Nietzsche's view of the value of historical studies and methods

Journal of the History of Ideas

Volumn 65, Issue 2, 2004, Pages 301-322

  Brobjer, Thomas H ^a  

^a UPPSALA UNIVERSITY   (Sweden)

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[No Author keywords available]

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EID: 8744313961     PISSN: 00225037     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1353/jhi.2004.0025     Document Type: Review

References (108)

1. Much has been written about On the Uses and Disadvantages of History for Life. See Joerg Salaquarda's examination, "Studien zur Zweiten Unzeitgemäßen Betrachtung" in Nietzsche-Studien, 13 (1984), 1-45. Salaquarda briefly discusses the fact that Nietzsche seems to ignore the work after he published it, and attempts, to me unsuccessfully, to explain this by means of psychological considerations (rather than due to changes in his views). Most recently in English is Glenn W. Most, "On the Use and Abuse of Ancient Greece for Life," in Cultura Tedesca, 20, Nietzsche, ed. by Sandro Barbera (Rome, 2002), 31-54, in which he places Nietzsche's work in its historical context. See also Von Nutzen und Nachtheil der Historie für das Leben, ed. D. Borchmeyer (Frankfurt am Main, 1996). Martin Singelin has in Nietzsche-Studien, 22 (1993), 28-41, discussed Nietzsche's later views on history "Historic als 'Versuch das Heraklitische Werden ... in Zeichen abzukürzen.' Zeichen und Geschichte in Nietzsches Spätwerk" from a somewhat postmodern perspective; and Andreas Urs Sommer's Der Geist der Historie und das Ende des Christentums (Berlin, 1997). Three other recent books discussing Nietzsche's relation to history are Hartmut Schröter, Historische Theorie und Geschichtliches Handeln: Zur Wissenschaftskritik Nietzsches (Itzelberg, 1982), Christian Lipperheide, Nietzsches Geschichtsstrategien (Würzburg, 1999) and Aldo Lanfranconi, Nietzsches historische Philosophie (Stuttgart, 2000).
2. Much has been written about On the Uses and Disadvantages of History for Life. See Joerg Salaquarda's examination, "Studien zur Zweiten Unzeitgemäßen Betrachtung" in Nietzsche-Studien, 13 (1984), 1-45. Salaquarda briefly discusses the fact that Nietzsche seems to ignore the work after he published it, and attempts, to me unsuccessfully, to explain this by means of psychological considerations (rather than due to changes in his views). Most recently in English is Glenn W. Most, "On the Use and Abuse of Ancient Greece for Life," in Cultura Tedesca, 20, Nietzsche, ed. by Sandro Barbera (Rome, 2002), 31-54, in which he places Nietzsche's work in its historical context. See also Von Nutzen und Nachtheil der Historie für das Leben, ed. D. Borchmeyer (Frankfurt am Main, 1996). Martin Singelin has in Nietzsche-Studien, 22 (1993), 28-41, discussed Nietzsche's later views on history "Historic als 'Versuch das Heraklitische Werden ... in Zeichen abzukürzen.' Zeichen und Geschichte in Nietzsches Spätwerk" from a somewhat postmodern perspective; and Andreas Urs Sommer's Der Geist der Historie und das Ende des Christentums (Berlin, 1997). Three other recent books discussing Nietzsche's relation to history are Hartmut Schröter, Historische Theorie und Geschichtliches Handeln: Zur Wissenschaftskritik Nietzsches (Itzelberg, 1982), Christian Lipperheide, Nietzsches Geschichtsstrategien (Würzburg, 1999) and Aldo Lanfranconi, Nietzsches historische Philosophie (Stuttgart, 2000).
3. Much has been written about On the Uses and Disadvantages of History for Life. See Joerg Salaquarda's examination, "Studien zur Zweiten Unzeitgemäßen Betrachtung" in Nietzsche-Studien, 13 (1984), 1-45. Salaquarda briefly discusses the fact that Nietzsche seems to ignore the work after he published it, and attempts, to me unsuccessfully, to explain this by means of psychological considerations (rather than due to changes in his views). Most recently in English is Glenn W. Most, "On the Use and Abuse of Ancient Greece for Life," in Cultura Tedesca, 20, Nietzsche, ed. by Sandro Barbera (Rome, 2002), 31-54, in which he places Nietzsche's work in its historical context. See also Von Nutzen und Nachtheil der Historie für das Leben, ed. D. Borchmeyer (Frankfurt am Main, 1996). Martin Singelin has in Nietzsche-Studien, 22 (1993), 28-41, discussed Nietzsche's later views on history "Historic als 'Versuch das Heraklitische Werden ... in Zeichen abzukürzen.' Zeichen und Geschichte in Nietzsches Spätwerk" from a somewhat postmodern perspective; and Andreas Urs Sommer's Der Geist der Historie und das Ende des Christentums (Berlin, 1997). Three other recent books discussing Nietzsche's relation to history are Hartmut Schröter, Historische Theorie und Geschichtliches Handeln: Zur Wissenschaftskritik Nietzsches (Itzelberg, 1982), Christian Lipperheide, Nietzsches Geschichtsstrategien (Würzburg, 1999) and Aldo Lanfranconi, Nietzsches historische Philosophie (Stuttgart, 2000).
4. Much has been written about On the Uses and Disadvantages of History for Life. See Joerg Salaquarda's examination, "Studien zur Zweiten Unzeitgemäßen Betrachtung" in Nietzsche-Studien, 13 (1984), 1-45. Salaquarda briefly discusses the fact that Nietzsche seems to ignore the work after he published it, and attempts, to me unsuccessfully, to explain this by means of psychological considerations (rather than due to changes in his views). Most recently in English is Glenn W. Most, "On the Use and Abuse of Ancient Greece for Life," in Cultura Tedesca, 20, Nietzsche, ed. by Sandro Barbera (Rome, 2002), 31-54, in which he places Nietzsche's work in its historical context. See also Von Nutzen und Nachtheil der Historie für das Leben, ed. D. Borchmeyer (Frankfurt am Main, 1996). Martin Singelin has in Nietzsche-Studien, 22 (1993), 28-41, discussed Nietzsche's later views on history "Historic als 'Versuch das Heraklitische Werden ... in Zeichen abzukürzen.' Zeichen und Geschichte in Nietzsches Spätwerk" from a somewhat postmodern perspective; and Andreas Urs Sommer's Der Geist der Historie und das Ende des Christentums (Berlin, 1997). Three other recent books discussing Nietzsche's relation to history are Hartmut Schröter, Historische Theorie und Geschichtliches Handeln: Zur Wissenschaftskritik Nietzsches (Itzelberg, 1982), Christian Lipperheide, Nietzsches Geschichtsstrategien (Würzburg, 1999) and Aldo Lanfranconi, Nietzsches historische Philosophie (Stuttgart, 2000).
5. Much has been written about On the Uses and Disadvantages of History for Life. See Joerg Salaquarda's examination, "Studien zur Zweiten Unzeitgemäßen Betrachtung" in Nietzsche-Studien, 13 (1984), 1-45. Salaquarda briefly discusses the fact that Nietzsche seems to ignore the work after he published it, and attempts, to me unsuccessfully, to explain this by means of psychological considerations (rather than due to changes in his views). Most recently in English is Glenn W. Most, "On the Use and Abuse of Ancient Greece for Life," in Cultura Tedesca, 20, Nietzsche, ed. by Sandro Barbera (Rome, 2002), 31-54, in which he places Nietzsche's work in its historical context. See also Von Nutzen und Nachtheil der Historie für das Leben, ed. D. Borchmeyer (Frankfurt am Main, 1996). Martin Singelin has in Nietzsche-Studien, 22 (1993), 28-41, discussed Nietzsche's later views on history "Historic als 'Versuch das Heraklitische Werden ... in Zeichen abzukürzen.' Zeichen und Geschichte in Nietzsches Spätwerk" from a somewhat postmodern perspective; and Andreas Urs Sommer's Der Geist der Historie und das Ende des Christentums (Berlin, 1997). Three other recent books discussing Nietzsche's relation to history are Hartmut Schröter, Historische Theorie und Geschichtliches Handeln: Zur Wissenschaftskritik Nietzsches (Itzelberg, 1982), Christian Lipperheide, Nietzsches Geschichtsstrategien (Würzburg, 1999) and Aldo Lanfranconi, Nietzsches historische Philosophie (Stuttgart, 2000).
6. Much has been written about On the Uses and Disadvantages of History for Life. See Joerg Salaquarda's examination, "Studien zur Zweiten Unzeitgemäßen Betrachtung" in Nietzsche-Studien, 13 (1984), 1-45. Salaquarda briefly discusses the fact that Nietzsche seems to ignore the work after he published it, and attempts, to me unsuccessfully, to explain this by means of psychological considerations (rather than due to changes in his views). Most recently in English is Glenn W. Most, "On the Use and Abuse of Ancient Greece for Life," in Cultura Tedesca, 20, Nietzsche, ed. by Sandro Barbera (Rome, 2002), 31-54, in which he places Nietzsche's work in its historical context. See also Von Nutzen und Nachtheil der Historie für das Leben, ed. D. Borchmeyer (Frankfurt am Main, 1996). Martin Singelin has in Nietzsche-Studien, 22 (1993), 28-41, discussed Nietzsche's later views on history "Historic als 'Versuch das Heraklitische Werden ... in Zeichen abzukürzen.' Zeichen und Geschichte in Nietzsches Spätwerk" from a somewhat postmodern perspective; and Andreas Urs Sommer's Der Geist der Historie und das Ende des Christentums (Berlin, 1997). Three other recent books discussing Nietzsche's relation to history are Hartmut Schröter, Historische Theorie und Geschichtliches Handeln: Zur Wissenschaftskritik Nietzsches (Itzelberg, 1982), Christian Lipperheide, Nietzsches Geschichtsstrategien (Würzburg, 1999) and Aldo Lanfranconi, Nietzsches historische Philosophie (Stuttgart, 2000).
7. Much has been written about On the Uses and Disadvantages of History for Life. See Joerg Salaquarda's examination, "Studien zur Zweiten Unzeitgemäßen Betrachtung" in Nietzsche-Studien, 13 (1984), 1-45. Salaquarda briefly discusses the fact that Nietzsche seems to ignore the work after he published it, and attempts, to me unsuccessfully, to explain this by means of psychological considerations (rather than due to changes in his views). Most recently in English is Glenn W. Most, "On the Use and Abuse of Ancient Greece for Life," in Cultura Tedesca, 20, Nietzsche, ed. by Sandro Barbera (Rome, 2002), 31-54, in which he places Nietzsche's work in its historical context. See also Von Nutzen und Nachtheil der Historie für das Leben, ed. D. Borchmeyer (Frankfurt am Main, 1996). Martin Singelin has in Nietzsche-Studien, 22 (1993), 28-41, discussed Nietzsche's later views on history "Historic als 'Versuch das Heraklitische Werden ... in Zeichen abzukürzen.' Zeichen und Geschichte in Nietzsches Spätwerk" from a somewhat postmodern perspective; and Andreas Urs Sommer's Der Geist der Historie und das Ende des Christentums (Berlin, 1997). Three other recent books discussing Nietzsche's relation to history are Hartmut Schröter, Historische Theorie und Geschichtliches Handeln: Zur Wissenschaftskritik Nietzsches (Itzelberg, 1982), Christian Lipperheide, Nietzsches Geschichtsstrategien (Würzburg, 1999) and Aldo Lanfranconi, Nietzsches historische Philosophie (Stuttgart, 2000).
8. Much has been written about On the Uses and Disadvantages of History for Life. See Joerg Salaquarda's examination, "Studien zur Zweiten Unzeitgemäßen Betrachtung" in Nietzsche-Studien, 13 (1984), 1-45. Salaquarda briefly discusses the fact that Nietzsche seems to ignore the work after he published it, and attempts, to me unsuccessfully, to explain this by means of psychological considerations (rather than due to changes in his views). Most recently in English is Glenn W. Most, "On the Use and Abuse of Ancient Greece for Life," in Cultura Tedesca, 20, Nietzsche, ed. by Sandro Barbera (Rome, 2002), 31-54, in which he places Nietzsche's work in its historical context. See also Von Nutzen und Nachtheil der Historie für das Leben, ed. D. Borchmeyer (Frankfurt am Main, 1996). Martin Singelin has in Nietzsche-Studien, 22 (1993), 28-41, discussed Nietzsche's later views on history "Historic als 'Versuch das Heraklitische Werden ... in Zeichen abzukürzen.' Zeichen und Geschichte in Nietzsches Spätwerk" from a somewhat postmodern perspective; and Andreas Urs Sommer's Der Geist der Historie und das Ende des Christentums (Berlin, 1997). Three other recent books discussing Nietzsche's relation to history are Hartmut Schröter, Historische Theorie und Geschichtliches Handeln: Zur Wissenschaftskritik Nietzsches (Itzelberg, 1982), Christian Lipperheide, Nietzsches Geschichtsstrategien (Würzburg, 1999) and Aldo Lanfranconi, Nietzsches historische Philosophie (Stuttgart, 2000).
9. Burckhardt, in his letter of thanks, 25 February 1874, although friendly, really avoids giving a judgment of the book. Wagner's and Rohde's views can perhaps best be seen in their statements to third persons. Rohde, in a letter to Gersdorff, 18 February 1874, praises the work, but also states "Denn wie leicht ist es nicht, zu bemerken, daß N[ietzsche] in vielen Punkten übertreibt." Wagner summarizes his view to Cosima, who writes it down in her diary, 9 April 1874: "Es ist die Schrift eines sehr bedeutenden Menschen .... Sie ist aber noch sehr unreif, alle Anschaulichkeit fehlt ihr, weil er niemals Beispiele aus der Geschichte gibt and doch viele Wiederholungen und keine eigentliche Einteilung hat. Diese Schrift is zu schnell erschienen. Ich weiß niemanden, dem ich sie zur Lektüre geben könnte, weil ihm kein Mensch folgen kann. Die Grundidee hat Schopenhauer schon ausgesprochen, N. hätte sie viel mehr vom pädagogischen Standpunkte aus beleuchten sollen." Rohde's and Wagner's words are cited from Richard Frank Krummel, Nietzsche und der deutsche Geist (Berlin, 1998), Band I, 38f.
10. Nietzsche wrote and published four Untimely Meditations: David Strauss, the Confessor and the Writer (1873), On the Uses and Disadvantages of History for Life (1874), Schopenhauer as Educator (1874), and Richard Wagner in Bayreuth (1876). He also wrote extensive notes during the spring and summer 1875 for a fifth one (then planned as the fourth), entitled "We Classicists."
11. Nietzsche wrote and published four Untimely Meditations: David Strauss, the Confessor and the Writer (1873), On the Uses and Disadvantages of History for Life (1874), Schopenhauer as Educator (1874), and Richard Wagner in Bayreuth (1876). He also wrote extensive notes during the spring and summer 1875 for a fifth one (then planned as the fourth), entitled "We Classicists."
12. Nietzsche wrote and published four Untimely Meditations: David Strauss, the Confessor and the Writer (1873), On the Uses and Disadvantages of History for Life (1874), Schopenhauer as Educator (1874), and Richard Wagner in Bayreuth (1876). He also wrote extensive notes during the spring and summer 1875 for a fifth one (then planned as the fourth), entitled "We Classicists."
13. Nietzsche wrote and published four Untimely Meditations: David Strauss, the Confessor and the Writer (1873), On the Uses and Disadvantages of History for Life (1874), Schopenhauer as Educator (1874), and Richard Wagner in Bayreuth (1876). He also wrote extensive notes during the spring and summer 1875 for a fifth one (then planned as the fourth), entitled "We Classicists."
14. I am quoting from Hollingdale's translation. That this relates to Nietzsche's own development is still more clear in an early draft, Friedrich Nietzsche: Kritische Studienausgabe ed. G. Colli and M. Montinari (15 vols.; 1967ff., 1980), KSA 14, 140f. In this earlier draft Nietzsche writes in the form of "we" instead of "they," i.e. the note then began: "We at present begin ... our ... [etc.]." [KSA is the conventional abbreviation for Friedrich Nietzsche.] Volume 14 is a commentary volume. KSB is the abbreviation for the corresponding eight volumes of Nietzsche's letters, by the same editors. These letters have not been translated into English (except a small selection by Middleton, see below). I refer to Nietzsche's letter by recipient and date, which means that they can easily be identified since they are published in chronological order in KSB. KSA does not contain Nietzsche's writings before he became a professor in Basel in 1869. This has been published in Friedrich Nietzsche: Frühe Schriften (Munich, 1933-40, reprinted 1994), 5 volumes, abbreviated BAW (followed by volume and page numbers). These early writings are now also slowly being published in the bound edition KGW section I (i.e., Friedrich Nietzsche: Kritische Gesamtausgabe, also initiated by G. Colli and M. Montinari). A concordance between the pages of the KSA-volumes and the KGW-volumes is included in KSA 15. However, since the identifying numbers, e.g. 5[171], are the same in both versions, it is generally easy to find any KSA-reference also in KGW. The translations from Nietzsche's notes and letters are my own unless otherwise stated.
15. I am quoting from Hollingdale's translation. That this relates to Nietzsche's own development is still more clear in an early draft, Friedrich Nietzsche: Kritische Studienausgabe ed. G. Colli and M. Montinari (15 vols.; 1967ff., 1980), KSA 14, 140f. In this earlier draft Nietzsche writes in the form of "we" instead of "they," i.e. the note then began: "We at present begin ... our ... [etc.]." [KSA is the conventional abbreviation for Friedrich Nietzsche.] Volume 14 is a commentary volume. KSB is the abbreviation for the corresponding eight volumes of Nietzsche's letters, by the same editors. These letters have not been translated into English (except a small selection by Middleton, see below). I refer to Nietzsche's letter by recipient and date, which means that they can easily be identified since they are published in chronological order in KSB. KSA does not contain Nietzsche's writings before he became a professor in Basel in 1869. This has been published in Friedrich Nietzsche: Frühe Schriften (Munich, 1933-40, reprinted 1994), 5 volumes, abbreviated BAW (followed by volume and page numbers). These early writings are now also slowly being published in the bound edition KGW section I (i.e., Friedrich Nietzsche: Kritische Gesamtausgabe, also initiated by G. Colli and M. Montinari). A concordance between the pages of the KSA-volumes and the KGW-volumes is included in KSA 15. However, since the identifying numbers, e.g. 5[171], are the same in both versions, it is generally easy to find any KSA-reference also in KGW. The translations from Nietzsche's notes and letters are my own unless otherwise stated.
16. KSA 8, 23[159], written between the end of 1876 and the summer of 1877.
17. I have here used the translation of Christopher Middleton, in Selected Letters of Friedrich Nietzsche (Cambridge, 1969, 1996).
18. Letter to Gersdorff, 21 July 1875.
19. KSA 8, 27[34], 1878: "Versuch die Augen zu schliessen gegen die Erkenntniss des Historie."
20. KSA 8, 30[166], summer 1878.
21. Letter to Rée, Sept. 1879. Nietzsche also published a revised version of this epigram under the different title "Jugendschriften" as rhyme 36 of the prelude to The Gay Science (translated into English by Kaufmann).
22. Letter to Elise Fincke (Peabody Institute, Baltimore), 20 March 1882.
23. KSA 10, 16[23], autumn 1883.
24. See also Nietzsche's letter to Fritzsch, 29 August 1886, in which he discusses his plans for these prefaces and new editions.
25. KSA 11, 35[48], May-July 1885.
26. KSA 11, 37[5], June-July 1885.
27. KSA 11, 41[2], August-September 1885. It should perhaps be pointed out that Nietzsche was not positively disposed to youth after 1875/76. Thus the praise of youth at the end of On the Uses and Disadvantages of History for Life is also something with which the later Nietzsche had little sympathy. Although Nietzsche's writings attract youth, for him maturity was a prime virtue. Nietzsche frequently criticizes youth (and youths) in his letters, and claims that it is obvious that he does not write for them, see, for example, letter to Overbeck, 13 May 1887.
28. KSA 11, 41[2], August-September 1885. It should perhaps be pointed out that Nietzsche was not positively disposed to youth after 1875/76. Thus the praise of youth at the end of On the Uses and Disadvantages of History for Life is also something with which the later Nietzsche had little sympathy. Although Nietzsche's writings attract youth, for him maturity was a prime virtue. Nietzsche frequently criticizes youth (and youths) in his letters, and claims that it is obvious that he does not write for them, see, for example, letter to Overbeck, 13 May 1887.
29. KSA 11, 40[65], August-September 1885.
30. See, e.g., Human, All Too Human, 26 and KSA 9, 11[99].
31. See, e.g., Human, All Too Human, 26 and KSA 9, 11[99].
32. KSA 11, 40[67].
33. In a note from 1875 Nietzsche wrote down that he planned to buy the complete works of Ranke, KSA 8, 4[1].
34. Nietzsche's copy of On the Uses and Disadvantages of History for Life with these revisions is in the Goethe-Schiller archive in Weimar.
35. Compare also the note KSA 12, 6[4], summer 1886-early 1887, which is very similar, but in which he had added a parenthesis at the end to prove his point "(Quod demonstratum est-)."
36. "Ein paar B emerkungen noch: sie beziehen sich auf meine Erstlinge (-die Juvenilia und Juvenalia). ... Zwischen den 'unzeitgemäßen Betrachtungen' und 'Menschliches, Allzumenschliches' liegt eine Krisis und Häutung." Compare also his later account, again to Brandes, 10 April 1888.
37. Letter to Gast, 16 Sept. 1888. "Beim sorgsamen Durchlesen der Schrift fand ich zwanzig Gründe mehr, Ihnen dankbar zu sein. Eine ganze Anzahl feiner technisch-buchdruckerischer Arrangements geht sicher auf Sie zurück. Daß in dem Bücher-Verzeichniß auf der Rückseite die 'Unzeitgemäßen Betrachtungen' fehlen, ist geradezu bewunderungswürdig." Gast seems also to regard Nietzsche's statement as written without irony, for he does not comment on it in his next letter to Nietzsche.
38. Ecce Homo, "Untimely Meditations," 1.
39. The only ones I have found are two references of little relevance to "monumental history" in 1878, while discussing his own development and earlier views, KSA 8, 27[96] and 28[3], and one to "ntiquarian history," in The Gay Science, 83, but then in a more general sense rather than the one he used in On the Uses and Disadvantages of History for Life. I have only found a single use of the word "overhistorical," where Nietzsche discusses his earlier writings, KSA 8, 30[166].
40. Nietzsche frequently claimed that what he learned from his classical philological studies and work were methods, and primary among these were historical criticism and historical sensibility. To quote one example, in a letter to Overbeck, 13 July 1885, he writes: "Eigentlich habe ich erst in den letzten 10 Jahren mir Kenntnisse verschafft; von der Philologie her lernte ich im Grunde nur Methoden."
41. BAW 2, 68. "Die Vergangenheit ist mir lieber als die Gegenwart; aber ich glaube an eine bessere Zukunft."
42. See Jörg Salaquarda, "Nietzsche and the Judaeo-Christian tradition" in The Cambridge Companion to Nietzsche" ed. B. Magnus and K. M. Higgins (Cambridge, 1996), and Thomas H. Brobjer, "Nietzsche's Changing Relation to Christianity: Nietzsche as Christian, Atheist and Antichrist," Nietzsche and the Gods, ed. Weaver Santaniello (New York, 2001), 137-57.
43. See Jörg Salaquarda, "Nietzsche and the Judaeo-Christian tradition" in The Cambridge Companion to Nietzsche" ed. B. Magnus and K. M. Higgins (Cambridge, 1996), and Thomas H. Brobjer, "Nietzsche's Changing Relation to Christianity: Nietzsche as Christian, Atheist and Antichrist," Nietzsche and the Gods, ed. Weaver Santaniello (New York, 2001), 137-57.
44. To mention just a few of them; Brochard, Buckle, Carlyle, Gervinus, Herder, Lobeck, Michelet, and Treitschke.
45. KSA 8, 23[48], end of 1876 to summer 1877.
46. An excellent study of this aspect of Nietzsche's thinking is Andrea Orsucci's Orient-Okzident (Berlin, 1996).
47. KSA 10, 8[13], summer 1883. This note is repeated in KSA 11, 42[8], August-September 1885 (this is possibly due to an editorial mistake). Nietzsche also re-states some of this critique of "our naive genealogists of law and morals" in Zur Genealogie der Moral, II, 13.
48. KSA 10, 8[13], summer 1883. This note is repeated in KSA 11, 42[8], August-September 1885 (this is possibly due to an editorial mistake). Nietzsche also re-states some of this critique of "our naive genealogists of law and morals" in Zur Genealogie der Moral, II, 13.
49. KSA 10, 8[13], summer 1883. This note is repeated in KSA 11, 42[8], August-September 1885 (this is possibly due to an editorial mistake). Nietzsche also re-states some of this critique of "our naive genealogists of law and morals" in Zur Genealogie der Moral, II, 13.
50. This is also true of Nietzsche's view of Ritschl who, by any count, was a narrow, boring, and specialist historian, but whom Nietzsche nonetheless appreciated and praised. See Ecce Homo, "Clever," 9, quoted above.
51. Twilight of the Idols, "What I Owe to the Ancients," 2.
52. Beyond Good and Evil, 254 and KSA 11, 38[5], June-July 1885.
53. Beyond Good and Evil, 254 and KSA 11, 38[5], June-July 1885.
54. See Nietzsche's letters to Rohde, 12th, 19th and 23rd of May and 11th November 1887.
55. For an extensive discussion of this theme in Nietzsche's thinking, see Marco Brusotti, Die Leidenschaft der Erkenntnis (Berlin, 1997).
56. Letter to mother and sister, 21 April 1880.
57. KSA 11, 42[6], August-September 1885. "Meine Vorbereiter ... der historische Sinn."
58. On the Genealogy of Morals, I, 17 (note).
59. He referred to the concept four times while discussing his own earlier writing and development - the first section of the preface to the second volume of Human, All Too Human (i.e., to Assorted Opinions and Maxims and The Wanderer and His Shadow), KSA 8, 27[66], KSA 8, 30[166] and KSA 12, 6[4]-but these do not necessarily signify a continual belief in the diagnosis.
60. He referred to the concept four times while discussing his own earlier writing and development - the first section of the preface to the second volume of Human, All Too Human (i.e., to Assorted Opinions and Maxims and The Wanderer and His Shadow), KSA 8, 27[66], KSA 8, 30[166] and KSA 12, 6[4]-but these do not necessarily signify a continual belief in the diagnosis.
61. He referred to the concept four times while discussing his own earlier writing and development - the first section of the preface to the second volume of Human, All Too Human (i.e., to Assorted Opinions and Maxims and The Wanderer and His Shadow), KSA 8, 27[66], KSA 8, 30[166] and KSA 12, 6[4]-but these do not necessarily signify a continual belief in the diagnosis.
62. KSA 11, 25[12] and 163].
63. See, for example, The Gay Science, 337 (quoted below).
64. Nietzsche used the expression "sense of history" only in Human, All Too Human, 2, and in two notes, KSA 9, 4[101] and 15[17].
65. Nietzsche used the expression "sense of history" only in Human, All Too Human, 2, and in two notes, KSA 9, 4[101] and 15[17].
66. Kaufmann's translation. Compare also section 83 and notes KSA 9, 11[99] and 12[76].
67. Kaufmann's translation. Compare KSA 11, 26[424] and 35[2].
68. For example, in KSA 11, 34[180] and KSA 12, 9[3].
69. For example, in KSA 11, 34[180] and KSA 12, 9[3].
70. KSA 11, 35[34], May-July 1885.
71. The Antichrist, 37.
72. The Gay Science, 377.
73. KSA 11, 34[73], April-June 1885. Nietzsche's note is broken off in the middle of the last sentence: "Even Kant had not transcended the contradictio in adjecto 'pure spirit': we, however,
74. KSA 11, 26[100]: "What have the philosophers been lacking a) historical sense." The other two things listed are knowledge of physiology and a goal for the future.
75. KSA 11, 26[393]. See also, KSA 12, 7[20]: "The morality of philosophers from Socrates onwards is a sort of Don Quixotery ... complete lack of historical sense."
76. KSA 11, 26[393]. See also, KSA 12, 7[20]: "The morality of philosophers from Socrates onwards is a sort of Don Quixotery ... complete lack of historical sense."
77. KSA 11, 38[14].
78. Twilight of the Idols, "Reason" in Philosophy, 1. Immediately thereafter, in section 2, Nietzsche praises Heraclitus and his rejection of being.
79. On the Genealogy of Morals, I, 2. Nietzsche continues the critique in the fourth section where he claims that earlier genealogists of morality completely lack historical instincts. Compare also, "Nothing is more miserable than the literature on morality in present-day Europe ... no new thought, not even a real history of what has previously been thought," KSA 11, 35[34].
80. On the Genealogy of Morals, I, 2. Nietzsche continues the critique in the fourth section where he claims that earlier genealogists of morality completely lack historical instincts. Compare also, "Nothing is more miserable than the literature on morality in present-day Europe ... no new thought, not even a real history of what has previously been thought," KSA 11, 35[34].
81. KSA 11, 35[5], May-July 1885. Compare also "Complete lack of a history of moral evaluations by the philosophers," KSA 10, 8[15]. See also The Gay Science, 345, KSA 12, 2[167] and Beyond Good and Evil, 260.
82. KSA 11, 35[5], May-July 1885. Compare also "Complete lack of a history of moral evaluations by the philosophers," KSA 10, 8[15]. See also The Gay Science, 345, KSA 12, 2[167] and Beyond Good and Evil, 260.
83. KSA 11, 35[5], May-July 1885. Compare also "Complete lack of a history of moral evaluations by the philosophers," KSA 10, 8[15]. See also The Gay Science, 345, KSA 12, 2[167] and Beyond Good and Evil, 260.
84. KSA 11, 35[5], May-July 1885. Compare also "Complete lack of a history of moral evaluations by the philosophers," KSA 10, 8[15]. See also The Gay Science, 345, KSA 12, 2[167] and Beyond Good and Evil, 260.
85. KSA 11, 35[5], May-July 1885. Compare also "Complete lack of a history of moral evaluations by the philosophers," KSA 10, 8[15]. See also The Gay Science, 345, KSA 12, 2[167] and Beyond Good and Evil, 260.
86. KSA 11, 26[393] and KSA 11, 34[73].
87. KSA 11, 26[393] and KSA 11, 34[73].
88. Beyond Good and Evil, 204 and KSA 12, 2[188].
89. Beyond Good and Evil, 204 and KSA 12, 2[188].
90. Kant regarded the moral law as ahistorical and unchanging. For Nietzsche this is obviously false and he criticizes Kant for lacking a sense of history and for falsifying his own psychology (Beyond Good and Evil, 191 and The Will to Power, 254, 271, 95, 382 and 424). See also KSA 11, 34[73], April-June 1885.
91. Kant regarded the moral law as ahistorical and unchanging. For Nietzsche this is obviously false and he criticizes Kant for lacking a sense of history and for falsifying his own psychology (Beyond Good and Evil, 191 and The Will to Power, 254, 271, 95, 382 and 424). See also KSA 11, 34[73], April-June 1885.
92. Kant regarded the moral law as ahistorical and unchanging. For Nietzsche this is obviously false and he criticizes Kant for lacking a sense of history and for falsifying his own psychology (Beyond Good and Evil, 191 and The Will to Power, 254, 271, 95, 382 and 424). See also KSA 11, 34[73], April-June 1885.
93. The beginning of On the Genealogy of Morals, KSA 10, 16[15], KSA 11, 35[34] and in letter to Overbeck, early December 1885.
94. The beginning of On the Genealogy of Morals, KSA 10, 16[15], KSA 11, 35[34] and in letter to Overbeck, early December 1885.
95. The beginning of On the Genealogy of Morals, KSA 10, 16[15], KSA 11, 35[34] and in letter to Overbeck, early December 1885.
96. The beginning of On the Genealogy of Morals, KSA 10, 16[15], KSA 11, 35[34] and in letter to Overbeck, early December 1885.
97. KSA 11, 34[73], April-June 1885.
98. In several references to Bentham, Nietzsche emphasizes that he followed in the footsteps of Helvétius and that he had a bad sense of history. This is, for example, done in the notes KSA 11, 34[239] and KSA 11, 35[34].
99. In several references to Bentham, Nietzsche emphasizes that he followed in the footsteps of Helvétius and that he had a bad sense of history. This is, for example, done in the notes KSA 11, 34[239] and KSA 11, 35[34].
100. Letter to Overbeck, 24 March 1887. "Lecky habe ich selbst in Besitz: aber solchen Engländern fehlt 'der historische Sinn' und auch noch einiges Andre. Das Gleiche gilt von dem sehr gelesenen und übersetzten Amerikaner Draper." Nietzsche had earlier carefully read several works about cultural history by these two scholars.
101. KSA 11, 36[27], June-July 1885. Compare also KSA 11, 38[14], quoted above.
102. KSA 11, 36[27], June-July 1885. Compare also KSA 11, 38[14], quoted above.
103. KSA 11, 37[8], June-July 1885. This note has also been published as Will to Power, 957. I have quoted Kaufmann's translation of this work. With the expression "the new Columbus, the German spirit," Nietzsche seems to mean historical sense.
104. KSA 11, 37[8], June-July 1885. This note has also been published as Will to Power, 957. I have quoted Kaufmann's translation of this work. With the expression "the new Columbus, the German spirit," Nietzsche seems to mean historical sense.
105. The Antichrist, 61. Compare also Ecce Homo, "Wagner," 2, where this view is repeated.
106. The Antichrist, 61. Compare also Ecce Homo, "Wagner," 2, where this view is repeated.
107. KSA 10, 16[14].
108. KSA 13, 16[32].