Frame and Contiguity On the Cognitive Bases of Metonymy and Certain Types of Word Formation

Human Cognitive Processing

Volumn 4, Issue , 1999, Pages 139-167

  Koch, Peter ^a  

^a UNIVERSITY OF TÜBINGEN   (Germany)

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[No Author keywords available]

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EID: 85190690891     PISSN: 13876724     EISSN: None     Source Type: Book Series    
DOI: 10.1075/hcp.4.09koc     Document Type: Article

References (100)

1. I express my gratitude to Mary Copple (Berlin) for the stylistic revision of this paper.
2. Concerning the intimate link between semantic change and polysemy, cf. Bréal (1921: 143ff, 284–287), Werth (1974: 377f), Koch (1991: 283), Blank (1993: 31), for metonymy, see especially Schifko (1979: 248–251). The lexicalization steps for metaphor are described in Koch (1994: 203–209); a general framework for lexicalization (and delexicalization) processes within semantic change has been established in Blank (1997a: 116–130). Note the important difference between ‘innovation’ and ‘change’ proposed by Coseriu (1958: 44–46).
3. Cf. Amin (1973: 19–81, especially 38). The first to explicitly take up Aristotle seems to be the Scotsman Thomas Brown, who occupies a somewhat particular position with respect to associationism (cf. ibid.: 72).
4. Cf. the critical outlines of Wundt’s approach in Roudet (1921: 681–686); Nerlich (1992: 77–80); Blank (1997a: 18f).
5. From Hjelmslev onwards, Saussure’s rather open concept of ‘associative’ relation is replaced by the technical, more specific concept of ‘paradigmatic’ relation (EITHER/ OR-relation of substitution in a given syntagmatic environment); cf. Hjelmslev (1963: 33–40); Happ (1985: 52–59).
6. Cf. Jakobson (1956: 90f); Holenstein (1974: 81–91); Happ (1985: 75–79, 130–139). According to Raible (1981), the distinction between semantic(-paradigmatic) contiguity (hut – thatch) and (semantic-)syntagmatic contiguity (hut – burnt out) is essential for preferences in human verbal associations.
7. Rastier (1997: 140–145) underscores the undeniable tendency of cognitive linguistics to spatialize its objects of description.
8. Cf. BDE, s.v. marry; DCECH, s.vv. boda, casar, esposo; DE, s.v. Ehe; DELL, s.v. mater; DHLF, s.vv. époux, marier; DSSPIL, s.vv. 2.33 marry, 2.34 marriage; REW, s.vv. casa, sponsus, votum.
9. Cf. the critical observations in Amin (1973, especially 39–42, 111–115).
10. For prototype theory, cf. Rosch (1973); Fillmore (1975); Taylor (1989); Kleiber (1990); Cordier (1993).
11. See also Geeraerts (1997: 74f). Concerning the difference between salience effects within a frame and prototypicality effects within a category, cf. Cordier (1993: 122–124, 135–149).
12. For gestalt theory in general, cf. for example Wertheimer (1922/23); Köhler (1947); Metzger (1986). Amin (1973: 97–155, 201f) stresses the holistic character of gestalt psychology as opposed to the mechanistic associationist approach, but he nevertheless does not definitively exclude a synthesis of association and ‘gestalt’ (cf. also Raible 1981: 5f).
13. Cf. also Taylor (1989: 90). For the notions ‘domain’ and ‘domain matrix,’ cf. Langacker (1987: 147ff). — As to the totally different character of metaphor, cf., for instance, Bühler (1965: 342–350); Black (1954: 1977); Lakoff and Johnson (1980); Bredin (1984: 57); Liebert (1992: 28–82); Koch (1994: 209–214).
14. Cf. also Cordier (1993: 123). Within the type of contiguity called ‘co-presence’ by Blank (this volume), there are several relations that can hardly be distinguished from pars/ totum: TYPICAL ASPECT — ACTIVITY, TYPICAL ASPECT — FRAME, TYPICAL ASPECT — OBJECT, FUNCTION — OBJECT, OBJECT — PLACE. On the other hand, Blank’s distinction between ‘co-presence’ (including pars/totum) and ‘succession’ (excluding pars/totum) seems rather clear-cut.
15. We could speak here of ‘everyday rhetoric’ (Alltagsrhetorik) in Stempel’s sense (cf., for example, 1983); cf. also Koch and Oesterreicher (1996: 68–74, 79f); for the metonymy presented in Table 6 (and its many polygenetic parallels), cf. Koch (1997: 231f, 236).
16. Different types of contiguity relations involved in certain Italian derivation processes have been described by Schwarze (1995) in terms of several conceptual models that are in part frame models (the ‘activity model,’ ibid.: 500–506; the ‘object constitution model,’ ibid.: 506–509, etc.)
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