Charlemagne, the Saxons, and the Imperial Coronation of 800

English Historical Review

Volumn 111, Issue 444, 1996, Pages 1113-1133

  Mayr Harting, Henry ^a  

^a UNIVERSITY OF OXFORD   (United Kingdom)

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EID: 85126318072     PISSN: 00138266     EISSN: 14774534     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1093/ehr/CXI.444.1113     Document Type: Article

References (82)

1. Heinrich von SybeL Die dentsche Nation und das Kauerreich (1861). I have used the edition of Fnedrich Schneider, UnntcrsalsuuU und Nattonalstaat (Innsbruck, 1943). In hij discussion of Charlemagne, Sybel regarded Charlemagne's conquest of the Saxons aj an advance toward the German nation state (the point of view from which he wrote); while his falling in with papal schemes for the conquest of the Lombards, leading to the imperial coronation, was regarded ai the fatal impediment to the creation of fuch a state: See esp. pp. 173-76. Paul Fouracre, 'Frankish Gaul to 814', in The New Cambridge Medieval History, vol. U. c. 700-c. 900, ed. Rosamond McKitterick (Cambridge, 1995), p-IOJ, shows himself one of the latest of a long line of heirs to this tradition, when he writes of Charlemagne: 'In view of the history of hij rule in Italy since 774, and in the context of his close relations with the papacy, any explanation of Charlemagne's acquisition of a new title to match hii unprecedented stature as a ruler of many peoples would seem to require little historical imagination.' On the other hand, the collection of papers, Die Eingliederung der Sacbsen in das Frankenretch, ed. W. Lammers (Darmstadt, 1970), shows virtually no interest in Charlemagne, Empire and Papacy, those originally published in the 1930s being concerned with Charlemagne's Saxon wars as a Saxon issue, with Charlemagne and Widukind, and with the so-called Blood Bath of Verden.
2. P. A. Brunt, 'Laus Impeni', in Imperialism in the Ancient World, ed. P. D. A. Gamsey and C. R, Whirukcr (Cambridge, 1978), p. 161.
3. 21-48, csp. pp. 24-6.
4. Richard Hodges and David Whitehouse, Mohammed, Charlemagne and the Origins of Europe (London, 1983), esp. pp. 99-101, 111-1 j . For lava querns, see David Hill, An Atlas of Anglo-Saxon England (Oxford, 1981), pp. 117, 110.
5. D. M. Metcalf, The Prosperity of North-Westcrn Europe in the Eighth and Ninth Centuries', Economic History Review, xx (19*7), 344-57.
6. A. Gauert, 'Zum Itinerar Karij des Grossen', in Karl der Grosse: Lehenswerk undNachleben, ed. W. Braunfels, vol. i (Personlichkeit und Gcjchichte), ed. Helmut Beumann (Dusseldorf, 1967), pp. 307-21; see especially map, pp. 312-313.
7. Einhard, Vita Karoli, c. 7 (translation of Lewis Thorpe, Two Lives of Charlemagne (Harmondsworth, 1969), pp. 61-61)
8. Anntles Rcgni Francorum, ed. G. H. Pertz and F. Kurze, Scriptora Rcrum Germanicarum in uium scholarum (Hanover, 189J), pp.40-52.
9. J. M Wallace-Hadrill, The Frankish Church (Oxford, 1983), p. 183. How little the moralities of dealings between Frank*and Saxons worked before the 790s, when the Franks tried to bind the Saxons by their own understanding of oaths, is shown by M. Becher, Eid und Hemchafv. Untersuchungen zum Hrmcberethos Karls des Grossen (Sigmaringen, 1993), esp. pp. 75, 111-13, 121, 136.
10. Anrutles Regni Frtncorum, p. 66: 'et cum eis pars aliqua Frisonum'. While not wishing to imply that the Saxons were united against Charlemagne, it surely goes beyond evidence or likelihood to suggest, as Martin Lintzcl did, that from 772 the Saxon aristocracy was largely with Charlemagne against the lower Saxon orders: Sec Eric J. Goldberg, 'Popular Revolt, Dynastic Politics, and Aristocratic Factionalism in the Early Middle Ages': The Saxon StellmgM Reconsidered', Speculum, lxx ( 995). PP-47*-7> n-47-2. Helmut Beuman, 'Unterwerfung und Chnstianisierung der Sachsen durch Karl den Grossen', Settimane di Studio, Spoleto, xxviii/i (1982), 129-68; see p. 134.
11. E.g. in the Bardcngau in 799, and from the Saxons to the cast of the Elbe in 802: Annjdes Regni Francorum, pp. 106, 117.
12. CdpauUrut Regum Fnnanum, ed. A. Boretius (MGH Legum Sectio II. Hanover, 1881), vol. i, pp. 71-2. Parity in breach of royal bann, cc 1 and 2; Saxon consent, c. 9; respect for Saxon laws, e.g. cc.
13. See also Donald Bullough, The Age of Charlemagne (London, 1965), pp. 94-5-5. Arnold Angenendt, Kdtserberrschaft und Konigsunfe: Ktiser, Kdnige und Pipsu*h geistliche Pttrone in der tbendlindiscben Missionsgescbicbte (Berlin, 1984), esp. p. 209.
14. In a paper delivered to the London University Medieval History Seminar a few years ago. The section of Karl Hauck's paper 'Die Ausbreitung des Glaubens in Sachsen und die Verteidigung dcr romischen Kirche als konkurrierende Hcrrscheraufgaben Karls des Grosjen', Fruhmittelakerhche Sludien, iv (1970), which is most relevant to the subject of the present article, is mainly concerned with the ceremonial parallelism of Charlemagne's adventus to Paderborn in 777 and that of Charlemagne and Pope Leo III in 799. But he argues (pp. 164-5) strongly that moves towards this meeting are traceable to 798 (i.e. the year following the Saxon Capitulary of 797)
15. I cannot recover the precise passage I had in mind, but it is implicit in much of the fine article, Donald Bullough, 'Alcuin and the Kingdom of Heaven: Liturgy, Theology and the Carolingian Age", reprinted in his Carolingian Renewal Sources and Heritage (Manchester, 1991), pp. 161-240, particularly in the reference to Alcuin's correspondence with Beams of Liebaru, p. 232, n. 119.
16. Peter Classen, 'Karl der Grojse, daj Pappstum und Byzanz', in Karl der Grosse, i, 571-2; and for Bedc and Eusebius, see Henry Mayr-Harting, 'Bede'i Patristic Thinking as an Historian', in Histonographie infruhen Mittelalter, ed. Anton Scharcr and Georg Scheibelreitcr (Vienna, 1994), pp. 367-74.
17. Ten and translation, Peter Godman, Poetry of the Carolingian Renaissance (London, 1985), pp. 196-207. Dieter Schaller, 'De Karolo rege et Leone papa', in Oie Deutsche UterMtnr des Mittelalters: VerfasserlexJton, vol. iv, ed. K. Ruh el*J. (Berlin, 1983), col. 1043, dates the work after 800 but before 804/14, rather than to 799.1 would suggest that the Aachen court of 802 is the likeliest occasion, though not the only possible one, for its composition.
18. Karl Hauck, 'Karl all neucr Konstantin 777: Die archaologischen Entdcckungen in Paderborn in histonscher Sicht', FrubmutelaUeriiche Studien, xx (1986), cjp. 5 16-18. The Carmen de Cornerstone Saxonum, a poem Aldhelmian in style which presenti Charlemagne as a triumphant conqueror and may well be by the Anglo-Saxon Lul, should probably be seen in the context of the dedication of Paderborn church in 777: See Karl Hauck, Karolingische Taufpfalzen im Spiegel hofnaber Dichtung, Nachrichten der Akademie der Wissenschaften m Gottingen I, Phil-Hist. KJ. (1985, no. 1), pp. 56-74, text pp. 61-64. See also Peter Godman, Poets and Emperors: Frankish Politics and Carolingian Poetry (Oxford, 1987), p.41.
19. Helmut Beumann, 'Nomen Imperatoris: Studien zur Kaiseridee Karls des Grossen', in his Idtengeschichthcbe Studien zu Einhard und anderen Gescbicbtsscbreibem des friibem Mutelalters (Darmstadt, 1961), op. pp. 89-54. One may note also pp. 105-14, where Beumann shows that not only do the best texts of the Divisio of 806 (a text too often seen as a depreciation by Charlemagne of his own imperial position) have the imperial title, but also that this Dtle was drawn from none other than the Constifutum Constantini. See recently on this subject, for instance, Joseph Semmler, 'Der vorbildhche Herrscher in seinem Jahrhunderc Karl der Grosse', in Der Hemcher: Ltitbdd and Abbild m Mutelalter und Renaissance, ed. Hans Hecker (Dusseldorf, 1990), p. 53.
20. The point is very well dealt with by Heinrich Fichtenau, 'Karl der Grosse und das Kaisertum', Mitteiiungen des Insthuts fur osterreichische Geschicbtsforschung, lxi (1953), esp. 264-71.
21. Peter Classen, 'Romanum gubernans impenum: Zur Vorgeschichte dcr Kauerticulatur KarU des Grossen', Deutsches Archrv, ix (1952), 107-8.
22. E.g. K. F. Werner, 'Important Noble Families in the Kingdom of Charlemagne', in The Medieval Nobility, ed. and trans. Timothy Reutcr (Amsterdam 1979), pp. 137-202; and Karl Schmid, in Die Klostergemeinschaft von Fulda im friiheren Mittelalter, ed. Karl Schmid, vol. i (Munich, 1978), pp. 11-36.
23. Godman, Poetry of the Carolingian Renaissance, p. 200, U. 5 5-56 and see footnote, ibid.
24. Anton Decker, 'Die Hildcbold'sche Manuskxiptensammlung des Kolner Domes', in A. Chambalu et al.. Festschrift der drctMndvierzigsten VersammUtng deutscher Phtlologen etc. (Bonn, 1895), p. 226, no. 63; and J. Fleckenstein, Die Hofkapelle der detttschen Komge, 1, CrundlegHng: Die karohngische Hofkapelle (Stuttgart, 1959), pp.49-52.
25. Beumann, 'Nomen Imperatoris', p.97.
26. M. I. Finley, The Fifth-Century Athenian Empire: A Balance Sheet', in Imperialism in the Ancient World, cd. P. D. A. Garnsey and C. R. Whittaker (Cambridge, 1978), p. 103.
27. Carl Erdrrunn, 'Du ottonische Reich als Imperium Romanum', Deutschn Archw, vi (1943), reprinted in his Ottonischt Studien (Darmstadt, 1968), pp. 174-203; and 'Die nichtromische Kaiseridee't in his Forscbungen inrpolitiscben Idtemvtlt des FrubmuteLdten (Berlin, 19J1), pp. 1-51.
28. Brunt, 'Laus Imperii', pp. 168-70.
29. Cited in Erdmann, Oaoniscbc Sutdien, p- I8J.
30. Wuinkindi Return Gesumm SaxoniaiTum, cd. H.-E. Lohmann and Paul Hirsch, MGH Scriptores Rerum Germanicarum in usum scholarum (Hanover, 1935), iii, 56, p. 135. See Erdnunn, 'Die nichtromische Kaiseridee', pp. 44-6.
31. T a t in P[ trologU] Lfatina], vol. xcvi, cols. 1347-62. Walter Schlesinger, 'Kaisertum und Reichsteilung zur divisio regnorum von 806', in 2.um Kaisertum Karls des Grossen, cd. G. Wolf (Darmstadt, 1972), pp. 133-4, points up the limits to Charlemagne's univcrsalist claims, with an eye to the Byzantine empire.
32. Quoted by Erdmann, 'Die nichtromische Kaisendee", p. 29, note 4. The whole idea of Erdmann received a new injection of life with Herwig Wolfram's broadening of the discussion. He wrote of the way in which recognition of the regru-structure allowed the Carolingians to build their empire and the gentes adquisitae helped in the victory: H. Wolfram, The Shaping of the Early Medieval Principality', Viator, ii (1971), esp. p.45.
33. At least Agnellus of Ravenna shows us that Charlemagne brought the statue north from Ravenna to Aachen immediately after his imperial coronation; cited by Hartmut Hoffman, 'Die Aachener Theoderichstatuc', in Die erste Jabrtansend, Teitband I, cd. V. H. Elbcrn (Dusseldorf, 1962), p. 318, n. 2.
34. Hubert Schrade, 'Zum Kuppelmosaik der Pfalzkapelle und zum Theoderich-Denkmal in Aachen', Aachener Kunstblitter, jon (1965), 25-37, esp. 31. Walafrid Strabo, in his poem De Imagine Tetrici, c. 829, attacking the Theoderic statue, implicitly refers to Theoderic's heresy when he says that the opinion of the world adjudges Theoderic a blasphemer of God (blasphemum dei) and consigns him to eternal fire and the great abyss: MCH Poeue Latini Aevi Carolim, ed, E. Dummler, vol. ii (Berlin, 1884), p. 371, 11. 36-7.
35. On all this, see Hoffman, 'Die Aachener Theoderichsurue', esp. pp. 319-20, 328.
36. Annales Regni Franconm, p. 112; Liber Pontificalis, see The Lives of the Eighth-Century Popes (Liber Pontificalis), trans, with commentary, Raymond Davis (Liverpool, 1992), p. 191, line 8.
37. Annales Laureshamenses, ed. G. H. Pertz (Hanover, 1826), MGH SS I, 38, trans. P. D. King, in Charlemagne: TranslatedSources(Kendal, 1987), p. 144. D. A. Bullough, 'Europae Paten Charlemagne and his Achievement in the Light of Recent Scholarship', ante, lxxxv (1970), 65, drew a masterly conclusion from discussions on the Lorsch Annals, which I think still holds. But two points should be noted. First, while it cannot after all be demonstrated that this is a source close to the court, neither can the opposite be established. Second, that whatever the case in this respect, it is generally agreed to be close in time to 800, and in point of nomen it seems to fit better with Charlemagne's own mind at the time as evidenced by his style and by Einhard, and also with the capitulary of 802, than does the propaganda of the Liber Pontiftcalis and the Annalts Regni FrancorHm.
38. H. Beumann, 'Nomen Imperatoris: Studien zur Kaiseridee Karls des Grossen', Historische Zeiuchrift, clcocv (1958), 515-49, reprinted in his Ideengeschicbdiche Studien, p. 91 and n. 4.
39. Classen, 'Karl der Grosse, das Pappstum und Byzanz', p. 579, n. 205.
40. Ibid., pp. 573-4.
41. Karl Leyjer, The Crijis of Medieval Germany', Proceedings of the British Academy, btix (1983), reprinted in hu Communications and Power in Medieval Europe: The Gregorian Revolution and Beyond, cd. Timothy Rcuter (1994), esp. pp. 23-4-3. See e.g. Louis Halphen, Charlemagne el I'Empire Carolingien (Paris, 1949), pp. 135-6
42. Patrick Geary, 'Ethnic Identity as a Situational Conitruct in the Early Middle Ago', Mitteilungen der Anthropologischen Geselhchaft in Wien, cxiii (1983), 15-26. On the Lombard interregnum, compare Chris Wickham, Early Medieval Italy Central Power and Local Society, 400-1000 (London, 1981), pp. 31-2. And on 'Lombards' and 'Saxons' earlier in North Europe, see for instance Lucien Musset, Let Invasions: Les Vagues Cermaniques (Paris, 19^5), p. 139, and Donald Bullough, The Ostrogothic and Lombard Kingdoms', in The Dark Ages, ed. David Talbot Rice (London, 1965), p. 171.
43. For the style rex Francorum et Langobardorum, see Dxplomstum Karolinorum, Tomus I, ed. E. Muhlbachcr, Monumenta Germaniae Historica (Hanover, 190S), no. 80, p. 114 onwards. In an excellent discussion of'Charlemagne's empire, K. F. Werner, 'L'empire carolingicn et le Saint Empire', in Le Concept d'Emptre, ed. M. Duverger, Helene Ahrweiler, etal. (Parij, 1980), pp. 168-69, has pointed out that though an authentic ancient Roman Emperor, or a Justinian, might be a victor of gentes, he would never be their rex. Hence it was a new departure for Charlemagne to have the style imperator augustus and rex Francontm et Langobardorum. All the more reason to think that his refusal to take the style of Saxon kingship relates to a peculiarly Saxon problem.
44. Roger Collins, The Vaccaei, the Vaceti and the Rise of Vasconia', Studta Historica, vi (1988), esp. PP-387-9-4. Annales Regni Francorum, 781, p. 56.
45. Angenendt, Kaiserherrscbrnft und Kdnigstaufe, p. 100, n. 27.
46. Historia Ecdesiastica, V, 10.
47. W. Lcvision, England and the Continent in the Eighth Century (Oxford, 1946), p. 109.
48. Vita Lcbuini Antiqua, cd. A. Hofmcister, MGH SS 30, 1 (Leipzig, 1934), pp. 789-95, at p. 794. For the date and Saxon authorship of the Vita, tee Heinz Lowe, 'Entitehungszcit und Quellenwert der Vita Lebuini', Deutsche) Archh, xxi (1965), 345-70, cap. 354-66. Hubert Mordek cita the Vita Lebuini interestingly, but not in connection with the problem of kingship, in his 'Karl der Grosse; barbarischcr Erobercr oder Baumcister Europas?' in Deutschlond in Europe, ed. Bcrnd Martin (Munich, 1992), pp. 27-8. Janet Nelson, 'Kingship and Empire in the Carolingian World' in Carolingian Culture: Emulation and Innovation, ed. Rosamond McKittcrick (Cambridge, 1994), p. 57, cites the same passage to say that although kingship was the basic political form for the Carolingians, they were aware that others, the ancient Israelite*for a time, and 'until recently' the Saxons (but when did there ever come to be a King of the Saxons?) had managed without them.
49. The reference to the enslavement of the Saxons to Charlemagne's successors need not imply that Lebuin or the author of his Vua prophesied that this situation would be prolonged into the period of Saxon conversion, for already in 777 the Saxons' oath was also to connect them to Charlemagne's sons: Becher, Eid und Hemchaft, p.m.
50. C. H. Talbot, The Anglo-Saxon Missionaries in Germany (London, 1954), p. 232.
51. Supra, p. 1120, n. 4.
52. K. J. Leyser, Rule and Conflict in an Early Medieval Society Ottonian Saxony (London, 1979), pp. 91-7.
53. Kenneth Jackson, The Gododdin: The Oldest Scottish Poem (Edinburgh, 1969), esp. pp. 3-8, 19, 37-4'-j . AnnaUs Regni Francorum, p. 53 (Annales Q.D Einhardi 778): 'non praedandi sed uttionem cxercendi*. For an interesting survey of the evidence for the Irminsul, arguing the close connection between religious belief and social order, Heinz Lowe, 'Die Irminsul und die Religion der Sachsen', Dcntscbes Archw, v(i94i), 1-22.
54. Angenendt, Kaiserherrschaft und Konigstaufe, pp. 91-126.
55. See, for instance, Dimitn Obolensky, The Byzantine Commonwealth: Eastern Europe JOO-IJJJ (London, 1971), p. 85. I have discussed the subject in my Two Conversions to Christianity, the Bulgarians and the Anglo-Saxons (Stenton Lecture 1993, Reading, 1994), pp. 5-9.
56. See on this Angencndt, Kaiserhemchaft und Konigstaufe, pp. 209-11.
57. Beumann, 'Nomen Impcratoris', p. 93. Sec also Peter Brown, Augustine of Hippo. A Biography (London, 1967), chapter 11.
58. Beumann, 'Unterwerfung und Christianisierung der Sachsen', p. 140.
59. Widukindi Rerum G e s t a r u m Saxonicarum, 1, 15, p. 25, line 13.
60. Hauck, ' Karl als ncucr Konstantin', esp. pp. 5 20-3 and Abb. 116, 117a.
61. Alcnini EpistoUe, cd. E.Dummler, MGH Epistolarum IV, Karolini Aevi II (Berlin, 1895), no. 110, pp. 156-9.
62. Ibid., p. 157, 11. 13-16: 'Ecce quanta devotione et benignitate pro dilauonc nominis Christi duritiam infclicis populi Saxonum per vcrae saluus concilium cmollirc laborasti. Sed quia clcctio necdum in lllis divina fuisse videtur, remanent hue usque multi ex illLs cum diabolo damnandi in sordibus consuetudinis pessime.'
63. Ibid., no. i n , p. 161. j. For these two capitularies, Cjtpitularia Rcgum Francorum, pp. 68-72. On tithes in 782, see p. 69, cc. 16 and 17. For translations, P. D. King, Charlemagne, Translated Sources, pp. 20J-8, 230-2. H.-D. Kahl, 'Karl der Grosje und die Sachsen: Stufen und Motive einer historischen Escalation', Politik, GeseUschajt, Geschichtsschreibung: Giessener Festgabe fir Franlisek Grans, ed. H. Ludat and R. C. Schwingcs (Cologne/Vienna, 1982), pp. 49-130, stops when he has established the 'escalation' to forced conversion c. 778: See esp. p. 96.1 think I am close here to a fine point of Johannes Fried, Der Weg in die Geschichu- Die Urspringe DeMtschlands bis 1024, Propylien Gcschichte DeutschUnds I (Berlin, 1994), p. 329, that the Franks could seem endangered by Charlemagne's imperial rank; but the Saxons in particular profited from it. The Christian Emperor of Frankish birth protected the conquered Saxons from the presumption of his own people." 1. Bcumann, 'Unterwerfung und Christianisierung der Sachsen', esp. pp. 149-57.
64. Widukindt Rerum GesutTum Saxomcarum, i, 1 j , p. 2 j . Of Charlemagne's bringing the Saxoru to the Christian faith he writes: 'Et nunc blanda suasione, nunc bellorum inpetu ad id cogebat, tandemque tricesimo impeni sui anno obtinuit - imperator quippe ex rege creatus cst - quod multij temporibus elaborando non defecit'. }. See especially Helmut Beumann, Widukind von Korvci (Weimar, 1950), pp. 218-26, and his 'Einhard und die karolingijche Tradition im ottonischen Corvey', Westfalen, xxx (1952), 150-74, reprinted in his Idtengeschichtlicbe Sludien, esp. pp. 23-32.
65. Roger Collins, E*rly Medieval Europe, 300-1000 (London, I99i), p.27j.
66. See Eckhard Freise, Studien zum Einzugsbereich der Klostergcmeinschaft von Fttlda, in Die Klostergemeinscbaft von Fulda im fruheren Mittelalter, cd. Karl Schmid (Munich, 1978), vol. ii/iii, p.1027.
67. Nithard, Htstoirc des Ftls de Louis le Pieux, ed.P. R- Lauer(Pans, 1964), iv, 2, p. 122, trans. B. W. Scholz, Carohngian Chronicles (Michigan, 1970), p. 167. The Annals of St Berun for 841 have obviously the same tale, in the form that Lothar offered their underlings, Stcllinga, the choice between some kind of written law and the customary law of the ancient Saxons, and they chose the latter, being 'always prone to evil': MGH SS I, 437-8, and The Annals of Si-Benin, trans, and annotated Janet L. Nelson (Manchester, 1991), p. j i, n. 7. The case ij discussed by Rosamond McKjtterickin her admirable introduction to The New Cambridge Medieval History, vol ii, p. 16, where, however, she seems to overlook that it was not said to be the Saxons as a whole, but only the underlings of the Saxon aristocracy, who wanted to rq'ect written law. I have checked the references she gives at this point to Schott, herself, and Scllert, the last the most recent, and none of them discusses this case in particular, but rather the general issue of written law. This episode in no way tells against the ideological interpretation of the making of written law and might even be thought to reinforce it: See Patrick Wormald, 'Lex Scripta and Verbum Regis-. Legislation and Germanic Kingship from Euric to Cnut', Early Medieval Ktngshtp, ed. P. H. Sawyer and I. N. Wood (Leeds, 1977), pp. 105-J8, who in any case does not imply that the 'symbolic' and 'practical' significances of written law are as mutually exclusive of each other as some have supposed that he does. For a highly illuminaung analysis of the divisions of the Saxon aristocracy in the late 830s and early 840s and of the revolt of the frilingi and lazzi in that context, see now the important paper by Eric J. Goldberg, 'Popular Revolt, Dynastic Politics, and Aristocratic Factionalism in the Early Middle Ages: The Saxon StelUnga Reconsidered', Speculum, hex (>99S). 467-S01.
68. Fi\coDiim, DasavarischeGraberfeldvonLeobersdorf, N. 0_, (Vienna, 1987), pp.97-98, 275-87. Tents are mentioned at p. 97. For what may be the gradual process of the camp sites of 'sedentarizing nomads' developing into villages, and also for interaction between nomadic camps and sedentary setdements, see Roger Cribb, Nomads in Archaeology (Cambridge, 1991)1 PP- 5 i-fii
69. Falco Daim and Andreas Lippert, Das awtriscbe Graberfeld von Sommerein am Leithagebirge, N. 0; (Vienna, 1984), pp. 124-; .
70. Godman, Poetry of the Carolingian Renaissance, p. 152, line 45.
71. For this, see Walter Poh\, Die Awarerv em Sleppenvolk in Miuclcuropn, S67S22 (Munich, 1988), P 32'-4. Hcrwig Wolfram, Die Geburt Miueleuropas (Vienna, 1987), pp. 259-64, explains all this well. Pohl, Die Awaren, p. 313, argues, moreover, that after the deposition of Tassilo as Duke of Bavaria in 788, Charlemagne played for the loyalty of the Bavarian aristocracy by encouraging their marcher lordships on the East.
72. Thionville c. 7, Divisio Regnorum c 3, in Capaularia Regum Francorum, pp. 123, 127. See also Peter Classen, 'Karl der Grossc und die Thronfolgc in Frankenreich', Festschrift fur H. Hehnpel (Gottingen, 1972), vol. iii, csp. 221, 227. From at least 775 Charlemagne had thought of incorporating the Eastern Saxons into the Regnum Francorum: Bechcr, Eld und Herrschaft, p. 112.
73. Annoles Regni Froncorum, 804, p. 118.
74. This point seems to me eminently compatible with Pohl, Die Aworen, pp. 323-8, arguing, in his discussion, 'to wheredid the Avars disappear?' that they became mixed in with Slavs or other peoples in the Carpathian Basin (jee map, pp. 510-11), or even joined the Bulgars.
75. See especially Annoles Regni Francorum, 805, pp. 119-20.
76. Walter Pohl, Die Awarenknege KATIS des Grossen, 788-80} (Vienna, 1988), pp. 27-8.
77. Henry Mayr-Harting, The Church of Magdeburg: Its Trade and its Town in the Tenth and Early Eleventh Centuries', in Church and City IOOO-IJOO: Essays m Honour of Christopher Brooke, ed. David Abulafia, Michael Franklin and Miri Rubin (Cambridge, 1992), pp. 132-3.
78. Robin Briggs, Early Modern France, 1 {60-171} (Oxford, 1977), pp. 151-3.
79. F. Ganshof, 'On the Genesis and Significance of the Treaty of Verdun (84})', in his The Ctrolmgians and the Frankish Monarchy: Studies m CtroLngun History (London, 1971), pp. 289-302.
80. Nelson, 'Kingship and Empire', pp. 71-2.
81. The subject of marriages between Frankj and Saxons has been broached by various writers, e.g. Karl Jordan, 'Sachjen und das deuuehc Konigtum in hohen Mittelalter', Histonsche Zeitschrift, cot (1970), J34-j. On missionary organization before 800, see Eckhard Freise, 'Die Sachsenmission Karls des Grossen und die Anfange des Bistums Mindcn', in An Weser und Wiehen: Festschrift fur Wilhelm Brepohl (Minden, 1983), pp. 57-100.
82. The clear implication, for instance, of Alcuin's letter of 796 to the Archbishop Eanbald II of York, advising him to take the work everywhere and read it often: Alcuini EpistoUe, no. 116, p. 171. j . Bk I, c. 11 :PL, vol. bnvii, col. 48D.