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Volumn 2, Issue 1, 2000, Pages 89-106

An antipodean genocide? The origins of the genocidal moment in the colonization of Australia

(1)  Moses, A Dirk a  

a NONE

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EID: 85089730548     PISSN: 14623528     EISSN: 14699494     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1080/146235200112427     Document Type: Article
Times cited : (107)

References (56)
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    • TaI, Uriel. 1979. 'On the study of the Holocaust and genocide,". Yad Vashem Studies, 8: 14 Today, policies motivated by such an intention would be called ethnocide or cultural genocide; they would not have been genocidal. Cultural genocide was explicitly excluded by the UN Convention. See
    • (1979) Yad Vashem Studies , vol.8 , pp. 14
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    • New Haven and London: Yale University Press, I follow TaI and Frank Chalk and Kurt Jonassohn distinguishing ethnocide and genocide on the basis that the physical extermination of a group is analytically distinct from the suppression of a culture. See
    • Chalk, Frank, and Jonassohn, Kurt. 1990. The History and Sociology of Genocide. Analyses and Case Studies, 23New Haven and London: Yale University Press. I follow TaI and Frank Chalk and Kurt Jonassohn in distinguishing ethnocide and genocide on the basis that the physical extermination of a group is analytically distinct from the suppression of a culture. See
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    • 1944. Axis Rule in Occupied Europe, 79Washington, DC: Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. This is how I understand Raphael Lemkin's statement that genocide aimed ultimately at "annihilating the groups themselves." See his
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    • Lippman, Matthew. 1985. "The drafting of the 1948 Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide,". Boston University International Law Journal, 3 (1): S7 The draft resolution that accompanied the initial request for the UN to formulate a convention on genocide argued that genocide is analogous to homicide: "Genocide is the denial of the right of existence of entire human groups, as homicide is the denial of the right to live of individual human beings." See
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    • 1999. "The Chittagong Hill tracts: a case study in the political economy of 'creeping' genocide,". Third World Review, 20 (2): 339–369. What Mark Levene calls "genocidal processes" are, according to him, in fact "a series of state strategies," and not abstract processes going on "behind the backs" of policy makers. Levene feels licensed to use the term, because the Bangladeshi state ultimately resorted to outright genocidal measures when its pre-genocidal strategies failed. He bundles all these policies under the rubric of "genocidal processes" and calls it a case of "creeping genocide." See his excellent analysis:
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    • Philadelphia: Temple University Press, which I read just before submitting this article for publication. It makes a similar argument about the developmental and nation-building impulse behind the turn to genocidal policies. For this line of thinking, see also, ed
    • Arens, Richard, ed. 1976. Genocide in Paraguay, Philadelphia: Temple University Press. which I read just before submitting this article for publication. It makes a similar argument about the developmental and nation-building impulse behind the turn to genocidal policies. For this line of thinking, see also
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    • Palmer, Alison. 1999. Colonial Genocide, Sydney: Crawford House. forthcoming, This book had not yet appeared at the time of writing. I was able, however, to consult the University of London doctoral dissertation (1993) of the same title, on which it is presumably based, before preparing the final draft of this article. Palmer anticipates my argument that the place to look for a genocide in Australia is not Tasmania, but Queensland
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    • Barta, Tony. 1987. "Relations of genocide. Land and lives in the colonization of Australia," ”. In Genocide and the Modern Age, Edited by: Wallimann, Isidor, and Dobkowski, Michael N., 237–251. New York: Greenwood Press. Wallimann and Dobkowski's introductory essay expresses the view that insisting on the presence of intention in the definition of genocide "seems historically and politically too limiting," because "anonymous social forces" and their "structural violence" make it difficult to identify concrete agents that can be bearers of intentions. I have criticized this argument in
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