EU-USA trade relations in the Doha development round: Market access versus a post-modern trade policy agenda

European Foreign Affairs Review

Volumn 10, Issue 3, 2005, Pages 339-357

  Falke, Andreas ^a  

^a UNIVERSITY OF ERLANGEN NUREMBERG   (Germany)

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[No Author keywords available]

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EID: 85050710686     PISSN: 13846299     EISSN: 18758223     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.54648/eerr2005023     Document Type: Article

References (33)

1. For a history of the Uruguay Round and the Montreal and Brussels breakdowns see E. Preeg, Traders in a Brave New World; The Uruguay-Round and the Future of the International Trading System (University of Chicago Press, Chicago, 1995), pp. 84-99, 116-122.
2. Some observers see US protectionism as the root cause of the failure. See H. Dieter, 'Die Welthandelsorganisation nach Cancun. Hält die neue Macht des Südens an?' (2003) 34 SWP Aktuell, pp. 1-2. However, the safeguard steel tariffs that the USA had imposed in 2002 and the increased levels of subsidies for American agriculture did not figure prominently in the discussions in Cancun.
3. W. Dymond and R. Hart, 'Post-Modern Trade Policy: Reflections on the Challenges to Multilateral Trade Negotiation after Seattle' (2001) 34/3 Journal of World Trade, pp. 21-38
4. T. Stoll and F. Schorkopf, WTO. Welthandelsordnung und Welthandelsrecht (Carl Heymanns Verlag, Köln, 2002), pp. 227-238.
5. See Robert Cooper, The Breaking of Nations. Order and Chaos in the Twenty-first Century (Atlantic Monthly Press, New York 2003), pp 26-54.
6. For an analysis with regard to the USA see A. Falke, 'The USA: Why fundamentals do not always matter, or: It's politics, stupid!' in K. Deutsch and B. Speyer (eds), The World Trade Organization Millennium Round: Freer Trade in the Next Century (Routledge, Abingdon, 2001), pp. 18-33.
7. R. Keohane and Joseph Nye, 'The Club Model of Multilateral Cooperation and the WTO: Problems of Democratic Legitimacy', Center for Business and Government at Harvard University, June 2000, , 23 August 2003.
8. C. Barfield, Free Trade, Sovereignty, Democracy. The Future of the World Trade Organization (The AEI Press, Washington D.C., 2001), pp. 97-110.
9. B. May, 'Globalisation, democracy and trade policy', Deutsch and Speyer, note 9 above, pp. 73-81. May, however, points out rightly, that NGOs would need a democratic mandate themselves to fulfil that role. See p. 75.
10. I.M. Destler and P.J. Balint, The New Politics of American Trade: Trade, Labour and the Environment (Institute for International Economics, Washington D.C., 1999).
11. On the close relationship of the post-modern movement to aesthetic concerns see C. Jencks, 'The Post-modern Agenda', in idem (ed.), The Post-Modern Reader (St. Martin's Press, London/New York, 1992), pp. 9-39.
12. J.M. Finger and Philip Schuler, 'Developing Countries and the Millennium Round', Deutsch and Speyer, note 9 above, pp. 58-71.
13. The 'precautionary principle' is a notion which supports taking protective action before there is complete scientific proof of a risk. See World Trade Organization, 'SPS Agreement Training Module', chapter 8.2, , 5 December 2004.
14. K. Deutsch, 'The EU: Contending for Leadership' in Deutsch and Speyer, note 9 above, pp. 34-57. For the EU's negotiating agenda see pp. 34-35.
15. See S. Woolcock, 'The Singapore Issues in Cancún: A Failed Negotiation Ploy or a Litmus Test for Global Governance?' (2003) September/October Intereconomics, pp. 249-255, at p. 251.
16. For this interpretation see M. Finger, The Doha Agenda and Development: A View from the Uruguay Round (Asian Development Bank, Manila: 2002), p. 35.
17. A. Böhmer and G. Glania, 'The Doha Development Round: Reintegrating Business Interests into the Agenda - WTO Negotiations from a German Industry Perspective' (2003) 15 Beiträge zum Transnationalen Wirtschaftsrecht, available at .
18. S. Meunier, 'Trade Policy and Political Legitimacy in the European Union' (2003) 1 Comparative European Politics, pp. 83-84.
19. See A. Falke, 'German Trade Policy: An Oxymoron?' in Wyn Grant and Dominic Kelly (eds), The Politics of International Trade in the 21st Century: Actors, Issues, Regions (Routledge, London, 2004).
20. Kinka Gerke and Monika Medick-Krakau, 'Wandel in der amerikanischen Außenhandelspolitik' in Monika Medick-Krakau (ed.), Außenpolitischer Wandel in theoretischer und vergleichender Perspektive: Die USA und die Bundesrepublik Deutschland (Baden-Baden, 1999), pp. 227 ff.
21. G. Hufbauer, 'World Trade After Seattle: Implications for the United States', Policy Brief 99-10, Institute for International Economics, Washington D.C., December 1999.
22. A. Falke, 'New Thinking? Außenhandelspolitik der USA im Licht der neuen Bedrohung' in W. Kremp and Jürgen Wilzewski (eds), Weltmacht vor neuer Bedrohung. Die Bush-Administration und die US-Außenpolitik nach dem Angriff auf Amerika (Wissenschaftlicher Verlag, Trier, 2003), pp. 161-64.
23. United States Trade Representative, The President's Trade Policy Agenda 2001, Washington 2001.
24. For a first interpretation see 'The Doha round: The WTO under fire', The Economist, 20 September 2003, pp. 29-32
25. 'Crushed at Cancún: failure leaves a divided WTO facing marginalization as countries turn to bilateral deals', Financial Times, 16 September 2003, p. 15.
26. The most sophisticated analysis is by the law firm Case & White. See David Hartridge, 'WTO Talks Collapse in Cancun: A Splash of Cold Water, or Dead in the Water?', Special Report on the WTO Cancun Ministerial, No. 6.
27. Particularly the commitments on market access were deliberately kept vague. See 'U.S.-EU Framework on Agriculture Seen as Way Out of WTO Impasse', Washington File, 13 August 2003, .
28. This for instance was the position of German economics minister Wolfgang Clement, who attributed failure to the ideologically driven agenda of NGOs opposed to liberalization. See 'Welthandel auf der Intensivstatition', FAZ. Net, 15 September 2003, .
29. 'Trade deal marks end to talks about talks but the real negotiations lie ahead', Financial Times, 2 August 2004, p. 3.
30. 'EU may be more flexible on global trade talks agenda', Financial Times, 20 November 2003, p. 6.
31. See speech by Pascal Lamy, 'The Emergence of collective preferences in international trade: implications for regulating globalization', conference on Collective Preferences and Global Governance: What Future for the Multilateral Trading System, Brussels, 15 September 2004.
32. B. Stokes, 'New Trade Barriers: National Preferences', National Journal, 24 April 2004, pp. 1276 f.
33. F. Erikson and N. Rossbach, Shining City upon a Hill: How Members of the European Parliament have Voted on Free Trade (Timbro, Stockholm, 2004), pp. 19-23.