Relics, oaths and politics in thirteenth-century Siam

Journal of Southeast Asian Studies

Volumn 32, Issue 1, 2001, Pages 3-66

  Wyatt, David K ^a  

^a Department of Molecular Biology and Genetics   (United States)

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

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EID: 9444285914     PISSN: 00224634     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1017/s0022463401000017     Document Type: Article

References (237)

1. Robert S. Wicks, Money, Markets, and Trade in Early Southeast Asia: The Development of Indigenous Monetary Systems to AD 1400 (Ithaca: Cornell Southeast Asia Program, 1992), pp. 157-63. A stimulating synthesis of Dvāravatī's history is Dhida Saraya, (Sī) Thawārawadī (Bangkok: Müang Bōrān, 1989). She expresses a preference for the Suphanburi region for its capital.
2. Robert S. Wicks, Money, Markets, and Trade in Early Southeast Asia: The Development of Indigenous Monetary Systems to AD 1400 (Ithaca: Cornell Southeast Asia Program, 1992), pp. 157-63. A stimulating synthesis of Dvāravatī's history is Dhida Saraya, (Sī) Thawārawadī (Bangkok: Müang Bōrān, 1989). She expresses a preference for the Suphanburi region for its capital.
3. See Dhida Saraya, (Sri) Dvaravati: The Initial Phase of Siam's History (Bangkok: Muang Bōrān, 1999).
4. Phòngsi Wanasin and Thiwa Supcanya, Müang bōrān bòriwēn chaifang thalē dœm khòng thīrap phāk klāng Prathēt Thai (Ancient cities on the former coastline in the Central Plain of Thailand) (Chulalongkorn University Research Report Series, no. 1; Bangkok, 1981).
5. This work builds on the pathbreaking work of Yoshikazu Takaya, 'Topographical Analysis of the Southern Basin of the Central Plain, Thailand', Tonan Ajia Kenkyu (Southeast Asian Studies), 7, 2 (Dec. 1969): 293-300. I have based Map 1 on Phòngsi and Thiwa, Muang bōrān, p. 46.
6. This work builds on the pathbreaking work of Yoshikazu Takaya, 'Topographical Analysis of the Southern Basin of the Central Plain, Thailand', Tonan Ajia Kenkyu (Southeast Asian Studies), 7, 2 (Dec. 1969): 293-300. I have based Map 1 on Phòngsi and Thiwa, Muang bōrān, p. 46.
7. 'Declaration of independence' is, of course, a reference to the article by A.B. Griswold and Prasert na Nagara, 'A Declaration of Independence and Its Consequences', reprinted in the collected edition of their articles on Sukhothai epigraphy, Epigraphic and Historical Studies [henceforth EHS] (Bangkok: The Historical Society, 1992), pp. 1-42. The piece originally appeared in the Journal of the Siam Society [hereafter JSS], 56, 2 (July 1968): 207-50.
8. 'Declaration of independence' is, of course, a reference to the article by A.B. Griswold and Prasert na Nagara, 'A Declaration of Independence and Its Consequences', reprinted in the collected edition of their articles on Sukhothai epigraphy, Epigraphic and Historical Studies [henceforth EHS] (Bangkok: The Historical Society, 1992), pp. 1-42. The piece originally appeared in the Journal of the Siam Society [hereafter JSS], 56, 2 (July 1968): 207-50.
9. See Donald K. Swearer and Sommai Premchit, The Legend of Queen Cama (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1998).
10. G. Cœdès, 'Nouvelles données épigraphiques sur l'histoire del'Indochine centrale', Journal Asiatique, 246 (1958): 132. The inscription is catalogued by the Venerable Maha Cham Thongkhamwan as no. 35, in Prachum sīlā cāruk [Collected Inscriptions] III (Bangkok: Fine Arts Department, 1965), pp. 12-18. The 'late Dvāravatī' Buddha image found with it is pictured in Khien Yimsiri and Emcee Chand, Thai Monumental Bronzes (Bangkok: Khien Yimsiri, 1957), plate 20. The plates from the latter book, with much additional text in Thai, are also in: Hānghunsūan Sāman Nitibukkhon Bunsong Phutthānusòn [Buddhist Commemoration] (Bangkok, 1957). The rendering of the feet on this image is strongly reminiscent of the boundary stones of Müang Fā Dæt, Kalasin province (cf. plate 22). The same descent-from-heaven scene also appears at Muang Fa Dæt (Plate 1).
11. G. Cœdès, 'Nouvelles données épigraphiques sur l'histoire del'Indochine centrale', Journal Asiatique, 246 (1958): 132. The inscription is catalogued by the Venerable Maha Cham Thongkhamwan as no. 35, in Prachum sīlā cāruk [Collected Inscriptions] III (Bangkok: Fine Arts Department, 1965), pp. 12-18. The 'late Dvāravatī' Buddha image found with it is pictured in Khien Yimsiri and Emcee Chand, Thai Monumental Bronzes (Bangkok: Khien Yimsiri, 1957), plate 20. The plates from the latter book, with much additional text in Thai, are also in: Hānghunsūan Sāman Nitibukkhon Bunsong Phutthānusòn [Buddhist Commemoration] (Bangkok, 1957). The rendering of the feet on this image is strongly reminiscent of the boundary stones of Müang Fā Dæt, Kalasin province (cf. plate 22). The same descent-from-heaven scene also appears at Muang Fa Dæt (Plate 1).
12. G. Cœdès, 'Nouvelles données épigraphiques sur l'histoire del'Indochine centrale', Journal Asiatique, 246 (1958): 132. The inscription is catalogued by the Venerable Maha Cham Thongkhamwan as no. 35, in Prachum sīlā cāruk [Collected Inscriptions] III (Bangkok: Fine Arts Department, 1965), pp. 12-18. The 'late Dvāravatī' Buddha image found with it is pictured in Khien Yimsiri and Emcee Chand, Thai Monumental Bronzes (Bangkok: Khien Yimsiri, 1957), plate 20. The plates from the latter book, with much additional text in Thai, are also in: Hānghunsūan Sāman Nitibukkhon Bunsong Phutthānusòn [Buddhist Commemoration] (Bangkok, 1957). The rendering of the feet on this image is strongly reminiscent of the boundary stones of Müang Fā Dæt, Kalasin province (cf. plate 22). The same descent-from-heaven scene also appears at Muang Fa Dæt (Plate 1).
13. G. Cœdès, 'Nouvelles données épigraphiques sur l'histoire del'Indochine centrale', Journal Asiatique, 246 (1958): 132. The inscription is catalogued by the Venerable Maha Cham Thongkhamwan as no. 35, in Prachum sīlā cāruk [Collected Inscriptions] III (Bangkok: Fine Arts Department, 1965), pp. 12-18. The 'late Dvāravatī' Buddha image found with it is pictured in Khien Yimsiri and Emcee Chand, Thai Monumental Bronzes (Bangkok: Khien Yimsiri, 1957), plate 20. The plates from the latter book, with much additional text in Thai, are also in: Hānghunsūan Sāman Nitibukkhon Bunsong Phutthānusòn [Buddhist Commemoration] (Bangkok, 1957). The rendering of the feet on this image is strongly reminiscent of the boundary stones of Müang Fā Dæt, Kalasin province (cf. plate 22). The same descent-from-heaven scene also appears at Muang Fa Dæt (Plate 1).
14. The Pali face does not seem to have been published, except in Prachum silā cāruk, III, p. 13; I have transcribed it from the Thai translation.
15. Since Cœdès makes two bhay equal 40, I render one bhay as a 'score', 20.
16. Only the Thai version (Prachum silā cārük, III, p. 15) gives the full list. Each of the rice-fields is delimited with reference to adjoining natural features, which all seem to have Khmer names.
17. I have considerable difficulty with Cœdès' date, which he says Roger Billard has worked out, citing a long letter from Billard explaining his difficulties with it. He resolves the problem by arguing that the year number is expressed in elapsed rather than current years, making it possible to place the inscription in the month Māgha of 1088 rather than 1089 of the Mahāśakaråja Era. The computer program for the Macintosh by Lars Gislén (called 'SEAC' latest version 3.7.7), based on the book by J. C. Eade, shows no such lunar mansion on a Sunday in the middle of any month in any year anywhere near 1167. (See J.C Eade, The Calendrical Systems of Mainland Southeast Asia [Handbuch der Orientalistik 3 Abt., Bd. 9; Leiden: Brill, 1995]). Moreover, Eade informs me (personal communication, April 1997) that he knows of no instances in this region when the current/elapsed difference is applicable. Given these difficulties, the most likely date for the inscription seems to me to be 4 February 1168, a Sunday - a day on which the Purváshādha lunar mansion began late in the day. This was, however, the tenth day of the waning moon of the month of Māgha, not the full-moon day.
18. Indeed, in the final edition of his The Indianized States of Southeast Asia, tr. Susan Brown Cowing, ed. Walter F. Vella (Honolulu: University of Hawaii, 1968), p. 163, Cœdès expresses his preference for Lopburi rather than Haripun̄jaya.
19. Ibid., p. 163.
20. Ibid., pp. 169-70.
21. Cœdès thought Jayavarman VII had been born no later than 1125, and was around 55 years old when he became king (ibid., p. 169). He would therefore have been 90-95 years old when he perished around 1219. This fact gives pause to Pierre Lamant, 'Pour une nouvelle problématique du règne de Jayavarman VII', Asie du Sud-Est et Monde Insulindien, 15, 1-4 (1984): 104. His article goes on to underline the desperate defensive quality of the period, a salutary corrective to the usual writing about the reign. On the death of Jayavarman, see also O. W. Wolters, 'Tambralinga', Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, 21, 3 (1958): 607 n.
22. Cœdès thought Jayavarman VII had been born no later than 1125, and was around 55 years old when he became king (ibid., p. 169). He would therefore have been 90-95 years old when he perished around 1219. This fact gives pause to Pierre Lamant, 'Pour une nouvelle problématique du règne de Jayavarman VII', Asie du Sud-Est et Monde Insulindien, 15, 1-4 (1984): 104. His article goes on to underline the desperate defensive quality of the period, a salutary corrective to the usual writing about the reign. On the death of Jayavarman, see also O. W. Wolters, 'Tambralinga', Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, 21, 3 (1958): 607 n.
23. G. Cœdès, 'La stèle du Práh Khan d'Aṅkor', Bulletin de l'École française d'Extrême-Orient [hereafter BEFEO], 41 (1941): 295-9.
24. Cœdès' notes on this verse simply refer to other epigraphic references to these localities, without guesses as to where they might have been located.
25. Cœdès only states that this might have been a provisional residence of the king, occupied while Yaśodharapura was being renovated and enlarged.
26. There is no doubt that Lopburi (Lavo) is indicated, particularly as the toponyms that follow all are located in the same general area.
27. Suphanburi seems indicated.
28. Cœdès notes that 'The name of Çāmbūka is found in the pre-Angkorean epoch in an inscription engraved on a statue of the Buddha belonging, by its style, to the school of Dvaravati, dug up ... Lopburi' (Cœdès, Recueil des inscriptions du Siam II [Bangkok: Department of Fine Arts, 1961], p. 14). He suggests that it must be located in the Menam valley, but is no more definite. Phòngsi and Thiwa, Mudie;ang bōrān, p. 46, code no. 10.2, locate this place at Ban Pong in Ratburi province. They follow, among others, M.C. Subhadradis Diskul, 'Silā cārük prasāt Phra Khan' [The Inscription of Phra Khan], Sinlapakòn, 10, 2 (July 1966): 56; he, however, quotes Tri Amatyakul without agreeing with him. The same article (p. 61) gives a plan of the supposed Sambūkapattana site.
29. Cœdès notes that 'The name of Çāmbūka is found in the pre-Angkorean epoch in an inscription engraved on a statue of the Buddha belonging, by its style, to the school of Dvaravati, dug up ... Lopburi' (Cœdès, Recueil des inscriptions du Siam II [Bangkok: Department of Fine Arts, 1961], p. 14). He suggests that it must be located in the Menam valley, but is no more definite. Phòngsi and Thiwa, Mudie;ang bōrān, p. 46, code no. 10.2, locate this place at Ban Pong in Ratburi province. They follow, among others, M.C. Subhadradis Diskul, 'Silā cārük prasāt Phra Khan' [The Inscription of Phra Khan], Sinlapakòn, 10, 2 (July 1966): 56; he, however, quotes Tri Amatyakul without agreeing with him. The same article (p. 61) gives a plan of the supposed Sambūkapattana site.
30. Cœdès notes that 'The name of Çāmbūka is found in the pre-Angkorean epoch in an inscription engraved on a statue of the Buddha belonging, by its style, to the school of Dvaravati, dug up ... Lopburi' (Cœdès, Recueil des inscriptions du Siam II [Bangkok: Department of Fine Arts, 1961], p. 14). He suggests that it must be located in the Menam valley, but is no more definite. Phòngsi and Thiwa, Mudie;ang bōrān, p. 46, code no. 10.2, locate this place at Ban Pong in Ratburi province. They follow, among others, M.C. Subhadradis Diskul, 'Silā cārük prasāt Phra Khan' [The Inscription of Phra Khan], Sinlapakòn, 10, 2 (July 1966): 56; he, however, quotes Tri Amatyakul without agreeing with him. The same article (p. 61) gives a plan of the supposed Sambūkapattana site.
31. Clearly Ratburi (Rājapurī), as Cœdès thought.
32. Given the logic of this list, if it is in some rough geographical order, then this must be the Müang Singburi of the Prasat Müang Sing in Kancanaburi province, rather than the Singburi northwest of Ayudhya. On this site, see Rāingān kānkhuttāēng lœ būrana Prasāt Müang Sing [Report on the Excavation and Restoration of Prasat Müang Sing], ed. Raphisak Chatchawan (Bangkok: Fine Arts Department, 1977).
33. For most of the rest of the toponyms in stanzas CXVII through CXIX Cœdès is unable to come up with identifications (nor have later scholars been able to do so).
34. For Cœdès on these edifices, see above, and "Les gītes d'étape à la fin du XIIe siècle", BEFEO, 40 (1940); 347. I have written 'hearth' rather than 'fire' here, so as to retain some ambiguity, as the fire or hearth can have either a sacerdotal or a domestic connotation.
35. I am told that this route can still be traced from the air.
36. Usually in early March.
37. Cœdès: The mother of Jayavarman VII, deified at Ta Prohm under the traits of the Prajn̄apāramitā.
38. Above it is only 23, not 25.
39. Cœdès: Name of one of the oldest Śaivite divinities venerated in Cambodia, notably at Vat Phu.
40. Cœdès: Vaishnavite divinity very frequently mentioned, notably in the stele of Phimanakas, st. LXXXVIII, Inscriptions du Cambodge, I (Hanoi: Imprimerie d'Extrême-Orient, 1937), p. 139.
41. Cœdès: Śaivite divinity mentioned under the name of Prahvadri in the Phimanakas inscription (st. LXXXVIII) and from the eleventh century in the stele of Prah Nok (st. C, XXXII and LI).
42. Here 'gods' seems to refer to images of stone or metal.
43. Cœdès (Indianized States, p. 172) is generally followed in interpreting 'Yavana' as meaning the Vietnamese. It is worth asking whether the reference might instead be to a kingdom in the north of Siam, or even specifically to Yonok or Haripun̄jaya.
44. Cœdès: This reference to the 'two kings of the Chams' is enough to date the inscription within the period 1190 to 1192, when those kings reigned; see Georges Maspéro, Le royaume de Champa (Paris & Brussels: G. Van Oest, 1928), p. 165.
45. o) by which the inscription of Ta Prohm designates idols re-assembled in the sanctuary on the occasion of the annual fête. ...' 'The text concludes its enumeration by saying that the water of daily ablutions was furnished by Sūryabhatta and the other brahmans, by the king of Java, the king of the Yavana, and the two kings of Champa. ...' (The rest deals with the identification of these kings.)
46. G. Cœdès, 'Études cambodgiennes, XIX: La date du Bàyon', BEFEO, 28 (1928): 81-146. The 40 inscriptions (collectively catalogued as K.293) are given there in transcription but not in translation (pp. 104-12). K.293.3 mentions the Jayabuddhamahānātha of 'Çrījayarājapurī' (Ratburi), and K.293.6 that of 'Çrījayavajrapura' (Phetburi). Pises Jiajanpong points out that the inscriptions at the Bayon at Angkor say 'The Jaya Buddha Mahanatha of Vajrapuri is established here' and 'The Jaya Buddha Mahanatha of Rajapuri is established here', casting doubt on the idea that the Buddha images ever were sent to the provinces ('Reflections on Müang Sing', tr. Michael Wright, in Suchit Wongthet and Pises Jiajanpong, Müang Sing lœ Prasāt Müang Sing [Bangkok: Fine Arts Dept., 1987], p. 78). My view is that replicas of the images, which unlike the images themselves were portable, were set up at these spots in the capital for the duration of the annual ceremonies. That the Jayabuddhamahānātha images were sent to the provinces is attested by their discovery at provincial sites such as Sukhothai and Phimai. See also Hiram W. Woodward, Jr, 'The Jayabuddhamahānātha Images of Cambodia', The Journal of the Walters Art Gallery, 52/53 (1994/95); 105-11.
47. G. Cœdès, 'Études cambodgiennes, XIX: La date du Bàyon', BEFEO, 28 (1928): 81-146. The 40 inscriptions (collectively catalogued as K.293) are given there in transcription but not in translation (pp. 104-12). K.293.3 mentions the Jayabuddhamahānātha of 'Çrījayarājapurī' (Ratburi), and K.293.6 that of 'Çrījayavajrapura' (Phetburi). Pises Jiajanpong points out that the inscriptions at the Bayon at Angkor say 'The Jaya Buddha Mahanatha of Vajrapuri is established here' and 'The Jaya Buddha Mahanatha of Rajapuri is established here', casting doubt on the idea that the Buddha images ever were sent to the provinces ('Reflections on Müang Sing', tr. Michael Wright, in Suchit Wongthet and Pises Jiajanpong, Müang Sing lœ Prasāt Müang Sing [Bangkok: Fine Arts Dept., 1987], p. 78). My view is that replicas of the images, which unlike the images themselves were portable, were set up at these spots in the capital for the duration of the annual ceremonies. That the Jayabuddhamahānātha images were sent to the provinces is attested by their discovery at provincial sites such as Sukhothai and Phimai. See also Hiram W. Woodward, Jr, 'The Jayabuddhamahānātha Images of Cambodia', The Journal of the Walters Art Gallery, 52/53 (1994/95); 105-11.
48. G. Cœdès, 'Études cambodgiennes, XIX: La date du Bàyon', BEFEO, 28 (1928): 81-146. The 40 inscriptions (collectively catalogued as K.293) are given there in transcription but not in translation (pp. 104-12). K.293.3 mentions the Jayabuddhamahānātha of 'Çrījayarājapurī' (Ratburi), and K.293.6 that of 'Çrījayavajrapura' (Phetburi). Pises Jiajanpong points out that the inscriptions at the Bayon at Angkor say 'The Jaya Buddha Mahanatha of Vajrapuri is established here' and 'The Jaya Buddha Mahanatha of Rajapuri is established here', casting doubt on the idea that the Buddha images ever were sent to the provinces ('Reflections on Müang Sing', tr. Michael Wright, in Suchit Wongthet and Pises Jiajanpong, Müang Sing lœ Prasāt Müang Sing [Bangkok: Fine Arts Dept., 1987], p. 78). My view is that replicas of the images, which unlike the images themselves were portable, were set up at these spots in the capital for the duration of the annual ceremonies. That the Jayabuddhamahānātha images were sent to the provinces is attested by their discovery at provincial sites such as Sukhothai and Phimai. See also Hiram W. Woodward, Jr, 'The Jayabuddhamahānātha Images of Cambodia', The Journal of the Walters Art Gallery, 52/53 (1994/95); 105-11.
49. O.W. Wolters, 'Chên-li-fu, a state on the gulf of Siam at the beginning of the 13th century', JSS, 48, 2 (Nov. 1960): 1-36.
50. Ibid., notes 1 and 2.
51. Ibid., pp. 14-15.
52. Ibid., p. 2.
53. Ibid., p. 4.
54. Ibid., p. 16.
55. Ibid., p. 1.
56. Ibid., p. 24, n. 8; and Sachchidanand Sahai, Les institutions politiques et l'organisation administrative du Cambodge ancien (VIe-XIIIe siècles) (Publ. de l'EFEO, LXXV; Paris: EFEO, 1970), pp. 19-20.
57. Ibid., p. 24, n. 8; and Sachchidanand Sahai, Les institutions politiques et l'organisation administrative du Cambodge ancien (VIe-XIIIe siècles) (Publ. de l'EFEO, LXXV; Paris: EFEO, 1970), pp. 19-20.
58. Wolters, 'Chên-li-fu', p. 1.
59. Ibid., p. 5.
60. Ibid., p. 4.
61. Friedrich Hirth and W. W. Rockhill, Chau Ju-kua: His Work on the Chinese and Arab Trade in the Twelfth and Thirteenth centuries, entitled Chu-fan-chï (St. Petersburg: Imperial Academy of Sciences, 1911; Taipei (reprint): Ch'eng Wen Publishing Co., 1965), p. 53; W. W. Rockhill, 'Notes on the Relations and Trade of China', T'oung Pao, 16 (1915): 61-159. I fail to understand how Angkor might have controlled Tambralinga in 1225 without controlling 'Chia-lo-hsi' (Grahi), which is thought to have lain in the Chasya region. I worry that such Chinese sources sometimes copied uncritically from previous writers.
62. Friedrich Hirth and W. W. Rockhill, Chau Ju-kua: His Work on the Chinese and Arab Trade in the Twelfth and Thirteenth centuries, entitled Chu-fan-chï (St. Petersburg: Imperial Academy of Sciences, 1911; Taipei (reprint): Ch'eng Wen Publishing Co., 1965), p. 53; W. W. Rockhill, 'Notes on the Relations and Trade of China', T'oung Pao, 16 (1915): 61-159. I fail to understand how Angkor might have controlled Tambralinga in 1225 without controlling 'Chia-lo-hsi' (Grahi), which is thought to have lain in the Chasya region. I worry that such Chinese sources sometimes copied uncritically from previous writers.
63. The source of this date is Phra Bòrihan Thepthani, Phongsāwadān chāt Thai [Chronicle of the Thai Nation] (Bangkok: Pracak Witthaya, 1965) vol II, pp. 13-16. The episode is in David K. Wyatt, The Crystal Sands: The Chronicles of Nagara Sri Dharrmaraja (Ithaca: Cornell Southeast Asia Program, 1975), pp. 102-5.
64. The source of this date is Phra Bòrihan Thepthani, Phongsāwadān chāt Thai [Chronicle of the Thai Nation] (Bangkok: Pracak Witthaya, 1965) vol II, pp. 13-16. The episode is in David K. Wyatt, The Crystal Sands: The Chronicles of Nagara Sri Dharrmaraja (Ithaca: Cornell Southeast Asia Program, 1975), pp. 102-5.
65. Cœdès, Indianized States, p. 180, and Georges Cœdès, Inscriptions du Cambodge, II (Hanoi: Imprimerie d'Extrême-Orient, 1942), p. 176.
66. Cœdès, Indianized States, p. 180, and Georges Cœdès, Inscriptions du Cambodge, II (Hanoi: Imprimerie d'Extrême-Orient, 1942), p. 176.
67. Wolters, 'Chên-li-fu', p. 19.
68. Cœdès, Indianized States, pp. 159-66.
69. But see Paul Bishop, Donald Hein, and David Godley, 'Was Medieval Sawankhalok like Modern Bangkok, Flooded Every Few Years but an Economic Powerhouse Nonetheless?' Asian Perspectives, 35, 2 (1996). 119-53.
70. Ram Khamhæng Inscription, face I, lines 18-19; see Griswold and Prasert, 'The Inscription of Rāma Gamheṅ of Sukhodaya (1292 A.D.)', EHS, pp. 241-90; it was first published in JSS 59, 2 (1971).
71. Ram Khamhæng Inscription, face I, lines 18-19; see Griswold and Prasert, 'The Inscription of Rāma Gamheṅ of Sukhodaya (1292 A.D.)', EHS, pp. 241-90; it was first published in JSS 59, 2 (1971).
72. Roxanna M. Brown, The Ceramics of South-east Asia: Their Dating and Identification, 2nd edn (Singapore: Oxford University Press, 1988), pp. 74-5.
73. Ibid., p. 6.
74. Ibid., p. 7. Based on her reading of Brown, Jennifer Foley (personal communication) sees a strong connection between the growth of ceramics production and the rise of state power in Angkor in the ninth century.
75. The treatment of the ceramics industry that follows is based upon discussions with Roxanna Brown and M.R. Rujaya Abhakorn, as well as, among others, J. C. Shaw, Introducing Thai Ceramics, Also Burmese and Khmer (Chiang Mai: Duangphorn Kemasingki, 1987); Brown, Ceramics; B. Refuge, Swankalok, de export-ceramiek van Siam (Lochem: De Tijdstroom, 1976); and promotional materials from Mengrai Kilns in Chiang Mai.
76. The treatment of the ceramics industry that follows is based upon discussions with Roxanna Brown and M.R. Rujaya Abhakorn, as well as, among others, J. C. Shaw, Introducing Thai Ceramics, Also Burmese and Khmer (Chiang Mai: Duangphorn Kemasingki, 1987); Brown, Ceramics; B. Refuge, Swankalok, de export-ceramiek van Siam (Lochem: De Tijdstroom, 1976); and promotional materials from Mengrai Kilns in Chiang Mai.
77. The treatment of the ceramics industry that follows is based upon discussions with Roxanna Brown and M.R. Rujaya Abhakorn, as well as, among others, J. C. Shaw, Introducing Thai Ceramics, Also Burmese and Khmer (Chiang Mai: Duangphorn Kemasingki, 1987); Brown, Ceramics; B. Refuge, Swankalok, de export-ceramiek van Siam (Lochem: De Tijdstroom, 1976); and promotional materials from Mengrai Kilns in Chiang Mai.
78. See Paul Wheatley, The Golden Khersonese (Kuala Lumpur: University of Malaya Press, 1961), especially pp. 61-4.
79. Paul Pelliot, Mémoires sur les coutumes du Cambodge de Tcheou Ta-kouan (Œuvres posthumes de Paul Pelliot, III; Paris, 1951), p. 14; Chou Ta-kuan, Notes on the Customs of Cambodia, translated from Pelliot's French version by J. Gilman d'Arcy Paul (Bangkok: Social Science Association Press, 1967), p. 37.
80. Paul Pelliot, Mémoires sur les coutumes du Cambodge de Tcheou Ta-kouan (Œuvres posthumes de Paul Pelliot, III; Paris, 1951), p. 14; Chou Ta-kuan, Notes on the Customs of Cambodia, translated from Pelliot's French version by J. Gilman d'Arcy Paul (Bangkok: Social Science Association Press, 1967), p. 37.
81. In writing this paragraph, I am reminded that the region in question was difficult to rule even in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, probably for similar reasons.
82. The Ram Khamhœng Controversy: Collected Papers, ed. James R. Chamberlain (Bangkok: The Siam Society, 1991).
83. Hans Penth, 'The Date of the Wat Bang Sanuk Inscription', Proceedings of the 6th International Conference on Thai Studies; Theme VI, Chiang Mai 1296-1996: 700th Anniversary (Chiang Mai, 1996), pp. 19-29. Penth's most recent writing on this inscription is 'The Date of the Wat Bang Sanuk Inscription', JSS, 84, 2 (1996): 5-16.
84. Hans Penth, 'The Date of the Wat Bang Sanuk Inscription', Proceedings of the 6th International Conference on Thai Studies; Theme VI, Chiang Mai 1296-1996: 700th Anniversary (Chiang Mai, 1996), pp. 19-29. Penth's most recent writing on this inscription is 'The Date of the Wat Bang Sanuk Inscription', JSS, 84, 2 (1996): 5-16.
85. Indeed, this seems precisely to have been the route taken by Ernest Satow when travelling from Bangkok to Chiang Mai in 1885; see his account, A Diplomat in Siam, ed. Nigel Brailey (Gartmore, Scotland: Paid Strachan-Kiscadale, 1996). This passage is the route taken by the modern railway line.
86. The Wat Bang Sanuk Inscription is published in A. B. Griswold and Prasert na Nagara, 'The Second Oldest Writing in Siamese', JSS, 67, 1 (1979): 179-228; reprinted in EHS, pp. 768-72. It was published in Thai in Cārük samai Sukhōthai [Inscriptions from the Sukhothai Period] (Bangkok: Fine Arts Department, 1983), pp. 21-5.
87. The Wat Bang Sanuk Inscription is published in A. B. Griswold and Prasert na Nagara, 'The Second Oldest Writing in Siamese', JSS, 67, 1 (1979): 179-228; reprinted in EHS, pp. 768-72. It was published in Thai in Cārük samai Sukhōthai [Inscriptions from the Sukhothai Period] (Bangkok: Fine Arts Department, 1983), pp. 21-5.
88. The Wat Bang Sanuk Inscription is published in A. B. Griswold and Prasert na Nagara, 'The Second Oldest Writing in Siamese', JSS, 67, 1 (1979): 179-228; reprinted in EHS, pp. 768-72. It was published in Thai in Cārük samai Sukhōthai [Inscriptions from the Sukhothai Period] (Bangkok: Fine Arts Department, 1983), pp. 21-5.
89. The Ram Khamhæng Inscription is most accessible in Griswold and Prasert, 'The Inscription of Rāma Garnheṅ'. The subject of the 'invention' of Thai writing is dealt with below.
90. See Eade, The Calendrical Systems. The core of his findings is encapsulated in the program by Gislén. Penth, 'Date', explores the various possibilities exhaustively.
91. See Eade, The Calendrical Systems. The core of his findings is encapsulated in the program by Gislén. Penth, 'Date', explores the various possibilities exhaustively.
92. Maha Cham Thongkhamwan, when editing inscription #78 (Prachum silā cārük, III, pp. 228-35) notes that even a 1392 inscription of Sukhothai carefully distinguishes the Khmer form of naming days Monday, Tuesday, ... from the Tai form of naming them by the two cycles; and that they distinguish the 'Khòm' (Khmer) form of naming years (e.g., 'Tiger') from the Tai way of counting them in the same cycle as they counted days. Interestingly, the inscription specifies both.
93. It also is an important feature of early chronicles. See David K. Wyatt, 'The Chronology of Nan History, A.D. 1320-1598', JSS, 64, 2 (July 1976): 202-6; and David K. Wyatt, The Nan Chronicle (Ithaca: Cornell Southeast Asia Program, 1994), p. 13.
94. It also is an important feature of early chronicles. See David K. Wyatt, 'The Chronology of Nan History, A.D. 1320-1598', JSS, 64, 2 (July 1976): 202-6; and David K. Wyatt, The Nan Chronicle (Ithaca: Cornell Southeast Asia Program, 1994), p. 13.
95. Penth, 'Date', p. 20.
96. Griswold and Prasert, 'Second Oldest Writing', EHS, p. 768.
97. Ibid., p. 772.
98. The Pali does not appear in Penth's article, nor is it translated in that of Griswold and Prasert, who simply say that 'the text itself begins with a passage of homage to the Three Gems in Pali, followed by one in Tai' (p. 769). I have supplied it from the text edited by Prasan Bunprakhong in Cārük samai Sukhōthai, p. 24. Oskar von Hinüber has been very helpful in explicating the Pali (personal communication, 31 May 1997), which seems to be simply an invocation to the Triple Gems.
99. 'The reading is doubtful and our translation conjectural' (Griswold and Prasert, henceforth 'G&P').
100. 'That is, to make votive tablets' (G&P).
101. 'That is, with his forehead, both his hands, and both his knees on the ground' (G&P).
102. I am reminded of the stele found with the 1168 Dong Mæ Nang Müang (Dhānyapura) Inscription, which is said to have been 'a stele representing the Buddha seated descending from the Thirty-third Heaven between Indra and Brahma' (Cœdès, 'Nouvelles données épigraphiques', p. 132). There may be an important point to this - the emphasis being not on conflict with 'Hindu' religious forms but rather on the complementarity of Buddhism to them.
103. This calculation was derived through the Gislén computer program.
104. I have checked Khmer and Mon dictionaries without success, nor have consultations with Gerard Diffloth and Graham Thurgood shed light on these terms.
105. On chæ, see David Wyatt and Aroonrut Wichienkeeo, The Chiang Mai Chronicle (Chiang Mai: Silkworm Books, 1996), p. 31, fn. 2, and references to various "Chæ" toponyms in the index.
106. For example, see Aroonrut Wichienkeeo et al., The Northern Thai Dictionary of Palm-Leaf Manuscipts (Chiang Mai: Suriwong, 1996), p.222 (chœ) and p. 155 [two meanings for the word ngun, meaning either 'a kind of tree in the Datisca family ([Tetrameles nudiflora])' or 'agar-agar, jelly'.] This new dictionary is preferable to others because it lists exclusively words attested from old palm-leaf manuscripts. (There are numerous other words that should be added.)
107. Cf. Jean Rispaud, 'Les noms à éléments numéraux des principautés Taï', JSS, 29, 2 (1937): 77-122.
108. Face IV, lines 8-11, in the translation by Griswold and Prasert.
109. Perhaps it is useful to recall here that most scholars have kept open the possibility that most or all of the fourth face of the Ram Khamhæng Inscription might be a postscript added to the original inscription some indeterminate number of years afterwards.
110. Hans Penth, 'Thai Literacy', Bulletin of the Archive of Lan Na Inscriptions, 4 (1992): 19-112.
111. The same argument appears in Cœdès, Indianized States, p. 197.
112. Eade, Calendrical Systems, p. 24. See also Roger Billard, 'Les cycles chronographiques chinois dans les inscriptions thaïes', BEFEO, 51 (1963): 403-31.
113. Eade, Calendrical Systems, p. 24. See also Roger Billard, 'Les cycles chronographiques chinois dans les inscriptions thaïes', BEFEO, 51 (1963): 403-31.
114. See below for examples.
115. Yoneo Ishii et al., A Glossarial Index of the Sukhothai Inscriptions (Bangkok: Amarin, 1989).
116. The details are as follows (following the original numbering by Cœdès): #3, face 1, lines 1, 31: used only for weekday; called hon Thai, 'by Thai time'. #5, face 3, line 23: used only for weekday; called hon Thai. #7, face 4, lines 11, 17: used only for year; chalu year, ruang pao year by hon Thai; and thò year, kat mao year by hon Thai. #10, face 1, line 3: used only for year; wòk year; hon thai kap san. #38, face 1, line 1: used for year; chalu year; luang mao by hon thai. #45, face 1, lines 28, 30: for year, Khòm year wòk, Thai year tao san: and for day, Khòm Thursday, Thai day tao met. #63, line 2: chuat year, which the Thai call a cai year. #94, line 1: only day, Friday, a Thai kap san [day]. #102, face 1, line 30: only for day, on a Khòm Wednesday, a Thai pœk san day.
117. J. Marvin Brown, From Ancient Thai to Modern Dialects (Bangkok: White Lotus, 1985), pp. 1-4.
118. References throughout to the Thai version are to the text as found in Cārük samai Sukhōthai, pp. 24-5.
119. Ishii et al., Glossarial Index, p. 158; and Griswold and Prasert, EHS, p. 113.
120. Ishii et al., Glossarial Index, p. 158; and Griswold and Prasert, EHS, p. 113.
121. See David Wyatt, 'Laws and Social Order in Early Thailand: An Introduction to the Mangraisat', Journal of Southeast Asian Studies, 15, 2 (Sept. 1984): 245-52, reprinted in David Wyatt, Studies in Thai History (Chiang Mai: Silkworm Books, 1994), pp. 70-81; see especially pp. 79-81.
122. See David Wyatt, 'Laws and Social Order in Early Thailand: An Introduction to the Mangraisat', Journal of Southeast Asian Studies, 15, 2 (Sept. 1984): 245-52, reprinted in David Wyatt, Studies in Thai History (Chiang Mai: Silkworm Books, 1994), pp. 70-81; see especially pp. 79-81.
123. J. B. Pallegoix, Dictionarium linguæ Thaï sive siamensis (Paris: Jussu Imperatorie Impressum, 1854; repr. Farnborough, Hants: Gregg International, 1972), p. 314; George Bradley McFarland, Thai-English Dictionary (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1944), p. 178; Photcananukrom chabap Rātchabandittayasatān Ph.S. 2525 (Bangkok: Royal Academy, 1982), p. 165.
124. J. B. Pallegoix, Dictionarium linguæ Thaï sive siamensis (Paris: Jussu Imperatorie Impressum, 1854; repr. Farnborough, Hants: Gregg International, 1972), p. 314; George Bradley McFarland, Thai-English Dictionary (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1944), p. 178; Photcananukrom chabap Rātchabandittayasatān Ph.S. 2525 (Bangkok: Royal Academy, 1982), p. 165.
125. J. B. Pallegoix, Dictionarium linguæ Thaï sive siamensis (Paris: Jussu Imperatorie Impressum, 1854; repr. Farnborough, Hants: Gregg International, 1972), p. 314; George Bradley McFarland, Thai-English Dictionary (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1944), p. 178; Photcananukrom chabap Rātchabandittayasatān Ph.S. 2525 (Bangkok: Royal Academy, 1982), p. 165.
126. Why are there 'eleven thousand one hundred and eight' of these tablets (line 13)? One hundred and eight is a popular and widespread number which we frequently encounter in Buddhist contexts; it is the product of one to the first power, times two to the second power, and times three to the third power (1 × 4 × 27). Were perhaps a hundred times more votive tablets required in order to be able to distribute them to all the newly fervent believers who had participated in their creation? Might we have here a rough pointer to population numbers?
127. Probably the best example of the technology of laterite can be seen in the ruins of the old city at Kamphængphet, where there are truly monumental, enormous laterite pillars as well as the pit from which the laterite was dug. See Mali Khoksanthia and Phitthaya Damdenngam, Nam chom bōrāntwatthusathān muang Kamphængphēt (Bangkok: Fine Arts Department, 1970), esp. p. 36.
128. Note that 'cao' prefixes his name/title. Does this mean that he was royal, or descended from kings? Probably not: the thirteenth-century practice seems to have been for monks, or high-ranking monks, to be called cao ku or cao; see Chou, Notes on the Customs of Cambodia, p. 24.
129. Face IV, lines 4-8; translation from Griswold and Prasert, 'The Inscription of Rama Gamhaeng'.
130. Wyatt, Nan Chronicle, pp. 46-7.
131. There are numerous references to all of these phenomena in the local historical and semi-historical literature. For examples, see Wyatt and Aroonrut, The Chiang Mai Chronicle.
132. The Mahāvamsa or The Great Chronicle of Ceylon, tr. Wilhelm Geiger and Mabel Bode (London, 1912; reprinted New Delhi: Asian Educational Services, 1993), 3.5, 3.11.
133. Ibid., p. 116 (17.2).
134. The Legend of the Topes (Thūpavatnsa), tr. and ed. B. C. Law (Calcutta, 1945; reprint New Delhi: Oriental Reprint, 1986), p. iii.
135. Ibid., 4.8 (p. 25). The same speech is translated by Ratanapan̄n̄a, author of Jinakālamālī, as follows: 'I will thus pass away in perfect Nibbāna not having remained [on earth] for long; my Dispensation is not yet widely established everywhere; therefore, let the great multitude, when I have passed away in perfect Nibbāna, while paying homage to a relic of mine even of the size of a mustard seed by taking it and making a shrine of it in each one's dwelling place, have heaven as their goal'. (N. A. Jayawickrama, The Sheaf of Garlands of the Epochs of the Conqueror, being a translation of Jinakālamālīpakaranam of Ratanapan̄n̄a Thera of Thailand [London: Pali Text Society/Luzac, 1968], p. 52.)
136. Ibid., 4.8 (p. 25). The same speech is translated by Ratanapan̄n̄a, author of Jinakālamālī, as follows: 'I will thus pass away in perfect Nibbāna not having remained [on earth] for long; my Dispensation is not yet widely established everywhere; therefore, let the great multitude, when I have passed away in perfect Nibbāna, while paying homage to a relic of mine even of the size of a mustard seed by taking it and making a shrine of it in each one's dwelling place, have heaven as their goal'. (N. A. Jayawickrama, The Sheaf of Garlands of the Epochs of the Conqueror, being a translation of Jinakālamālīpakaranam of Ratanapan̄n̄a Thera of Thailand [London: Pali Text Society/Luzac, 1968], p. 52.)
137. Thūpavamso, 6.1-13 (Law edn, pp. 34-40).
138. Jayawickrama, Sheaf of Garlands, pp. 52-4, 66-8, 71-6, 79-81, 88-94.
139. Ibid., pp. 108-9.
140. Ibid., pp. 108-9.
141. G. Cœdès, 'Documents sur l'histoire politique et religieuse du Laos occidental', BEFEO, 25 (1925): 26.
142. Jayawickrama, Sheaf of Garlands, pp. 117-20, 126, 130-1, 140, 142, 146, 175-6.
143. Wyatt, Nan Chronicle, p. 101.
144. Ibid., p. 56. It is surely significant that the next event reported in the chronicle is the ruler's defeat of an invading Vietnamese force of 40,000 men. Though the Nan Chronicle was written at a late date (1894), its references to relics invariably are based upon much earlier sources (see pp. 10-11, notes 4-8).
145. In the translation of Griswold and Prasert, '[III/3-10] South of this city of Sukhothai ... there is Phra Khaphung. The divine sprite of that mountain is more powerful than any other sprite in this kingdom' ('The Inscription of Rama Gamhaeng').
146. It is thus that we account for the fact that the Sukhothai dialect of Thai, historically, is closely related to Phuan, the Tai language spoken in the Siang Khwang region; see J. Marvin Brown, From Ancient Thai, Reference Sheet 10, p. 253.
147. The reference is particularly to the beginning of the fourth face of the Ram Khamhæng Inscription (Griswold and Prasert, 'The Inscription of Rama Gamhaeng', EHS, p. 278).
148. Wyatt, 'Laws and Social Order' (reprinted version), p. 76.
149. Kachorn Sukhabanij, 'The Thai Beach-Head States in the 11th-12th Centuries', Sinlapakòn, 1:3-4 (Sept.-Nov. 1957): 40-54, 74-81.
150. Cf. M.C. Subhadradis Diskul, Hindu Gods at Sukhodaya (Bangkok: White Lotus, 1990).
151. John S. Strong, The Legend and Cult of Upagupta: Sanskrit Buddhism in North India and Southeast Asia (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1992), esp. p. 171.
152. Cœdès, Indianized States, p. 195, makes it appear that Khmer-style remains also are at Sawankhalok; but the source he cites - Jean Claeys, 'L'archéologie du Siam', BEFEO, 31, 3-4 (1931): 410-20 - makes it clear that Si Satcanalai (which is old Sawankhalok) is intended.
153. Cœdès, Indianized States, p. 195, makes it appear that Khmer-style remains also are at Sawankhalok; but the source he cites - Jean Claeys, 'L'archéologie du Siam', BEFEO, 31, 3-4 (1931): 410-20 - makes it clear that Si Satcanalai (which is old Sawankhalok) is intended.
154. This site is curiously little studied. I have used the sections on it found in Rāingān kānsamruat læ khuttæng būrana bōrānwatthusathān müang kao Sukhōthai Ph.S. 2508-2512 (Bangkok: Fine Arts Dept., 1969), plan facing p. 23, and pp. 9 and 23-27; see also Betty Gosling, Sukhothai: Its History, Culture, and Art (Singapore: Oxford University Press, 1991).
155. This site is curiously little studied. I have used the sections on it found in Rāingān kānsamruat læ khuttæng būrana bōrānwatthusathān müang kao Sukhōthai Ph.S. 2508-2512 (Bangkok: Fine Arts Dept., 1969), plan facing p. 23, and pp. 9 and 23-27; see also Betty Gosling, Sukhothai: Its History, Culture, and Art (Singapore: Oxford University Press, 1991).
156. Ibid., pp. 10-16. I was tempted here to use Wat Si Sawai (Sri Svai) as my example, which has a similar three-prang central tower like the Prang Sam Yòt in Lopburi, but there seems to be widespread agreement that Wat Si Sawai is later than Wat Phra Phai Luang. A good general reference work on the monuments of Sukhothai is the government report on the restorations done there in 1965-69, Rāingān kānsamruat.
157. See above for the quotations, in lines 4-8 of the inscription.
158. See my article, 'Contextual Arguments for the Authenticity of the Ram Khamhaeng Inscription', in Chamberlain ed., The Ram Khamhœng Controversy, pp. 439-50.
159. O.W. Wolters, 'Tāmbralinga', Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, 21, 3 (1958): 606-7.
160. Face I, lines 15-24. Translation (slightly modified here) from A. B. Griswold and Prasert Na Nagara, 'The Epigraphy of Mahādharmarājā I of Sukhodaya', JSS, 61, 1 (1973): 71-182; reprinted in EHS, pp. 448-65; original in Cārük samai Sukhōthai, pp. 26-39.
161. Face I, lines 15-24. Translation (slightly modified here) from A. B. Griswold and Prasert Na Nagara, 'The Epigraphy of Mahādharmarājā I of Sukhodaya', JSS, 61, 1 (1973): 71-182; reprinted in EHS, pp. 448-65; original in Cārük samai Sukhōthai, pp. 26-39.
162. Face I, lines 15-24. Translation (slightly modified here) from A. B. Griswold and Prasert Na Nagara, 'The Epigraphy of Mahādharmarājā I of Sukhodaya', JSS, 61, 1 (1973): 71-182; reprinted in EHS, pp. 448-65; original in Cārük samai Sukhōthai, pp. 26-39.
163. Georges Cœdès, The Making of South East Asia, tr. H.M. Wright (London, 1966), p. 133.
164. See Cœdès, Indianized States, p. 196. I also believe that the Phetburi region and the territory of the former Tambralinga at Nakhòn Si Thammarat had broken free of Angkor by this time.
165. On the question of oaths, see D. K. Wyatt, 'Three Sukhothai Oaths of Allegiance', a 1967 article reprinted in Studies in Thai History, pp. 60-9; and Cit Phumisak, Ongkān chœng nām lœ khòkhit mai nai prawattisāt Thai lum nām Caophrayā (Bangkok: Duang Kamol, 1981). Such oaths are by no means just a phenomenon of ancient times, and there are reports of oath-taking in Thailand in 1996. See 'Teachers moved for [taking] "blood oath"', The Nation (Bangkok), 27 Feb 1996; I am indebted to Peter Vail for calling this reference to my attention.
166. On the question of oaths, see D. K. Wyatt, 'Three Sukhothai Oaths of Allegiance', a 1967 article reprinted in Studies in Thai History, pp. 60-9; and Cit Phumisak, Ongkān chœng nām lœ khòkhit mai nai prawattisāt Thai lum nām Caophrayā (Bangkok: Duang Kamol,
167. On the question of oaths, see D. K. Wyatt, 'Three Sukhothai Oaths of Allegiance', a 1967 article reprinted in Studies in Thai History, pp. 60-9; and Cit Phumisak, Ongkān chœng nām lœ khòkhit mai nai prawattisāt Thai lum nām Caophrayā (Bangkok: Duang Kamol, 1981). Such oaths are by no means just a phenomenon of ancient times, and there are reports of oath-taking in Thailand in 1996. See 'Teachers moved for [taking] "blood oath"', The Nation (Bangkok), 27 Feb 1996; I am indebted to Peter Vail for calling this reference to my attention.
168. The reference is to Śrī Indraditya and Bang Klang Hao - see below.
169. The references to Sukhothai-Si Satcanalai as a dual polity in the Ram Khamhæng Inscription begin only on the third face of the inscription and continue to the end (III/11, 17, IV/2). See also Jean Rispaud, 'Noms à éléments numéraux'. Note, however, that such toponyms usually contain two Thai names, not a mixture of Thai and non-Thai elements such as we have here.
170. See Wyatt and Aroonrut, The Chiang Mai Chronicle, pp. 14-16.
171. One full version of this tale is given in the nineteenth-century Phongsāwadān Yōnok of Phraya Prachakitkòracak (Chæm Bunnag) (7th edn, Bangkok: Khlang Witthaya, 1973), pp. 232-40. It seems to me confused, and I prefer the more straightforward version presented by Phra Ratchawisutthisophon et al., Müang Phayao (Bangkok: Matichon, 1984), esp. pp. 108-9. This is based on the 'Phongsāwadān muang Ngœn Yāng Chiang Sæn', in Prachum Phongsāwadān [Collected Chronicles], pt. 61, vol. 33 (Bangkok: Khurusaphā, 1969), esp. pp. 238-9.
172. One full version of this tale is given in the nineteenth-century Phongsāwadān Yōnok of Phraya Prachakitkòracak (Chæm Bunnag) (7th edn, Bangkok: Khlang Witthaya, 1973), pp. 232-40. It seems to me confused, and I prefer the more straightforward version presented by Phra Ratchawisutthisophon et al., Müang Phayao (Bangkok: Matichon, 1984), esp. pp. 108-9. This is based on the 'Phongsāwadān muang Ngœn Yāng Chiang Sæn', in Prachum Phongsāwadān [Collected Chronicles], pt. 61, vol. 33 (Bangkok: Khurusaphā, 1969), esp. pp. 238-9.
173. One full version of this tale is given in the nineteenth-century Phongsāwadān Yōnok of Phraya Prachakitkòracak (Chæm Bunnag) (7th edn, Bangkok: Khlang Witthaya, 1973), pp. 232-40. It seems to me confused, and I prefer the more straightforward version presented by Phra Ratchawisutthisophon et al., Müang Phayao (Bangkok: Matichon, 1984), esp. pp. 108-9. This is based on the 'Phongsāwadān muang Ngœn Yāng Chiang Sæn', in Prachum Phongsāwadān [Collected Chronicles], pt. 61, vol. 33 (Bangkok: Khurusaphā, 1969), esp. pp. 238-9.
174. Tamnān Mangrai Chiang Mai Chiang Tung, ed. Thiu Wichaikhatthakha and Phaithun Dòkbuakæo (Chiang Mai: Social Research Institute, 1992), p. 1. The quotation would probably also apply to the rulers of Phayao, which makes it all the more appropriate to apply it to Tròk Salòp-Chæ Ngun. These two localities are not included among the traditional 36 districts of Phayao (Phongsāwadān Yōnok, p. 233).
175. Tamnān Mangrai Chiang Mai Chiang Tung, ed. Thiu Wichaikhatthakha and Phaithun Dòkbuakæo (Chiang Mai: Social Research Institute, 1992), p. 1. The quotation would probably also apply to the rulers of Phayao, which makes it all the more appropriate to apply it to Tròk Salòp-Chæ Ngun. These two localities are not included among the traditional 36 districts of Phayao (Phongsāwadān Yōnok, p. 233).
176. On the 'grandfather' spirits, see Wyatt, 'Three Sukhothai Oaths', p. 63.
177. Tamara Loos examines this concept in 'Issaraphap: Limits of Individual Liberty in Thai Jurisprudence', Crossroads, 12, 1 (1998): 35-75.
178. This is the later of the two dates mentioned in the inscription, which actually must date from slightly later; see R. Halliday, 'Les inscriptions Mōn du Siam', BEFEO, 30 (1930): 90 (Vat Don inscription, face B, lines 12-13). The date of the inscription comes very close to working out: Tuesday, the 13th day of the waxing moon of the month of Jyestha is all right; but the Citra lunar mansion mentioned in the inscription was actually three days earlier. Jinakālamālī says little about him, beyond noting that he renovated the Reliquary built by Ādicca and had a long reign (Jayawickrama, Sheaf of Garlands, p. 110).
179. This is the later of the two dates mentioned in the inscription, which actually must date from slightly later; see R. Halliday, 'Les inscriptions Mōn du Siam', BEFEO, 30 (1930): 90 (Vat Don inscription, face B, lines 12-13). The date of the inscription comes very close to working out: Tuesday, the 13th day of the waxing moon of the month of Jyestha is all right; but the Citra lunar mansion mentioned in the inscription was actually three days earlier. Jinakālamālī says little about him, beyond noting that he renovated the Reliquary built by Ādicca and had a long reign (Jayawickrama, Sheaf of Garlands, p. 110).
180. Vat Don Inscription, face B, lines 14-17 (Halliday, 'Les inscriptions Mōn', p. 90).
181. G. Cœdès, 'La stèle du Práh Khan'. The translation of the inscription is on pp. 283-301.
182. Gosling, Sukhothai, pp. 9-10. The references on page 9 to the illustrations have been reversed: figure 6(a) is a better-preserved image that comes from Phimai, while 6(b) is the one from Sukhothai.
183. Prah Khan Inscription, stanza CLXVI (Cœdès, 'La stèle du Práh Khan').
184. Cœdès, Indianized States, p. 172, refers to 'his daily wash-water'. While Cœdès makes it appear that such acts were spread throughout the year, I read the passage to mean that this was only done as part of an annual ceremony in late February or so. For more on this question, see above.
185. See David K. Wyatt, 'Mainland Powers on the Malay Peninsula', reprinted in Wyatt, Studies in Thai History, pp. 22-48; and Kenneth R. Hall and John K. Whitmore, 'Southeast Asian Trade and the Isthmian Straggle, 1000-1200 A.D.', in Explorations in Early Southeast Asian History: The Origins of Southeast Asian Statecraft, ed. Kenneth R. Hall and John K. Whitmore (Ann Arbor: Center for South and Southeast Asian Studies, University of Michigan, 1976), pp. 303-40.
186. See David K. Wyatt, 'Mainland Powers on the Malay Peninsula', reprinted in Wyatt, Studies in Thai History, pp. 22-48; and Kenneth R. Hall and John K. Whitmore, 'Southeast Asian Trade and the Isthmian Straggle, 1000-1200 A.D.', in Explorations in Early Southeast Asian History: The Origins of Southeast Asian Statecraft, ed. Kenneth R. Hall and John K. Whitmore (Ann Arbor: Center for South and Southeast Asian Studies, University of Michigan, 1976), pp. 303-40.
187. I am thinking here of such figures as the twelfth-century monk Dhammakitti of Tambralinga, who was a well-known author in the reign of King Parākramabāhu I of Ceylon, as well as other similar figures. G.P. Malalasekera, The Pāli Literature of Ceylon (London: Royal Asiatic Society Prize Publication Fund, 1928), pp. 195, 207.
188. Senerat Paranavitana, 'Religious Intercourse between Ceylon and Siam in the 13th-15th Centuries', Journal of the Ceylon Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, 32, 85 (1932): 190-213; B. J. Perera, 'The Foreign Trade and Commerce of Ancient Ceylon: III - Ancient Ceylon's Trade with the Empires of the Eastern and the Western Worlds', Ceylon Historical Journal, 1, 4 (Apr. 1952): 301-20. For a broader view, see W. M. Sirisena, Sri Lanka and South-East Asia: Political, Religious and Cultural Relations from A.D. c. 1000 ta c. 1500 (Leiden: Brill, 1978).
189. Senerat Paranavitana, 'Religious Intercourse between Ceylon and Siam in the 13th-15th Centuries', Journal of the Ceylon Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, 32, 85 (1932): 190-213; B. J. Perera, 'The Foreign Trade and Commerce of Ancient Ceylon: III - Ancient Ceylon's Trade with the Empires of the Eastern and the Western Worlds', Ceylon Historical Journal, 1, 4 (Apr. 1952): 301-20. For a broader view, see W. M. Sirisena, Sri Lanka and South-East Asia: Political, Religious and Cultural Relations from A.D. c. 1000 ta c. 1500 (Leiden: Brill, 1978).
190. Senerat Paranavitana, 'Religious Intercourse between Ceylon and Siam in the 13th-15th Centuries', Journal of the Ceylon Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, 32, 85 (1932): 190-213; B. J. Perera, 'The Foreign Trade and Commerce of Ancient Ceylon: III - Ancient Ceylon's Trade with the Empires of the Eastern and the Western Worlds', Ceylon Historical Journal, 1, 4 (Apr. 1952): 301-20. For a broader view, see W. M. Sirisena, Sri Lanka and South-East Asia: Political, Religious and Cultural Relations from A.D. c. 1000 ta c. 1500 (Leiden: Brill, 1978).
191. Wyatt and Aroonrut, The Chiang Mai Chronicle, pp. 27-33.
192. Look, for example, at the Mahājanaka Jātaka (number 539 in The Jātaka or Stories of the Buddha's Former Births, tr. E. B. Cowell and W. H. Rouse, vol. 6 [Cambridge: Cambridge University, 1895], pp. 19-37). We might add that the last 10 Jātaka tales (nos. 538-47) were the most widely known, judging from how frequently they were depicted on temple walls, at least in iater times.
193. Halliday, 'Inscriptions Mōn', pp. 89-90, has the translation from Mōn to French.
194. Note that I am dealing here only with dated inscriptions, not with the larger number that can be tentatively associated with this period.
195. G. Cœdès, Recueil des inscriptions du Siam, deuxième partie: Inscriptions de Dvāravati, de Çrîvtjaya et de Lāvo (2nd edn, Bangkok: Fine Arts Department, 1962), pp. 29-31.
196. Prochum silā cārük, III, pp. 21-2.
197. Prachum silā cāruk, IV (Bangkok: Fine Arts Department, 1970), p. 151 (from the single-line inscription on the base of a bronze candlestick from Dong Si Mahapho, numbered 113 in the Thai corpus). The other Prachinburi inscriptions are in the same volume, numbered 109, 111 and 112.
198. These are listed in volume VIII of Cœdès' Inscriptions du Cambodge; they are numbered K. 368, 375, 386, 387, 395, 402 and 952. Five of the seven are in the general region of Nikhòn Ratchasima (Khorat) according to Cœdès, though some fall in the modern provinces of Chaiyaphum and Surin; the others are at Sai Fongand near Ubon.
199. Cœdès, Inscriptions du Cambodge, vol. VII, p. 154.
200. Ibid., p. 155.
201. A. B. Griswold and Prasert na Nagara, EHS, pp. 342-404.
202. I am extrapolating here from information in the inscription that Si Nao Nam Thom was the father of Phraya Pha Müang, whom we will meet in a moment (Ibid., pp. 378-9).
203. The location of this place is much discussed. I follow the arguments of Griswold and Prasert ("King Lodaiya of Sukhodaya", EHS, p. 554 [originally published in JSS, 60, 1 (1972)]). There they locate it 50 km upstream from Uttaradit on the Nan River. It is in the extreme upper right-hand corner of Map 3 of the current work.
204. The location of this place is much discussed. I follow the arguments of Griswold and Prasert ("King Lodaiya of Sukhodaya", EHS, p. 554 [originally published in JSS, 60, 1 (1972)]). There they locate it 50 km upstream from Uttaradit on the Nan River. It is in the extreme upper right-hand corner of Map 3 of the current work.
205. Griswold and Prasert explain that the location of Bang Yang 'is not known. It may have been somewhere between Müang Rat and Si Satcanalai, or else perhaps at or near the modern Bang Yang, about 7 km south of New Sukhothai ...; but these are no more than guesses'. Ibid., p. 380, fn. 33.
206. From the translation by Griswoid and Prasert, EHS, pp. 380-1. I have revised their romanisation to make it consistent with the romanisation used throughout this essay. This is a translation of the Wat Si Chum Inscription, No. 2 of Sukhothai, Face I, lines 21-32.
207. Ibid., p. 357.
208. Presumably this was a blood oath, using blood from all the participants, mixed together.
209. L. P. Briggs, The Ancient Khmer Empire (Philadelphia: American Philosophical Society, 1951), p. 151. There is a good text and French translation in Cœdès, Inscriptions du Cambodge, III, pp. 208-9. The long list of oath-takers which follows (pp. 210-16, unfortunately not translated) names many individuals with names or titles similar to that of Śrī Ǐndra (patindra)ditya. Some examples (p. 210) include mratān̄ khlon̄ Śrī Samarendra, mratān̄ khlon̄ Śrī Uddhatavīravarma, and mratān̄ khlon̄ Śrī Mahendravīra.
210. L. P. Briggs, The Ancient Khmer Empire (Philadelphia: American Philosophical Society, 1951), p. 151. There is a good text and French translation in Cœdès, Inscriptions du Cambodge, III, pp. 208-9. The long list of oath-takers which follows (pp. 210-16, unfortunately not translated) names many individuals with names or titles similar to that of Śrī Ǐndra (patindra)ditya. Some examples (p. 210) include mratān̄ khlon̄ Śrī Samarendra, mratān̄ khlon̄ Śrī Uddhatavīravarma, and mratān̄ khlon̄ Śrī Mahendravīra.
211. Wyatt and Aroonrut, The Chiang Mai Chronicle, p. 26.
212. Wyatt, 'Three Sukhothai Oaths', pp. 60-9.
213. Cœdès, Inscriptions du Cambodge, III, p. 210.
214. See Etietine Aymonier, Le Cambodge, III (Paris: E. Leroux, 1904), pp. 262-3. In his 'Les bas-reliefs d'Angkor-Vat', Bulletin de la Commission Archéologique de l'Indochine (1911): 202-3, Cœdès slightly modifies Aymonier's translation, but does not materially change the meaning. On the Lopburi region, see Cansen: Müang rœk rœm nai lum Lopburī-Pasak (Bangkok: Ruan kaek kanphim, 1996).
215. See Etietine Aymonier, Le Cambodge, III (Paris: E. Leroux, 1904), pp. 262-3. In his 'Les bas-reliefs d'Angkor-Vat', Bulletin de la Commission Archéologique de l'Indochine (1911): 202-3, Cœdès slightly modifies Aymonier's translation, but does not materially change the meaning. On the Lopburi region, see Cansen: Müang rœk rœm nai lum Lopburī-Pasak (Bangkok: Ruan kaek kanphim, 1996).
216. See Etietine Aymonier, Le Cambodge, III (Paris: E. Leroux, 1904), pp. 262-3. In his 'Les bas-reliefs d'Angkor-Vat', Bulletin de la Commission Archéologique de l'Indochine (1911): 202-3, Cœdès slightly modifies Aymonier's translation, but does not materially change the meaning. On the Lopburi region, see Cansen: Müang rœk rœm nai lum Lopburī-Pasak (Bangkok: Ruan kaek kanphim, 1996).
217. Cœdès, Indianized States, p. 180.
218. Chao Ju-kua, p. 53. I do not regard this evidence as conclusive, as it was second-hand.
219. Paul Pelliot, 'Deux itinéraires de Chine en Inde à la fin du VIIIe siècle', BEFEO, 4 (1904): 241-3.
220. Camille Notton, Légendes sur le Siam et le Cambodge (Annales du Siam, IV) (Bangkok: Imprimerie de l'Assomption, 1939). The most accessible modern version is in the Prachum Phongsāwadān, of which it is the first section of the first part, originally published in 1904.
221. Phraya Prachakit, Phongsāwadān Yōnok, p. 67. He actually writes of a seven-part kingdom, of which Angkor and Champa are the other two parts. The division into seven is said to have taken place in 1099 or 1111 (p. 65); the latter date appears to have come from a French source. Later in the same paragraph he refers to the various 'treatises' (tamrā) he has consulted, without giving further details until he explicitly says that his lists of rulers are based upon the "Annals of the North" (Phongsāwadān Nüa).
222. Tamnān Mūlasāsanā (Bangkok: cremation volume for M.L. Det Snidvongs, 1975), pp. 191-4.
223. Phraya Prachakit, Phongsāwadān Yōnok, p. 249.
224. Charnvit Kasetsiri, The Rise of Ayudhya (Kuala Lumpur: Oxford University Press, 1976), pp. 63-72.
225. Jeremias van Vliet, The Short History of the Kings of Siam, tr. Leonard Andaya, ed. David K. Wyatt (Bangkok: Siam Society, 1975), p. 60.
226. Dhanit Yupho, Rüang müang Traitrüng Û Thòng læ Ayōtthayā (Bangkok, cremation volume for Mrs Rattana Manittayakun, 1960); see especially p. 64. Richard Cushman's synoptic translation of all the chronicles of Ayutthaya is scheduled for early publication by the Siam Society.
227. The most important statement of the 'two marriages' idea is in Charnvit, The Rise, pp. 69 ff.
228. The named sword (Jayaúrī) is also mentioned in Inscription C.5 (the second Mango Grove Inscription, ca. 1361), face I, line 11 (conjectural restoration by Griswold and Prasert, 'The Epigraphy of Mahādharmarājā', p. 508). This sword must have been similar to the Sri Kan̄jeyya sword of King Mangrai of Chiang Mai and his successors, which tradition dates back to the seventh century AD. See Wyatt and Aroonout, The Chiang Mai Chronicle, pp. 47, 170 and 193.
229. The named sword (Jayaúrī) is also mentioned in Inscription C.5 (the second Mango Grove Inscription, ca. 1361), face I, line 11 (conjectural restoration by Griswold and Prasert, 'The Epigraphy of Mahādharmarājā', p. 508). This sword must have been similar to the Sri Kan̄jeyya sword of King Mangrai of Chiang Mai and his successors, which tradition dates back to the seventh century AD. See Wyatt and Aroonout, The Chiang Mai Chronicle, pp. 47, 170 and 193.
230. I/38-41; Griswold and Prasert, EHS, p. 382.
231. Ibid., p. 383. Their footnote reminds us that Cœdès read this sentence differently: 'The men of the Khmer country came seeking learning [in Sukhothai].' I prefer their reading.
232. I would not take seriously the seemingly 'Hindu' cast of his title with its reference to Indra, for Indra was also an integral part of the Buddhist world-view.
233. Griswold and Prasert, EHS, pp. 389-404. The reader will also find useful Hans Penth, Jinakālamāli index: an annotated index to the Thailand part of Ratanapantia's Chronicle Jinakālamāli (Oxford: Pali Text Society, 1994), p. 159 and related entries.
234. Griswold and Prasert, EHS, pp. 389-404. The reader will also find useful Hans Penth, Jinakālamāli index: an annotated index to the Thailand part of Ratanapantia's Chronicle Jinakālamāli (Oxford: Pali Text Society, 1994), p. 159 and related entries.
235. Cf. Richard Gombrich, 'The Consecration of a Buddhist Image', Journal of Asian Studies, 26, 1 (Nov. 1966): 23-36. Gombrich is writing about Sri Lanka in the 1960s, but what he says is equally applicable to medieval Indochina. It is particularly useful to be reminded that the most powerful Buddha images were blessed with having a bodily relic of the Buddha encased within, and that the most important images were so consecrated by kings. Note especially his discussion of the long tradition of such consecrations, going back to the time of the Emperor Aśoka in the third century BC (pp. 26-7).
236. See, for example, Hermann Kulke, The Devarāja Cult (Ithaca: Cornell Southeast Asia Program, 1968).
237. It is both interesting and pertinent to note that of the 49 'Sukhothai-period' inscriptions in the collection Cārük samai Sukhōthai (1983), only two-thirds (30, actually) are in Thai language and script, 10 are in Khmer script and 9 are in mixed scripts. This fact might be kept in mind together with the persistence of casting images of Vishnu and Śiva in bronze.