russell Dalton and Manfred Kuechler, eds Challenging the Political Order New Social and Political Movements in Western Democracies (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1990), pp. 23-42; and Sidney Tarrow, Power in Movement: Social Movements Collective Action and Politics (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994)).
61. The literature on the connections between economic growth and regime types has dominated much of comparative political science since the work of Seymour Martin Lipset, who recently defended his original thesis in the American Sociological Review, 59 (1994), 1-22. In particular, there is a large literature on the relationship between economic growth and democracy, which was reviewed in Dietrich Rueschemeyer, Evelyne Huber Stephens and John D. Stephens, Capitalist Development and Democracy (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1992), and which continues to grow (see Helliwell, 'Empirical Linkages between Economic Development and Democracy'). Equally, there have been numerous attempts to explore the relationship between economic development and social mobilization (see Ted R. Gurr, Why Men Rebel (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1970); Charles Tilly From Mobilization to Revolution (Reading, Mass.: Addison-Wesley, 1978); Karl-Werner Brand, 'Cyclical Aspects of New Social Movements: Waves of Cultural Criticism and Mobilization Cycles of New Middle Class Radicalism,' in Russell Dalton and Manfred Kuechler, eds Challenging the Political Order New Social and Political Movements in Western Democracies (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1990), pp. 23-42; and Sidney Tarrow, Power in Movement: Social Movements Collective Action and Politics (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994)).
62. The literature on the connections between economic growth and regime types has dominated much of comparative political science since the work of
63. The literature on the connections between economic growth and regime types has dominated much of comparative political science since the work of Seymour Martin Lipset, who recently defended his original thesis in the American Sociological Review, 59 (1994), 1-22. In particular, there is a large literature on the relationship between economic growth and democracy, which was reviewed in Dietrich Rueschemeyer, Evelyne Huber Stephens and John D. Stephens, Capitalist Development and Democracy (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1992), and which continues to grow (see Helliwell, 'Empirical Linkages between Economic Development and Democracy'). Equally, there have been numerous attempts to explore the relationship between economic development and social mobilization (see Ted R. Gurr, Why Men Rebel (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1970); Charles Tilly From Mobilization to Revolution (Reading, Mass.: Addison-Wesley, 1978); Karl-Werner Brand, 'Cyclical Aspects of New Social Movements: Waves of Cultural Criticism and Mobilization Cycles of New Middle Class Radicalism,' in Russell Dalton and Manfred Kuechler, eds Challenging the Political Order New Social and Political Movements in Western Democracies (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1990), pp. 23-42; and Sidney Tarrow, Power in Movement: Social Movements Collective Action and Politics (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994)).
64. The literature on the connections between economic growth and regime types has dominated much of comparative political science since the work of Seymour Martin Lipset, who recently defended his original thesis in the American Sociological Review, 59 (1994), 1-22. In particular, there is a large literature on the relationship between economic growth and democracy, which was reviewed in Dietrich Rueschemeyer, Evelyne Huber Stephens and John D. Stephens, Capitalist Development and Democracy (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1992), and which continues to grow (see Helliwell, 'Empirical Linkages between Economic Development and Democracy'). Equally, there have been numerous attempts to explore the relationship between economic development and social mobilization (see Ted R. Gurr, Why Men Rebel (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1970); Charles Tilly From Mobilization to Revolution (Reading, Mass.: Addison-Wesley, 1978); Karl-Werner Brand, 'Cyclical Aspects of New Social Movements: Waves of Cultural Criticism and Mobilization Cycles of New Middle Class Radicalism,' in Russell Dalton and Manfred Kuechler, eds Challenging the Political Order New Social and Political Movements in Western Democracies (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1990), pp. 23-42; and Sidney Tarrow, Power in Movement: Social Movements Collective Action and Politics (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994)).
65. t is a randomly distributed, or genuine error term, and p is equal to 1. The autoregression procedure in SPSS identifies an AR term, estimates its parameters and includes it in the final equation. For a full review of time-series techniques and the problems of autocorrelation see David Sanders and Hugh Ward, 'Time-Series Techniques for Repeated Cross-Section Data', in R. Davies and A. Dale, eds, Analysing Social and Political Change: A Casebook of Methods (Thousand Oaks and London: Sage, 1994), pp. 201-23; and Charles W. Ostrom, Time Series Analysis Regression Techniques, 2nd edn, Sage University Paper 9 (London: Sage, 1990).
66. t is a randomly distributed, or genuine error term, and p is equal to 1. The autoregression procedure in SPSS identifies an AR term, estimates its parameters and includes it in the final equation. For a full review of time-series techniques and the problems of autocorrelation see David Sanders and Hugh Ward, 'Time-Series Techniques for Repeated Cross-Section Data', in R. Davies and A. Dale, eds, Analysing Social and Political Change: A Casebook of Methods (Thousand Oaks and London: Sage, 1994), pp. 201-23; and Charles W. Ostrom, Time Series Analysis Regression Techniques, 2nd edn, Sage University Paper 9 (London: Sage, 1990).
67. For a fuller discussion of the Mexican results as a reflection of the specificities of the Mexican political system, see Joe Foweraker, 'Measuring Citizenship in Mexico', in Monica Serrano and Victor Bulmer-Thomas, eds, Rebuilding the State: Mexico after Salinas (London: Institute of Latin American Studies, 1996), pp. 79-98.
68. See Joe Foweraker, Making Democracy in Spain: Grass-Roots Struggle in the South, 1955-1975 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989).
69. Foweraker, Making Democracy in Spain, p. 222.
70. This order of analysis has been carried out elsewhere. For a detailed analysis of social movement strategy in Spain, see Foweraker, Making Democracy in Spain; and for a full account of shifting 'political opportunity structures' in Mexico, see Joe Foweraker, Popular Mobilization in Mexico: The Teacher's Movement 1977-1987 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993).
71. This order of analysis has been carried out elsewhere. For a detailed analysis of social movement strategy in Spain, see Foweraker, Making Democracy in Spain; and for a full account of shifting 'political opportunity structures' in Mexico, see Joe Foweraker, Popular Mobilization in Mexico: The Teacher's Movement 1977-1987 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993).
72. The political impact of social movements is the grand incognitus of social movement research. Strange as it may seem, this question is usually treated intransitively, as if it were unimportant to know on what social movements are meant to have an impact. Consequently, the question is only rarely operationalized to good effect. Exceptions, or partial exceptions to the rule, which attempt some form of comparative or statistical analysis, include Gamson, The Strategy of Protest; Susan Welch, 'The Impact of Urban Riots on Urban Expenditures', American Journal of Political Science, 19 (1975), 741-60; and Frances Fox Piven and Richard Cloward, Poor People's Movements: Why They Succeed, How They Fail (New York: Pantheon Press, 1977), on North American movements; and Tarrow, Democracy and Disorder; J. Craig Jenkins and Bert Klandermans, eds, The Politics of Social Protest: Comparative Perspectives on States and Social Movements (London: UCL Press, 1995); and Kriesi et al., New Social Movements in Western Europe, on European movements.
73. The political impact of social movements is the grand incognitus of social movement research. Strange as it may seem, this question is usually treated intransitively, as if it were unimportant to know on what social movements are meant to have an impact. Consequently, the question is only rarely operationalized to good effect. Exceptions, or partial exceptions to the rule, which attempt some form of comparative or statistical analysis, include Gamson, The Strategy of Protest; Susan Welch, 'The Impact of Urban Riots on Urban Expenditures', American Journal of Political Science, 19 (1975), 741-60; and Frances Fox Piven and Richard Cloward, Poor People's Movements: Why They Succeed, How They Fail (New York: Pantheon Press, 1977), on North American movements; and Tarrow, Democracy and Disorder; J. Craig Jenkins and Bert Klandermans, eds, The Politics of Social Protest: Comparative Perspectives on States and Social Movements (London: UCL Press, 1995); and Kriesi et al., New Social Movements in Western Europe, on European movements.
74. The political impact of social movements is the grand incognitus of social movement research. Strange as it may seem, this question is usually treated intransitively, as if it were unimportant to know on what social movements are meant to have an impact. Consequently, the question is only rarely operationalized to good effect. Exceptions, or partial exceptions to the rule, which attempt some form of comparative or statistical analysis, include Gamson, The Strategy of Protest; Susan Welch, 'The Impact of Urban Riots on Urban Expenditures', American Journal of Political Science, 19 (1975), 741-60; and Frances Fox Piven and Richard Cloward, Poor People's Movements: Why They Succeed, How They Fail (New York: Pantheon Press, 1977), on North American movements; and Tarrow, Democracy and Disorder; J. Craig Jenkins and Bert Klandermans, eds, The Politics of Social Protest: Comparative Perspectives on States and Social Movements (London: UCL Press, 1995); and Kriesi et al., New Social Movements in Western Europe, on European movements.
75. The political impact of social movements is the grand incognitus of social movement research. Strange as it may seem, this question is usually treated intransitively, as if it were unimportant to know on what social movements are meant to have an impact. Consequently, the question is only rarely operationalized to good effect. Exceptions, or partial exceptions to the rule, which attempt some form of comparative or statistical analysis, include Gamson, The Strategy of Protest; Susan Welch, 'The Impact of Urban Riots on Urban Expenditures', American Journal of Political Science, 19 (1975), 741-60; and Frances Fox Piven and Richard Cloward, Poor People's Movements: Why They Succeed, How They Fail (New York: Pantheon Press, 1977), on North American movements; and Tarrow, Democracy and Disorder; J. Craig Jenkins and Bert Klandermans, eds, The Politics of Social Protest: Comparative Perspectives on States and Social Movements (London: UCL Press, 1995); and Kriesi et al., New Social Movements in Western Europe, on European movements.
76. The political impact of social movements is the grand incognitus of social movement research. Strange as it may seem, this question is usually treated intransitively, as if it were unimportant to know on what social movements are meant to have an impact. Consequently, the question is only rarely operationalized to good effect. Exceptions, or partial exceptions to the rule, which attempt some form of comparative or statistical analysis, include Gamson, The Strategy of Protest; Susan Welch, 'The Impact of Urban Riots on Urban Expenditures', American Journal of Political Science, 19 (1975), 741-60; and Frances Fox Piven and Richard Cloward, Poor People's Movements: Why They Succeed, How They Fail (New York: Pantheon Press, 1977), on North American movements; and Tarrow, Democracy and Disorder; J. Craig Jenkins and Bert Klandermans, eds, The Politics of Social Protest: Comparative Perspectives on States and Social Movements (London: UCL Press, 1995); and Kriesi et al., New Social Movements in Western Europe, on European movements.
77. The political impact of social movements is the grand incognitus of social movement research. Strange as it may seem, this question is usually treated intransitively, as if it were unimportant to know on what social movements are meant to have an impact. Consequently, the question is only rarely operationalized to good effect. Exceptions, or partial exceptions to the rule, which attempt some form of comparative or statistical analysis, include Gamson, The Strategy of Protest; Susan Welch, 'The Impact of Urban Riots on Urban Expenditures', American Journal of Political Science, 19 (1975), 741-60; and Frances Fox Piven and Richard Cloward, Poor People's Movements: Why They Succeed, How They Fail (New York: Pantheon Press, 1977), on North American movements; and Tarrow, Democracy and Disorder; J. Craig Jenkins and Bert Klandermans, eds, The Politics of Social Protest: Comparative Perspectives on States and Social Movements (London: UCL Press, 1995); and Kriesi et al., New Social Movements in Western Europe, on European movements.
78. Doug McAdam, John D. McCarthy and Mayer N. Zald, eds, Comparative Perspectives on Social Movements: Political Opportunities, Mobilizing Structures, and Cultural Framings (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996).
79. There is a further respect in which the inquiry may elucidate the idea of a 'political opportunity structure'. The literature remains ambiguous about the quality of this structure, and fails to resolve whether its existence is 'objective' or primarily 'subjective', in so far as opportunities must be perceived before they can influence collective action. See Alberto Melucci, 'Getting Involved: Identity and Mobilization in Social Movements', in Bert Klandermans, Hanspeter Kriesi and Sidney Tarrow, eds, From Structure to Action: Comparing Movements Across Cultures, International Social Movements Research, Vol. 1 (Greenwich, Conn.: JAI Press, 1988), pp. 329-48. By measuring the gap between rights-in-principle and rights-in-practice, and by tracing the influence of this gap on social mobilization, our research provides some empirical evidence for evaluating the impact of this perception on social mobilization.
80. Hobsbawm, Labouring Men; Thompson, The Making of the English Working Class.
81. Hobsbawm, Labouring Men; Thompson, The Making of the English Working Class.
82. M. Mann, The Sources of Social Power (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986), Volume 2.
83. See Ruschemeyer, Stephens and Stephens, Capitalist Development and Democracy, which is the major work of comparative historical sociology in the field and provides a wealth of empirical evidence. But the authors also conclude that the working-class movement has rarely been strong enough to win citizenship rights by itself, and has often had to depend on more powerful political allies or on splits in ruling-class coalitions.
84. See Foweraker, Theorizing Social Movements, pp. 37-45.
85. See James Malloy, 'The Politics of Transition in Latin America', in James Malloy and Mitchell A. Seligson, eds, Authoritarians and Democrats: Regime Transition in Latin America (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1987), pp. 235-58.
86. Held, 'Citizenship and Autonomy'.
87. See Joe Foweraker, The Struggle for Land: A Political Economy of the Pioneer Frontier in Brazil, from 1930 to the Present Day (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1981); Foweraker, Making Democracy in Spain; and Foweraker, Popular Mobilization in Mexico.
88. See Joe Foweraker, The Struggle for Land: A Political Economy of the Pioneer Frontier in Brazil, from 1930 to the Present Day (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1981); Foweraker, Making Democracy in Spain; and Foweraker, Popular Mobilization in Mexico.
89. See Joe Foweraker, The Struggle for Land: A Political Economy of the Pioneer Frontier in Brazil, from 1930 to the Present Day (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1981); Foweraker, Making Democracy in Spain; and Foweraker, Popular Mobilization in Mexico.
90. In the case of Brazil the new unionism of the late 1970s insisted that the workers themselves should decide their own forms of organization, while the strikes of 1979 seemed inspired by 'an assertion of rights rather than a demand for concessions'. See Margaret Keck, 'The "New Unionism" in the Brazilian Transition', in Alfred Stepan, ed., Democratizing Brazil (New York: Oxford University Press, 1989), pp. 252-98, at p. 289.
91. See Foweraker, Theorizing Social Movements, pp. 90-114.
92. Dankwart A. Rustow, 'Transitions to Democracy: Toward a Dynamic Model', Comparative Politics, 2 (1970), 337-63, p. 352.
93. Foweraker, Making Democracy in Spain, p. 2.
94. Guillermo O'Donnell and Phillippe Schmitter, Transitions from Authoritarian Rule: Tentative Conclusions about Uncertain Democracies (Baltimore, Md: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1986), p. 18. This point is reinforced by Przeworski who argues that splits in the regime combined with popular mobilization leads to political liberalization, but mobilization is still only conceived as a 'signal' to 'Liberalizers'. See Adam Przeworski, Democracy and the Market (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991), p. 57.
95. Guillermo O'Donnell and Phillippe Schmitter, Transitions from Authoritarian Rule: Tentative Conclusions about Uncertain Democracies (Baltimore, Md: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1986), p. 18. This point is reinforced by Przeworski who argues that splits in the regime combined with popular mobilization leads to political liberalization, but mobilization is still only conceived as a 'signal' to 'Liberalizers'. See Adam Przeworski, Democracy and the Market (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991), p. 57.
96. O'Donnell and Schmitter, Transitions from Authoritarian Rule, p. 26.
97. Daniel Levine, 'Paradigm Lost: Dependency to Democracy', World Politics, 40 (1988), 377-394, p. 85.
98. Thus, Przeworski studies the choices made by different attitudinal groups of elite actors (liberalizers and hardliners) during the process of transition, while both Higley and Gunther and Hagopian consider elite pacts and settlements made at the moment of democratic transition. Colomer and Colomer and Pascual attempt to formalize these elite-centred studies through the application of game theory to the Spanish and Polish transitions. Although these studies make important contributions to the analysis of democratic transitions, they tend to ignore the question of popular agency entirely. See Adam Przeworski, 'Some Problems in the Study of the Transition to Democracy', in Guillermo O'Donnell, Phillippe Schmitter and Laurence Whitehead, eds, Transitions from Authoritarian Rule: Comparative Perspectives (Baltimore, Md: Johns Hopkins University Press 1986), pp. 41-63; Przworski, Democracy and the Market; John Higley and Richard Gunther, Elites and Democratic Comsolidation in Latin America and Southern Europe (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992); Frances Hagopian, 'Democracy by Undemocratic Means? Elites Political Pacts and Regime Transition in Brazil', Comparative Political Studies, 23 (1990), 147-70; Josep M. Colomer, 'Transitions by Agreement: Modelling the Spanish Way', American Political Science Review, 85 (1991), 1283-302; and Josep M. Colomer and M. Pascual, 'The Polish Games of Transition,' Communist and Post-Communist Studies, 27 (1994), 275-94.
99. Thus, Przeworski studies the choices made by different attitudinal groups of elite actors (liberalizers and hardliners) during the process of transition, while both Higley and Gunther and Hagopian consider elite pacts and settlements made at the moment of democratic transition. Colomer and Colomer and Pascual attempt to formalize these elite-centred studies through the application of game theory to the Spanish and Polish transitions. Although these studies make important contributions to the analysis of democratic transitions, they tend to ignore the question of popular agency entirely. See Adam Przeworski, 'Some Problems in the Study of the Transition to Democracy', in Guillermo O'Donnell, Phillippe Schmitter and Laurence Whitehead, eds, Transitions from Authoritarian Rule: Comparative Perspectives (Baltimore, Md: Johns Hopkins University Press 1986), pp. 41-63; Przworski, Democracy and the Market; John Higley and Richard Gunther, Elites and Democratic Comsolidation in Latin America and Southern Europe (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992); Frances Hagopian, 'Democracy by Undemocratic Means? Elites Political Pacts and Regime Transition in Brazil', Comparative Political Studies, 23 (1990), 147-70; Josep M. Colomer, 'Transitions by Agreement: Modelling the Spanish Way', American Political Science Review, 85 (1991), 1283-302; and Josep M. Colomer and M. Pascual, 'The Polish Games of Transition,' Communist and Post-Communist Studies, 27 (1994), 275-94.
100. Thus, Przeworski studies the choices made by different attitudinal groups of elite actors (liberalizers and hardliners) during the process of transition, while both Higley and Gunther and Hagopian consider elite pacts and settlements made at the moment of democratic transition. Colomer and Colomer and Pascual attempt to formalize these elite-centred studies through the application of game theory to the Spanish and Polish transitions. Although these studies make important contributions to the analysis of democratic transitions, they tend to ignore the question of popular agency entirely. See Adam Przeworski, 'Some Problems in the Study of the Transition to Democracy', in Guillermo O'Donnell, Phillippe Schmitter and Laurence Whitehead, eds, Transitions from Authoritarian Rule: Comparative Perspectives (Baltimore, Md: Johns Hopkins University Press 1986), pp. 41-63; Przworski, Democracy and the Market; John Higley and Richard Gunther, Elites and Democratic Comsolidation in Latin America and Southern Europe (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992); Frances Hagopian, 'Democracy by Undemocratic Means? Elites Political Pacts and Regime Transition in Brazil', Comparative Political Studies, 23 (1990), 147-70; Josep M. Colomer, 'Transitions by Agreement: Modelling the Spanish Way', American Political Science Review, 85 (1991), 1283-302; and Josep M. Colomer and M. Pascual, 'The Polish Games of Transition,' Communist and Post-Communist Studies, 27 (1994), 275-94.
101. Thus, Przeworski studies the choices made by different attitudinal groups of elite actors (liberalizers and hardliners) during the process of transition, while both Higley and Gunther and Hagopian consider elite pacts and settlements made at the moment of democratic transition. Colomer and Colomer and Pascual attempt to formalize these elite-centred studies through the application of game theory to the Spanish and Polish transitions. Although these studies make important contributions to the analysis of democratic transitions, they tend to ignore the question of popular agency entirely. See Adam Przeworski, 'Some Problems in the Study of the Transition to Democracy', in Guillermo O'Donnell, Phillippe Schmitter and Laurence Whitehead, eds, Transitions from Authoritarian Rule: Comparative Perspectives (Baltimore, Md: Johns Hopkins University Press 1986), pp. 41-63; Przworski, Democracy and the Market; John Higley and Richard Gunther, Elites and Democratic Comsolidation in Latin America and Southern Europe (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992); Frances Hagopian, 'Democracy by Undemocratic Means? Elites Political Pacts and Regime Transition in Brazil', Comparative Political Studies, 23 (1990), 147-70; Josep M. Colomer, 'Transitions by Agreement: Modelling the Spanish Way', American Political Science Review, 85 (1991), 1283-302; and Josep M. Colomer and M. Pascual, 'The Polish Games of Transition,' Communist and Post-Communist Studies, 27 (1994), 275-94.
102. Thus, Przeworski studies the choices made by different attitudinal groups of elite actors (liberalizers and hardliners) during the process of transition, while both Higley and Gunther and Hagopian consider elite pacts and settlements made at the moment of democratic transition. Colomer and Colomer and Pascual attempt to formalize these elite-centred studies through the application of game theory to the Spanish and Polish transitions. Although these studies make important contributions to the analysis of democratic transitions, they tend to ignore the question of popular agency entirely. See Adam Przeworski, 'Some Problems in the Study of the Transition to Democracy', in Guillermo O'Donnell, Phillippe Schmitter and Laurence Whitehead, eds, Transitions from Authoritarian Rule: Comparative Perspectives (Baltimore, Md: Johns Hopkins University Press 1986), pp. 41-63; Przworski, Democracy and the Market; John Higley and Richard Gunther, Elites and Democratic Comsolidation in Latin America and Southern Europe (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992); Frances Hagopian, 'Democracy by Undemocratic Means? Elites Political Pacts and Regime Transition in Brazil', Comparative Political Studies, 23 (1990), 147-70; Josep M. Colomer, 'Transitions by Agreement: Modelling the Spanish Way', American Political Science Review, 85 (1991), 1283-302; and Josep M. Colomer and M. Pascual, 'The Polish Games of Transition,' Communist and Post-Communist Studies, 27 (1994), 275-94.
103. Thus, Przeworski studies the choices made by different attitudinal groups of elite actors (liberalizers and hardliners) during the process of transition, while both Higley and Gunther and Hagopian consider elite pacts and settlements made at the moment of democratic transition. Colomer and Colomer and Pascual attempt to formalize these elite-centred studies through the application of game theory to the Spanish and Polish transitions. Although these studies make important contributions to the analysis of democratic transitions, they tend to ignore the question of popular agency entirely. See Adam Przeworski, 'Some Problems in the Study of the Transition to Democracy', in Guillermo O'Donnell, Phillippe Schmitter and Laurence Whitehead, eds, Transitions from Authoritarian Rule: Comparative Perspectives (Baltimore, Md: Johns Hopkins University Press 1986), pp. 41-63; Przworski, Democracy and the Market; John Higley and Richard Gunther, Elites and Democratic Comsolidation in Latin America and Southern Europe (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992); Frances Hagopian, 'Democracy by Undemocratic Means? Elites Political Pacts and Regime Transition in Brazil', Comparative Political Studies, 23 (1990), 147-70; Josep M. Colomer, 'Transitions by Agreement: Modelling the Spanish Way', American Political Science Review, 85 (1991), 1283-302; and Josep M. Colomer and M. Pascual, 'The Polish Games of Transition,' Communist and Post-Communist Studies, 27 (1994), 275-94.
104. Jean Cohen and Andrew Arato, Civil Society and Political Theory (Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 1992), p. 439.
105. Alain Touraine, The Return of the Actor: Social Theory in Post-Industrial Society (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1988), p. 75.
106. Jane Jaquette, ed., The Women's Movement in Latin America: Feminism and the Transition to Democracy (Winchester, Mass.: Unwin Hyman, 1989), p. 194.