A stable ecumenical model? How religion might become a political issue in Albania

East European Quarterly

Volumn 34, Issue 1, 2000, Pages 21-49

  Gjuraj, Tonin ^a  

^a University of Shkodra Luigj Gurakuqi

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

EID: 0002745358     PISSN: 00128449     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: None     Document Type: Article

References (85)

1. In his article "Petre Tutea (1920-1991): The Urban Hermit of Romanian Spirituality," The Keston Journal: Religion, State and Society, Vol. 23, Number 4, December 1995: 319-341, Alexandra Popescu argues that most interethnic conflicts in the former communist countries have religious motivation.
2. See R. Serge Denisoff and Ralph Wahrman, An Introduction to Sociology, 3rd ed. (New York: McMillan Publishing Company, 1983).
3. David Miller, On Nationality (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1997), 159.
4. Miranda Viewers and James Pettifer, Albania: From Anarchy to Balkan Identity (London: Hurst & Company, 1997), 107.
5. Miranda Viewers and James Pettifer, Albania: From Anarchy to Balkan Identity Ibid., 117.
6. Joel Krieger, The Oxford Companion to Politics of the World, Joel Krieger, editor in chief (New York: Oxford University Press, 1993): 15.
7. Muslims, Orthodox, and Catholics are official religious organizations in the country. There are also nonofficial religious organizations which started their activity after the restoration of religion in 1990. There exist no official figures which give percentage of each religious groups in Albania. Religious leaders speculate by giving high figures for their respective religious communities. At the local level, such speculations are even worse. In the interviews I conducted with some of the religious leaders of Shkodra, I found out that in providing such high figures, a sort of competition seemed to take place between them.
8. For further explanations of the ideas for doubtful coexistence of multi-religious societies see Beth B. Hess, Elizabeth W. Markson and Peter J. Stein, Sociology, 3rd ed. (New York: McMillan Publishing Company, 1988).
9. For the relatively peaceful coexistence among religious groups in Albania, see Roberto Morozzo della Rocca, Kombesia dhe Feja ne Shqiperi (Tirane: Shtepia Botuese "Elena Gjika," 1994).
10. Aleksander Lopasic, "Cultures and Values of the Albanians in Diaspora," in Tom Winnifrith, ed., Perspectives on Albania (Basingstoke: McMillan, 1992), 89.
11. It is the time when the Turkish conquest (after 1385) had complicated the religious picture of the country, and everyday activities for many Albanians were regulated by the common customary law, especially from the 15th century on.
12. Fabian Schmidt, "Albania's Tradition of Pragmatism," in Open Media Research Institute, Transition Events and Issues in the Former Soviet Union and East-Central and South-Eastern Europe, Vol. 2, No. 7, 5 April 1996: 33. By two Churches we mean here both Christianity and Islam.
13. Stavro Skendi The Albanian National Awakening (1878-1912) (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1957), 470.
14. Arthur E. Liolin, "The Nature of Faith in Albania: Towards the 21st Century," East European Quarterly, XXXI, No. 2 (June, 1997), 188.
15. Martin Camaj, "Forward," in Kanuni i Leke Dukagjinit [The Code of Leke Dukagjin], translated, with an Introduction, by Leonard Fox (New York: Gjonlekaj Publishing Company; Albanian Text Collected and Arranged by Shtjefen Gjecov, 1989).
16. Martin Camaj, "Forward," in Kanuni i Leke Dukagjinit 1989). Ibid.
17. Bernard Jurgen Fischer, King Zog and the Struggle for stability in Albania (Boulder, CO: East European Monographs, 1984), 3.
18. Leonard Fox, "Introduction," in Kanuni i Leke Dukagjinit The Code of Leke Dukagjin, translated, with an Introduction, by Leonard Fox (New York: Gjonlekaj Publishing Company; Albanian Text Collected and Arranged by Shtjefen Gjecov, 1989).
19. For these arguments, see Winnifrith, Perspectives on Albania.
20. The author underlines the effective ways used by the Turkish authorities to win over the Albanian population and establish their religion. See also Max Demeter Peyfuss in Religion, State and Ethnic Groups, edited by D. A. Kerr in collaboration with M. Breuer, S. Gilley and E.C. Suttner (New York: New York University Press, 1992). The author explains the consequences of the process of conversion which, due to the Muslim dominant religion, created differences in the social position of Muslims and Christians, thus rendering more difficulties for the national unity.
21. Derek Hall, Albania and the Albanians (London: Pinter, 1994), 24.
22. Skendi, Albania and the Albanians op. cit. By occupying a strategic position, according to Skendi, Albania had to face predatory claims of many foreign countries. A strong argument defended by Skendi is that the relationship between Christians and Moslems developed by the existence of a common language, national history, culture, myth.
23. Skendi, Albania and the Albanians Ibid., 12. The author mentions both Catholic crypto-Christians and Orthodox crypto-Christians concentrated respectively in the Pashalik of Prizren, Ipek and plain of Kosova and in Shpat - an area between Elbasan and Berat.
24. Skendi, Albania and the Albanians Ibid., 8.
25. Skendi, Albania and the Albanians Ibid., 470.
26. Schmidt, Albania and the Albanians op. cit., 33.
27. Edith Durham in: The Albanian Question, edited by B.D. Destani (London: Albanian Community Centre "F. Konitza," 1996), 8.
28. Lopasic, The Albanian Question, op. cit., 90.
29. Nicholas Pano, "The Process of Democratization in Albania," in Karen Dawisha and Bruce Parrot, eds., Politics, Power, and the Struggle for democracy in South-East Europe (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997), 287.
30. See Roger East and Jolyon Pontin, Revolution and Change in Central and Eastern Europe, revised ed. (Great Britain: Pinter Publishers Ltd., 1997), 212.
31. See Roger East and Jolyon Pontin, Revolution and Change in Central and Eastern Europe, revised ed. Ibid., 213.
32. See Zef Simoni and Kolec Cefa, Martirizimi i Kishes Katolike Shqiptare 1994-1990 (Tirane: Shtypshkronja "At Gjergj Fishta," 1993). In it, they provide facts and data for this particular purpose.
33. See Zef Simoni and Kolec Cefa, Martirizimi i Kishes Katolike Shqiptare 1994-1990 1993). In it, they provide facts and data for this particular purpose. Ibid.
34. Simoni and Cefa document shocking evidence about the martyrdom of the clergy. According to them, communists started to execute the clergy right after they came to power. Among the first to be punished and jailed were Don Ndre Zadeja (1945), Father Vincens Prennushi (1945), Don Ndoc Nikaj (1946), Hafiz Derguti, mufti of Durres Mustafa Varoshi, Sulco Bej Bushati, Father Fausti, Dajani, Qerim Sadiku, Shllaku, Cafe Meta and many others. In total, some 160 Catholic clergy were given different punishments, whereas some 60 muftis and hoxhas shared the same fate. It should be noted here that most of the clergy being executed by the communist regime were not at all involved in politics. For further facts and explanations, see also Francesco Bota and Simon Pepa, Daniel Dajani S.J. Giovanni Fausti S. J. Deshmitare te nje feje qe nuk vdes (Shoqeria e Jezusit ne Shqiperi Libra te Inform Albania-s).
35. Hall, Daniel Dajani S.J. Giovanni Fausti S. J. Deshmitare te nje feje qe nuk vdes op. cit., 45.
36. Amnesty International, Albania: Political Imprisonment and the Law (AI EUR/11/04/1984), 13.
37. After 1967 Albania, unlike all the Balkan countries, officially proclaimed atheism. This was explicitly confirmed in the constitution of 1976. It became clear that, among other reasons, this country followed the example of China which had done the same thing since 1957. At that time, Albania had strong ties with communist China.
38. Peter R. Prifti, Socialist Albania since 1944: Domestic and Foreign Developments (Cambridge, MA: The MIT Press, 1978), 152.
39. Peter R. Prifti, Socialist Albania since 1944: Domestic and Foreign Developments Ibid., 165.
40. Zef Simoni and Kolec Cefa, Socialist Albania since 1944: Domestic and Foreign Developments op. cit.
41. After the closure of religious institutions, many people celebrated religious festivals secretly and regularly practiced all ritual obligations, such as circumcision for Moslems, baptism and wedlock for Christians. On the occasion of religious festivals, people of different religions continued to visit each other. A good example is also the pilgrimage made by several believers, on secret basis, to the city of Lac. At the individual level, religious faith could not be easily eradicated.
42. Brian H. Smith, "Religion and Politics: A New Look Through an Old Prism," in H.E. Chehabi and Alfred Stepan, eds., Essays in Honor of Juan J. Linz (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1995), 78.
43. Juan J. Linz and Alfred Stepan, Problems of Democratic Transition and Consolidation Southern Europe, South America, and Post-Communist Europe (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkin's University Press, 1996), 245-246.
44. For this argument, see Tom Winnifrith, Problems of Democratic Transition and Consolidation Southern Europe, South America, and Post-Communist Europe op. cit. The author argues that in the field of religion Enver Hoxha went further than his colleagues in the Central and Eastern European countries.
45. Arshi Pipa, Albanian Stalinism: Ideo-Political Aspects (Boulder, CO: East European Monographs, 1990), 91.
46. For this evidence, see again Francesco Bota and Simon Pepa, Albanian Stalinism: Ideo-Political Aspects op. cit.;
47. also, Zef Simoni and Kolec Cefa, Albanian Stalinism: Ideo-Political Aspects op. cit.
48. See Renee De Nevers, "Democratization and Ethnic Conflict," in Michael E. Brown, ed., Ethnic Conflict and International Security (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1993).
49. Algis Prazauskas, "Ethnic Conflicts in the Process of Democratizing Political Systems," Theory and Society, Vol. 20, 1991.
50. Samuel P. Huntington, The Clash of Civilisations and the Remaking of World Order (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1996), 96.
51. Nathalie Clayer, "Islam, State and Society in Post-Communist Albania," in Hugh Poulton and Suha-Taji-Farouki, eds., Muslim Identity and the Balkan State (London: Hurst & Company in association with the Islamic Council, 1997), 116.
52. Huntington, Muslim Identity and the Balkan State (London: Hurst & Company in association with the Islamic Council, op. cit.
53. He is very influential in promoting the idea that democratic institutions are inappropriate for non-Western countries, especially Moslem civilizations. Although he does not, in particular, address the case of Albania, he includes the country in the Moslem civilization. This becomes clear when we look at his map of nine major civilizations: Map 1.3 "The World of Civilisations: Post-1990," pp. 26-27.
54. "The World of Civilisations: Post-1990," Ibid., 126.
55. Alex de Tocqueville in: J.P. Mayer, ed., Democracy in America (New York: Harper & Row, 1966), 287.
56. For this problem, see Schmidt, Democracy in America op. cit., 33-35.
57. Interview with Father Aleksander Petani, Orthodox Community of Shkodra in March-April 1997. During this interview, on behalf of the Orthodox community he raised the issue of the restitution of property as their major concern. He considered it unfair to buy a piece of land to set up the Orthodox church instead of being compensated for the property which was confiscated by the communist regime. The "Shtepia e Oficereve" building used to be their church.
58. Clayer broadly treats this problem in her article, "Islam, State and Society in Post-Communist Albania," op. cit.
59. Islam, State and Society in Post-Communist Albania," Ibid.
60. Interview with the grand mufti of Shkodra Faik Hoxha, Moslem Community. The interview was conducted for a study on the coexistence of religious groups in multi-religious Shkodra, March-April 1997.
61. Interview with Archbishop Mons. Frano Ilia, Catholic Community. The interview was conducted for the same study; the Orthodox representative was also interviewed as well as other sects and cults present in Shkodra, March-April 1997.
62. Some of the converts being interviewed were willing to say that this phenomenon could not be explained in terms of the missionary activities, but to their attraction to what these cults or sects preach.
63. Smith, op. cit., 81.
64. This is an interview with Prof. Zef Mirdita, a historian of the Albanian Catholic Church. "Islam unistava Albance," Duga, Belgrade, 1, 627, 28 October-10 November 1995: 42-3 in: Poulton and Suha-Taji-Farouki, op. cit.
65. Huntington, op. cit. The author addresses this issue when regards the history of every civilization. He excludes Greece.
66. For this influential argument see Fan S. Noli in Faik Konitza, Albania: The Rock Garden of Southeastern Europe and Other Essays (edited and amplified by G.M. Panarity), September 1957: 132-3.
67. Vickers and Pettifer, Albania: The Rock Garden of Southeastern Europe and Other Essays op. cit., 105.
68. Vickers and Pettifer, Albania: The Rock Garden of Southeastern Europe and Other Essays Ibid., 105-106.
69. Vickers and Pettifer, Albania: The Rock Garden of Southeastern Europe and Other Essays Ibid., 108.
70. Vickers and Pettifer, Albania: The Rock Garden of Southeastern Europe and Other Essays Ibid., 108.
71. Robert A. Dahl, Polyarchy Participation and Opposition (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1971), 115-119. The author mentions the necessity for some kind of understandings when dealing with such issues.
72. Miller, Polyarchy Participation and Opposition op. cit., 120.
73. Miller, Polyarchy Participation and Opposition Ibid., 120.
74. Miller, Polyarchy Participation and Opposition Ibid., 120.
75. For this explanation, see Elez Biberaj, Albania - A Socialist Maverick (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1990). In this book, the author argues that religious diversity did not obstruct national unity.
76. See the exploration of this point in Skendi, Albania - A Socialist Maverick op. cit.
77. See also, Eric J. Hobsbawm, Kombet & Nacionalizmi qe nga 1780 Programmi, Miti, Realiteti (Toena & Fondacioni Soros, 1996). He considers the role of the common language for the Albanian cultural identification.
78. Linz and Stepan, Kombet & Nacionalizmi qe nga 1780 Programmi, Miti, Realiteti op. cit., 245.
79. Schmidt, Kombet & Nacionalizmi qe nga 1780 Programmi, Miti, Realiteti op. cit., 35.
80. Pano, Kombet & Nacionalizmi qe nga 1780 Programmi, Miti, Realiteti op. cit., 331.
81. Pano, Kombet & Nacionalizmi qe nga 1780 Programmi, Miti, Realiteti Ibid., 331.
82. Vickers and Pettifer, Kombet & Nacionalizmi qe nga 1780 Programmi, Miti, Realiteti op. cit., 113.
83. Nikolla Marku is an Orthodox priest from Elbasan who held a mass in November 1995, but he is not recognized by Yannulatos, the head of the Albanian Orthodox Church from Greece. Though people supported Nikolla Marku, Yannulatos asked the General Prosecutor to bring the case to the court. This issue is still not clear and the conflict between them continues.
84. Vickers and Pettifer, op. cit., 103.
85. A.F. Heath, B. Taylor and G. Toka, "Religion, Morality and Politics," in Jowell et al, (eds.), International Social Attitudes: The 10th BSA Report, Aldershots Dartmouth, 1993: 49-80.