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1
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85120780098
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promulgated in 1947 (before independence in 1948) and in 1974 (by the Ne Win regime)
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Myanmar has had two previous constitutions, promulgated in 1947 (before independence in 1948) and in 1974 (by the Ne Win regime).
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Myanmar has had two previous constitutions
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2
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85120824412
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Although some opposition activists may wish it so, Myanmar is not another South Africa. However, if it was, then Khin Nyunt is the most plausible Botha figure. Given the apparent failure of the NC, his position is vulnerable.
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Although some opposition activists may wish it so, Myanmar is not another South Africa. However, if it was, then Khin Nyunt is the most plausible Botha figure. Given the apparent failure of the NC, his position is vulnerable.
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4
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4544377370
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International Crisis Group, (Report no. 52-07, May)
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See International Crisis Group, Myanmar Backgrounder: Ethnic Minority Parties (Report no. 52-07, May 2003), .
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(2003)
Myanmar Backgrounder: Ethnic Minority Parties
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8
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85120778303
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These are reflected in a announced in Thailand on 5 September 2003 by the Ethnic Nationalities Solidarity and Coordination Committee (ENSCC)
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These are reflected in a "Roadmap for Rebuilding the Union of Burma", announced in Thailand on 5 September 2003 by the Ethnic Nationalities Solidarity and Coordination Committee (ENSCC).
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Roadmap for Rebuilding the Union of Burma
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11
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85120833570
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op. cit., chap. 20
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11South, op. cit., chap. 20.
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11South
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14
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85120772652
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14Many Thailand border-based INGOs are restricted by their mandates to working in the refugee camps only. Ten years ago — when there were a larger number of smaller camps, many of which were adjacent to insurgent-controlled parts of Myanmar — it was impossible to work with the refugees and not be aware that their plight and daily life was intimately connected to the social, military and political situation across the border. Today however, there are a smaller number of "consolidated" refugee camps, which are relatively cut-off from Myanmar; there are also more (and more specialized) INGOs on the scene. International agency staff rarely spend more than two years in Thailand (often much less), and are seldom given a detailed briefing regarding the socio-political background to the refugee crisis. They therefore tend to conceive of their clients — the refugee population — in isolation from the bigger picture of developments in Myanmar, focusing primarily on technical mandates in the fields of health or education.
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14Many Thailand border-based INGOs are restricted by their mandates to working in the refugee camps only. Ten years ago — when there were a larger number of smaller camps, many of which were adjacent to insurgent-controlled parts of Myanmar — it was impossible to work with the refugees and not be aware that their plight and daily life was intimately connected to the social, military and political situation across the border. Today however, there are a smaller number of "consolidated" refugee camps, which are relatively cut-off from Myanmar; there are also more (and more specialized) INGOs on the scene. International agency staff rarely spend more than two years in Thailand (often much less), and are seldom given a detailed briefing regarding the socio-political background to the refugee crisis. They therefore tend to conceive of their clients — the refugee population — in isolation from the bigger picture of developments in Myanmar, focusing primarily on technical mandates in the fields of health or education.
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17
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0003853720
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17As Ottaway and Carothers note, "professionalized NGOs have, or can be trained to have, the administrative capabilities donors need for their own bureaucratic requirements. They can produce grant proposals (usually in English) and all the other documents donors ask of beneficiaries contrast, many especially informal associations, social movements, and other types of social networks, are not set up to be administratively responsive to donor needs. However, donor support in "the areas of public health, population control, agriculture, poverty reduction, and small business development through NGOs in the recipient countries clearly have effects on the development of civil society in those countries According to this argument, all NGOs promote participation, and thus empowerment, and this is the basis on which democracy is built Marina Ottaway and Thomas Carothers (eds), (Washington DC: Carnegie Endowment for International Peace)
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17As Ottaway and Carothers note, "professionalized NGOs … have, or can be trained to have, the administrative capabilities donors need for their own bureaucratic requirements. They can produce grant proposals (usually in English) … and all the other documents donors ask of beneficiaries. In contrast, many … especially informal associations, social movements, and other types of social networks, are not set up to be administratively responsive to donor needs." However, donor support in "the areas of public health, population control, agriculture, poverty reduction, and small business development — through NGOs in the recipient countries … clearly have effects on the development of civil society in those countries…. According to this argument, all NGOs promote participation, and thus empowerment, and this is the basis on which democracy is built": Marina Ottaway and Thomas Carothers (eds), Funding Virtue: Civil Society Aid and Democracy Promotion (Washington DC: Carnegie Endowment for International Peace 2000), p. 13.
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(2000)
Funding Virtue: Civil Society Aid and Democracy Promotion
, pp. 13
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