Uniting the enemy: Politics and the convergence of nationalisms in Slovakia

East European Politics and Societies

Volumn 18, Issue 4, 2004, Pages 651-696

  Deegan Krause, Kevin ^a  

^a WAYNE STATE UNIVERSITY   (United States)

Author keywords

Ideological coherence; Minority groups; Nationalisms; Political parties; Slovakia

Indexed keywords

EID: 8844258806     PISSN: 08883254     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1177/0888325404269596     Document Type: Review

References (85)

1. Hans Kohn, The Idea of Nationalism (New York: Macmillan, 1944); Michael Ignatieff, Blood and Belonging: Journeys into the New Nationalism, 1st American ed. (New York: Farrar Straus and Giroux, 1994); Michael Hechter, Containing Nationalism (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000); and Anthony D. Smith, National Identity (Reno: University of Nevada Press, 1991).
2. Hans Kohn, The Idea of Nationalism (New York: Macmillan, 1944); Michael Ignatieff, Blood and Belonging: Journeys into the New Nationalism, 1st American ed. (New York: Farrar Straus and Giroux, 1994); Michael Hechter, Containing Nationalism (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000); and Anthony D. Smith, National Identity (Reno: University of Nevada Press, 1991).
3. Hans Kohn, The Idea of Nationalism (New York: Macmillan, 1944); Michael Ignatieff, Blood and Belonging: Journeys into the New Nationalism, 1st American ed. (New York: Farrar Straus and Giroux, 1994); Michael Hechter, Containing Nationalism (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000); and Anthony D. Smith, National Identity (Reno: University of Nevada Press, 1991).
4. Hans Kohn, The Idea of Nationalism (New York: Macmillan, 1944); Michael Ignatieff, Blood and Belonging: Journeys into the New Nationalism, 1st American ed. (New York: Farrar Straus and Giroux, 1994); Michael Hechter, Containing Nationalism (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000); and Anthony D. Smith, National Identity (Reno: University of Nevada Press, 1991).
5. Rogers Brubaker, Nationalism Reframed (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996); and Hechter, Containing Nationalism.
6. Rogers Brubaker, Nationalism Reframed (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996); and Hechter, Containing Nationalism.
7. Hechter, Containing Nationalism, 7.
8. Brubaker, Nationalism Reframed, 7.
9. Hechter, Containing Nationalism, 15.
10. Brubaker, Nationalism Reframed, 5.
11. Hechter, Containing Nationalism, 15.
12. Brubaker, Nationalism Reframed, 6.
13. I b i d.
14. Zsuzsa Csergo and James M. Goldgeier, "Nationalist Strategies and European Integration," Perspectives on Politics 2:1(2004): 1-17.
15. Benjamin R. Barber, Jihad vs. Mcworld (New York: Ballantine Books, 1996).
16. Dmitry Gorenburg, "Not with One Voice: An Explanation of Intragroup Variation in Nationalist Sentiment," World Politics 53:1(2000): 115-42.
17. Valere P. Gagnon, "Serbia's Road to War," in Larry Diamond and Marc F. Plattner, eds., Nationalism, Ethnic Conflict, and Democracy (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1994); Vesna Pusić, "Croatia at the Crossroads, "Journal of Democracy 9:1(1998): 111-24; Zsuzsa Csergo, "Language and Institutional Legitimacy: A Comparative Study of Romania and Slovakia" (Doctoral diss., George Washington University, Washington, DC, 2000); Sharon Fisher, "The Rise and Fall of National Movements in Slovakia and Croatia," Slovak Foreign Policy Affairs 1:2(2000): 12-23; and Kevin Deegan Krause, "Accountability and Political Party Competition in Slovakia and the Czech Republic" (Doctoral diss., University of Notre Dame, South Bend, IN, 2000).
18. Valere P. Gagnon, "Serbia's Road to War," in Larry Diamond and Marc F. Plattner, eds., Nationalism, Ethnic Conflict, and Democracy (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1994); Vesna Pusić, "Croatia at the Crossroads, "Journal of Democracy 9:1(1998): 111-24; Zsuzsa Csergo, "Language and Institutional Legitimacy: A Comparative Study of Romania and Slovakia" (Doctoral diss., George Washington University, Washington, DC, 2000); Sharon Fisher, "The Rise and Fall of National Movements in Slovakia and Croatia," Slovak Foreign Policy Affairs 1:2(2000): 12-23; and Kevin Deegan Krause, "Accountability and Political Party Competition in Slovakia and the Czech Republic" (Doctoral diss., University of Notre Dame, South Bend, IN, 2000).
19. Valere P. Gagnon, "Serbia's Road to War," in Larry Diamond and Marc F. Plattner, eds., Nationalism, Ethnic Conflict, and Democracy (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1994); Vesna Pusić, "Croatia at the Crossroads, "Journal of Democracy 9:1(1998): 111-24; Zsuzsa Csergo, "Language and Institutional Legitimacy: A Comparative Study of Romania and Slovakia" (Doctoral diss., George Washington University, Washington, DC, 2000); Sharon Fisher, "The Rise and Fall of National Movements in Slovakia and Croatia," Slovak Foreign Policy Affairs 1:2(2000): 12-23; and Kevin Deegan Krause, "Accountability and Political Party Competition in Slovakia and the Czech Republic" (Doctoral diss., University of Notre Dame, South Bend, IN, 2000).
20. Valere P. Gagnon, "Serbia's Road to War," in Larry Diamond and Marc F. Plattner, eds., Nationalism, Ethnic Conflict, and Democracy (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1994); Vesna Pusić, "Croatia at the Crossroads, "Journal of Democracy 9:1(1998): 111-24; Zsuzsa Csergo, "Language and Institutional Legitimacy: A Comparative Study of Romania and Slovakia" (Doctoral diss., George Washington University, Washington, DC, 2000); Sharon Fisher, "The Rise and Fall of National Movements in Slovakia and Croatia," Slovak Foreign Policy Affairs 1:2(2000): 12-23; and Kevin Deegan Krause, "Accountability and Political Party Competition in Slovakia and the Czech Republic" (Doctoral diss., University of Notre Dame, South Bend, IN, 2000).
21. Valere P. Gagnon, "Serbia's Road to War," in Larry Diamond and Marc F. Plattner, eds., Nationalism, Ethnic Conflict, and Democracy (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1994); Vesna Pusić, "Croatia at the Crossroads, "Journal of Democracy 9:1(1998): 111-24; Zsuzsa Csergo, "Language and Institutional Legitimacy: A Comparative Study of Romania and Slovakia" (Doctoral diss., George Washington University, Washington, DC, 2000); Sharon Fisher, "The Rise and Fall of National Movements in Slovakia and Croatia," Slovak Foreign Policy Affairs 1:2(2000): 12-23; and Kevin Deegan Krause, "Accountability and Political Party Competition in Slovakia and the Czech Republic" (Doctoral diss., University of Notre Dame, South Bend, IN, 2000).
22. Gagnon, "Serbia's Road"; Fisher, "Rise and Fall"; Krause, "Accountability and Political Party Competition."
23. Gagnon, "Serbia's Road"; Fisher, "Rise and Fall"; Krause, "Accountability and Political Party Competition."
24. Gagnon, "Serbia's Road"; Fisher, "Rise and Fall"; Krause, "Accountability and Political Party Competition."
25. Brubaker pays only indirect attention to the possibility that a single nation may occupy several positions on his relational nexus depending on the nature of the interaction. His 1996 Nationalism Reframed alludes to two sets of relational nationalisms that emerged in the conflicts between Serbs and Croats: a dyadic account of minority Croats against nationalizing Serbs and a triadic account of nationalizing Croats, minority Serbs within Croatia and Serb external homeland (see Brubaker, Nationalism Reframed, 69-75). In the interest of demonstrating the utility of the triadic approach, Brubaker compares the triad favorably to the dyad rather than acknowledging that both sets of nationalisms existed simultaneously and played separate, distinct roles.
26. Snyder acknowledges the limitations of existing "civic" and "ethnic" categories and emphasizes the potential for sharp alterations in nationalism as the result of political leadership. See Jack L. Snyder, From Voting to Violence: Democratization and Nationalist Conflict (New York: Norton, 2000). Snyder's reclassification, however, responds to the inadequacies of existing dichotomies simply by adding new, mutually exclusive categories-"revolutionary" and "counterrevolutionary"-rather than looking to overlapping, relational categories of nationalism.
27. Csergo and Goldgeier, "Nationalist Strategies," 3-9.
28. William L. Miller, Stephen White, and Paul Heywood, Values and Political Change in Postcommunist Europe (New York: St. Martin's, 1998).
29. Alina Mungiu-Pippidi, "Milosevic Voters: Explaining Grassroots Nationalism in Post-Communist Europe," in Ivan Krastev and Alina Mungiu-Pippidi, eds., Nationalism after Communism: Lessons Learned (Budapest, Hungary: Central European University Press, 2004).
30. Miller, White, and Heywood, Values and Political Change in Postcommunist Europe.
31. Csergo and Goldgeier, "Nationalist Strategies and European Integration," 3-9.
32. Carol Skalnik Leff, National Conflict in Czechoslovakia: The Making and Remaking of a State, 1918-1987 (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1988); and Carol Skalnik Leff, The Czech and Slovak Republics: Nation versus State (Boulder, CO: Westview, 1997).
33. Carol Skalnik Leff, National Conflict in Czechoslovakia: The Making and Remaking of a State, 1918-1987 (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1988); and Carol Skalnik Leff, The Czech and Slovak Republics: Nation versus State (Boulder, CO: Westview, 1997).
34. Dušan Slobodník, "Prečo Európa kritizuje súčasnú Slovenskú vládu," Slovensko do toho!, 25 July 1998.
35. "Program Slovenskej Národnej Strany" ([Bratislava?]: Slovenská Národna Strana, 1995).
36. Csergo, "Language and Institutional Legitimacy."
37. See Tlačová agentúra Slovenskej republiky, 30 December 1996, 1546 Greenwich Mean Time (GMT). Some Slovaks also expressed resentment against other minority groups including Jews, Vietnamese, refugees from Southeastern Europe, and other immigrants from Africa and Asia; but during the 1990s, these remained relatively marginal in Slovakia's political discourse, as did general anti-immigrant sentiment of the sort employed by Jörg Haider in neighboring Austria.
38. "Prečo HZDS nepodporí kandidáta SDK," Slovensko do toho! 21 January 1998, http:// www.hzds.sk/spravy/Spravy/3_98/ HOF0301.html.
39. The discrepancy can be resolved to some degree by Wolchik's argument that focusing solely on those who supported Slovakia's independence ignores the significant share of the population that sought some sort of change in the position of Slovakia within Czechoslovakia, many of whom might have chosen independence in a referendum if it had been offered as the only alternative to the status quo. See Sharon L. Wolchik, "The Politics of Ethnicity in Post-Communist Czechoslovakia," East European Politics and Societies 8:1(1994): 153-88.
40. The stability of retrospective views toward the split offers impressive confirmation of the importance of the question of Slovakia's independence in Slovaks' own self-understanding. Surveys suggest that Slovaks remember quite accurately how they felt at the time of the split and that their reports of their positions in 1992 are consistent regardless of significant changes in their subsequent beliefs. Retrospective questions on other types of questions do not reveal the same consistency or accuracy. The clustering of retrospective support around 35 percent offers an alternative mechanism for analyzing the widely varying results of opinion surveys conducted during the more chaotic 1992 to 1993 period. See FOCUS, "Public Opinion Surveys" [computer file] (1992-2002), data results obtained by the author from FOCUS as part of a data-sharing agreement.
41. Over the same period, the number of Slovaks who agreed that "among the Roma were many decent people" declined significantly, but the change may rely heavily on the absence in 1999 of the question's prologue, "People form attitudes based on the worst Roma. "
42. International Social Survey Programme, "National Identity" [computer file] (1995). http:// webapp.icpsr.umich.edu/cocoon/ICPSR-SERIES/ 00124.xml.
43. The October 1993 FOCUS survey included the question, "The Slovak Republic is a young state and therefore people should not criticize its representatives?" Answers on this question exhibited above-average correlations with answers on all of the five questions except "trust in the European Union." A similar question on a 1997 FOCUS survey showed similarly high levels of correlation with nationalist questions despite the absence of the prefatory clause about the youth of the Slovak state. See FOCUS, "Public Opinion Surveys."
44. Surveys conducted as part of the New Democracies Barometer (NDB) project offer more evidence of this linkage. On three occasions between 1992 and 1998, NDB surveys asked respondents about the degree to which they feared the United States, Russia, Germany, neighboring countries, domestic national minorities, and immigrants. Factor analysis yields a consistent two-factor pattern for all three surveys conducted over a period of six years: one factor related to a peripheral nationalism against external threats (the United States, Germany, and Russia), another related to a state-building nationalism against internal threats (national minorities and immigrants). The element common to both factors is "fear of neighboring countries," reinforcing the previously mentioned linkage between perceived internal threats from Hungarians and perceived external threats from Hungary. In fact, the three studies show a steady increase in correlation between fear of "neighboring countries" and both fear of the United States and fear of immigrants, with the secondary effect of increasing the direct correlation between otherwise distantly related fears of immigrants and of the United States. Unfortunately, it is difficult to determine the degree to which this relationship reflects shifts in Slovakia's Hungarian population rather than its Slovak population because the NDB surveys omit the crucial question of ethnicity. Excluding voters of Hungarian parties from the sample (in the one survey where this information is available) produces no appreciable affect on the overall results (Sten Berglund, Joakim Eckman, and Kevin Deegan-Krause, "Comparing Cleavages in Central and Eastern Europe" (Manuscript, 2004).
45. See FOCUS, "Public Opinion Surveys."
46. Questions about Jews in Slovakia exhibit a mixed pattern of correlation. A question about the acceptability of Jewish neighbors correlates moderately well with many other nationalism-related questions, particularly those related to the Hungarian minority, offering support to arguments that anti-Semitism in Slovakia has retained a century-old relationship with anti-Hungarian sentiments (see Krause, "Accountability and Political Party Competition"). Between 1993 and 1996, the overall correlation between this question and others increased to a moderate degree, setting it apart from both the unchanged correlations of Roma-related questions and the higher increases of other types of nationalism. Despite a near absence of Jews, anti-Semitism remains significant in Slovakia, though not at present in a form that is clearly distinguishable from other forms of nationalism or one with clear goals.
47. The degree to which respondents identifying themselves as Hungarians were more likely than Slovaks to tolerate members of other minorities is probably not quite as significant as it seems, however, because of the tendency of Roma to claim Hungarian ethnicity on opinion surveys. Central European University (CEU) questionnaires asked interviewers themselves to assess whether respondents are Roma rather than leaving the question open to the interviewee. The results of these surveys show Roma to be three times more likely to claim Hungarian ethnicity than Slovak ethnicity and suggest that up to 10 percent of the electorate of Hungarian parties are Roma (as compared to less than 4 percent for other parties). See CEU, "Party Systems and Electoral Alignments in East Central Europe" [computer file] (1992-1996). www.personal.ceu.hu/departs/ personal/Gabor_Toka/DataSets.htm. If the "pseudo-Hungarian Roma" were significantly more likely to tolerate Hungarian neighbors or to oppose stricter laws for Roma, then levels of tolerance among Hungarians would become indistinguishable from the level among Slovaks. While this supposition is likely, it cannot be proven from available survey data because those surveys that ask interviewers to assess whether respondents are Roma do not contain questions about attitudes toward Roma.
48. CEU, "Party Systems and Electoral Alignments."
49. Scores in Figure 6a, Figure 6b, and Figure 7 represent the average support by party voters for statements or indexes of statements summarized by the labels above. "State-Building and Peripheral Nationalism" against Hungarians includes questions on the desirability of Hungarian neighbors, the danger of Hungarian irredentism, and the degree to which Hungarian citizens of Slovakia have allegiance to Slovakia. "Peripheral Nationalism against the West" includes questions on trust in the EU, trust in NATO, and openness to foreign investment. "Peripheral Nationalism against Czechs" reflects opinions on the desirability of an independent Slovakia. All of these questions appeared on FOCUS surveys between 1992 and 1999. "State-Building Nationalism against Non-National Slovaks" includes questions on the preference for patriotism over expertise in political leaders and the need to increase patriotism. These questions appeared on CEU surveys between 1992 and 1996.
50. On questions of minority rights and Slovakia's independence, Party of the Democratic Left (SDL) and Slovak Democratic Coalition (SDK) supporters resemble one another more than they resemble Hungarian voters; on questions of international actors, it is the SDK and Hungarian coalition voters who stand closely together while SDL voters show less enthusiasm (though not as little as they did in the 1992 to 1993 period). Only on questions of increasing patriotism did the supporters of the three parties hold nearly identical, relatively moderate views.
51. Neil King, "Meciar's Power Plays in Slovakia Stir Fears of Democracy's Erosion," Wall Street Journal, 11 January 1996.
52. Carol Skalnik Leff, "Dysfunctional Democracy: Institutional Conflict in Post-Communist Slovakia," Problems of Post-Communism 43:5(1996): 36-50; and Krause, "Accountability and Political Party Competition."
53. Carol Skalnik Leff, "Dysfunctional Democracy: Institutional Conflict in Post-Communist Slovakia," Problems of Post-Communism 43:5(1996): 36-50; and Krause, "Accountability and Political Party Competition."
54. Krause, "Accountability and Political Party Competition."
55. I b i d.
56. Kevin Deegan Krause, "The Ambivalent Influence of the European Union on Democratization in Slovakia," in Paul Kubicek, ed., The European Union and Democratization (London: Routledge, 2003).
57. Between 1993 and the present, the government has shifted back and forth several times between two blocs of parties, but no party crossed bloc lines.
58. Kevin Deegan Krause," '... Their Own Worst Enemies ...' National Issues and Party System Polarization in Slovakia" (Paper presented at the Conference of the American Political Science Association, Boston, 5 September 1998).
59. Ibid.; and Fisher, "Rise and Fall of National Movements in Slovakia and Croatia."
60. Ibid.; and Fisher, "Rise and Fall of National Movements in Slovakia and Croatia."
61. Gagnon, "Serbia's Road to War"; Snyder, From Voting to Violence; and Bojan Todosijević, "Serbia," in Sten Berglund, Joakim Eckman, and Frank H. Aarebrot, eds., The Handbook of Political Change in Eastern Europe, 2nd ed. (Cheltenham, UK: Edward Elgar, 2003).
62. Gagnon, "Serbia's Road to War"; Snyder, From Voting to Violence; and Bojan Todosijević, "Serbia," in Sten Berglund, Joakim Eckman, and Frank H. Aarebrot, eds., The Handbook of Political Change in Eastern Europe, 2nd ed. (Cheltenham, UK: Edward Elgar, 2003).
63. Gagnon, "Serbia's Road to War"; Snyder, From Voting to Violence; and Bojan Todosijević, "Serbia," in Sten Berglund, Joakim Eckman, and Frank H. Aarebrot, eds., The Handbook of Political Change in Eastern Europe, 2nd ed. (Cheltenham, UK: Edward Elgar, 2003).
64. Movement for a Democratic Slovakia (HZDS) supporters were more likely than supporters of most other parties to support a loose confederation rather than the then-existing federation, but when forced to choose between independence and the status quo, they were no more likely to opt for an independent Slovakia than the average Slovak respondent. See Center for Research on Public Opinion, "Periodic Surveys of Public Opinion" [computer file] (1990-2001). http://archiv.soc.cas/cz/czindex.phtml.
65. Institute of Sociology, Czechoslovak Academy of Sciences/Academy of Sciences of the Czech Republic, "Economic Expectations and Attitudes Survey I-IX" [computer file] (1990-1996), http://archiv.soc.cas/cz/czindex.phtml; and FOCUS, "Public Opinion Surveys."
66. Institute of Sociology, Czechoslovak Academy of Sciences/Academy of Sciences of the Czech Republic, "Economic Expectations and Attitudes Survey I-IX" [computer file] (1990-1996), http://archiv.soc.cas/cz/czindex.phtml; and FOCUS, "Public Opinion Surveys."
67. FOCUS, "Public Opinion Surveys."
68. Kevin Deegan-Krause, "Elected Affinities: Nation, Market and Democracy after Czechoslovakia" (Manuscript, 2003).
69. In a May 1994 survey, 17 percent of supporters of the HZDS-led bloc claimed to have voted for parties of the opposing bloc in the election just two years previous. In a November 1997 survey, by contrast, only 5 percent of supporters of the HZDS-led bloc claimed to have voted for parties of the opposing bloc in the election three years previous. See FOCUS, "Public Opinion Surveys." Surveys conducted in 1995 and 1996 show even smaller shifts.
70. The SDL changed its party chair in 1996, but the new chairman's ability to make changes remained limited by the powerful and mostly unchanged executive committee.
71. Voters reacted not only to the exhortations of HZDS leaders about the EU's "double-standard" (see Tlačová agentúra Slovenskej republiky, 6 May 1997, 1132 GMT) and "oppressive mentoring" (see Jana Cerna, "Slovakia Wants to Be Part of the European Union," Slovenská republika, 17 June 1997, trans. Foreign Broadcast Information Service) but also to the statements of the EU and NATO themselves (as filtered through the press) that criticized the HZDS-led government. Slovenská republika, the strongest progovernment daily newspaper of the time, often published without comment long excerpts from Western criticisms of the Mečiar government, apparently convinced that Western origin of the source would be enough not only to blunt its impact but to strengthen support for the government in its courageous opposition to Western imperialism.
72. Voters reacted not only to the exhortations of HZDS leaders about the EU's "double-standard" (see Tlačová agentúra Slovenskej republiky, 6 May 1997, 1132 GMT) and "oppressive mentoring" (see Jana Cerna, "Slovakia Wants to Be Part of the European Union," Slovenská republika, 17 June 1997, trans. Foreign Broadcast Information Service) but also to the statements of the EU and NATO themselves (as filtered through the press) that criticized the HZDS-led government. Slovenská republika, the strongest progovernment daily newspaper of the time, often published without comment long excerpts from Western criticisms of the Mečiar government, apparently convinced that Western origin of the source would be enough not only to blunt its impact but to strengthen support for the government in its courageous opposition to Western imperialism.
73. James H. Kuklinski and Gary M. Segura, "Endogeneity, Exogencity, Time, and Space in Political Representation," Legislative Studies Quarterly 20:1(1995): 3-21; Paul M. Sniderman, Richard A. Brody, and Philip Tetlock, Reasoning and Choice: Explorations in Political Psychology (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991); and John Zaller, The Nature and Origins of Mass Opinion (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992).
74. James H. Kuklinski and Gary M. Segura, "Endogeneity, Exogencity, Time, and Space in Political Representation," Legislative Studies Quarterly 20:1(1995): 3-21; Paul M. Sniderman, Richard A. Brody, and Philip Tetlock, Reasoning and Choice: Explorations in Political Psychology (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991); and John Zaller, The Nature and Origins of Mass Opinion (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992).
75. James H. Kuklinski and Gary M. Segura, "Endogeneity, Exogencity, Time, and Space in Political Representation," Legislative Studies Quarterly 20:1(1995): 3-21; Paul M. Sniderman, Richard A. Brody, and Philip Tetlock, Reasoning and Choice: Explorations in Political Psychology (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991); and John Zaller, The Nature and Origins of Mass Opinion (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992).
76. Kuklinski and Segura, "Endogeneity," 14.
77. Jarmilla Malecová, "Opozícia by chcela vládnut Slovensku s pomocou zahraničnýh Mecenášov," Slovensko do toho! 5 February 1998.
78. Ironically-though perhaps not unintentionally-HZDS helped to encourage precisely the "conspiracy" it warned against by throwing opposition to Slovak politicians, Hungarians, and Western representatives into similar positions of political disadvantage pointing out their common interest in defeating Mečiar.
79. See Krause, "The Ambivalent Influence." When HZDS's needs changed, in the early 2000s, its rhetoric changed to support the EU and NATO, and at least some of the party's supporters began to omit peripheral nationalism against the West from their cluster of nationalisms (FOCUS, "Public Opinion Surveys").
80. Petr Matějů and Klára Vlachová, "Krystalizace politického spektra a role hodnot ve volebním rozhodování," in Petr Matějů and Klára Vlachová, eds., Nerovnost, Spravedlnost, Politika: Ceská, Republika 1991-1998 (Prague, Czech Republic: Sociologické nakladatelství, 2000).
81. James R. Kluegel and David S. Mason, "Market Justice in Transition," in James R. Kluegel and David S. Mason, eds., Marketing Democracy (Lanham, MD: Rowan & Littlefield, 2000).
82. Miller, White, and Heywood, Values and Political Change in Postcommunist Europe.
83. Even at its height, the coherence of nationalisms in Slovakia remained far lower than coherence of attitudes on socioeconomic questions. The first major FOCUS survey of opinion in Slovakia after independence in October 1993 shows that opinions on five disparate economic issues-income distribution, state ownership, personal responsibility, free markets, and poverty-yielded a Cronbach's alpha of.60, higher than the above-discussed set of five questions on nationalism at its highest point (FOCUS, "Public Opinion Surveys").
84. Liah Greenfeld, Nationalism. Five Roads to Modernity (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1992); and Daniel Chirot, Modern Tyrants (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1994).
85. Liah Greenfeld, Nationalism. Five Roads to Modernity (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1992); and Daniel Chirot, Modern Tyrants (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1994).