Plagues, Morality and the Place of Medicine in Early Modern England

English Historical Review

Volumn 121, Issue 490, 2006, Pages 1-24

  Wallis, Patrick ^a  

^a LONDON SCHOOL OF ECONOMICS   (United Kingdom)

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EID: 85044804546     PISSN: 00138266     EISSN: 14774534     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1093/ehr/cej001     Document Type: Article

References (194)

1. G. Rosen, A History of Public Health, expanded edn (Baltimore, 1993);
2. D. Porter (ed.), The History of Public Health and the Modern State (Amsterdam, 1994);
3. K. Maglen, 'Intercepting Infection: Quarantine, the Port Sanitary Authority and Immigration in Late Nineteenth Century Britain ' (Ph.D. thesis, Glasgow, 2001).
4. Throughout this paper I use ' medical practitioners ' to indicate the various physicians, surgeons, apothecaries and irregular practitioners who provided medical services in early modern England;
5. ' irregular ' practitioners are those who worked without membership of a medical guild or the College in London, or members who overstepped the division between their functions, see: M. Pelling, Medical Confl icts in Early Modern London: Patronage, Physicians and Irregular Practitioners, 1550-1640 (Oxford, 2003).
6. Quotation from W S. D. Clippindale, 'A Medical Roll of Honour: Physicians and Surgeons who Remained in London during the Great Plague', British Medical Journal (6 Feb. 1909), 351-3.
7. See also W. G. Bell, The Great Plague of London in 1665 (1924), 87, 97;
8. Ole Peter Grell, 'Confl icting Duties: Plague and the Obligations of Early Modern Physicians Towards Patients and Commonwealth in England and the Netherlands', in A. Wear, J. Geyer-Kordesch and R. French (ed.), Doctors and Ethics: The Earlier Historical Setting of Professional Ethics (Amsterdam, 1993), 131-52;
9. R. H. P. Crawfurd, Plague and Pestilence in Literature and Art (Oxford, 1914), 189-90;
10. F. P. Wilson, The Plague in Shakespeare's London (Oxford, 1927), 103, 157;
11. J. F. D. Shrewsbury, A History of Bubonic Plague in the British Isles (Cambridge, 1970), 448;
12. C. F. Mullett, The Bubonic Plague and England: An Essay in the History of Preventive Medicine (Lexington, 1956), 207-8;
13. A. R. Jonsen, A Short History of Medical Ethics (New York, 2000), 45-6. The idea that such a notable forefather of modern medicine as Galen could have fl ed has even attracted denials: J. Walsh, 'Refutation of the Charges of Cowardice Made against Galen', Annals of Medical History, new series, iii (1931), 195-208.
14. H. Southern, 'Writers on the Plague', Retrospective Review, vii (1823), 219-39.
15. E. Durkheim, Suicide: A Study in Sociology, trans. J. A. Spaulding and G. Simpson (1952), 217-40.
16. P. Farmer, Infections and Inequalities (Berkeley, 1999). A more general discussion of the social framing of disasters is given in E. Klinenberg, Heat Wave: A Social Autopsy of Disaster in Chicago (Chicago, 2002).
17. See, for example, Grell, 'Confl icting Duties', 138.
18. Laurence Brockliss and Colin Jones, The Medical World of Early Modern France (Oxford, 1997), 69.
19. For this account criticized here, see Grell, 'Confl icting Duties '. See also O. P. Grell, 'Plague, Prayer and Physic: Helmontian Medicine in Restoration England', in O. P. Grell and A. Cunningham (ed.), Religio Medici: Medicine and Religion in Seventeenth-Century England (Aldershot, 1996), 204-27;
20. O. P. Grell, 'Plague in Elizabethan and Stuart London: The Dutch Response', Medical History, xxxiv (1990), 424-39.
21. Brockliss and Jones, Medical World, 82. Signifi cant contributions to the history of medical ethics have largely appeared in the last decade: R. Baker (ed.), The Codifi cation of Medical Morality.
22. ii. Anglo-American Medical Ethics and Medical Jurisprudence in the Nineteenth Century (Dordrecht, 1995);
23. R. Baker, D. Porter, and R. Porter (ed.), The Codifi cation of Medical Morality. i. Medical Ethics and Etiquette in the Eighteenth Century (Dordrecht, 1995);
24. W. Schleiner, Medical Ethics in the Renaissance (Washington, 1995);
25. A. Wear, 'Medical Ethics in Early Modern England', in Wear, Geyer-Kordesch and French, Doctors and Ethics, 98-131;
26. R. Cooter, 'Review Article: The Resistible Rise of Medical Ethics', Social History of Medicine, viii (1995), 257-70;
27. L. Haakonssen, Medicine and Morals in the Enlightenment: John Gregory, Thomas Percival and Benjamin Rush (Amsterdam, 1997);
28. D. Harley, 'The Good Physician and the Godly Doctor: The Exemplary Life of John Tylston of Chester (1663-99)', The Seventeenth Century, ix (1994), 93-117.
29. Wear, 'Medical Ethics', 98.
30. W. J. Friedlander, 'On the Obligation of Physicians to Treat Aids: Is There a Historical Basis', Reviews of Infectious Diseases, xii (1990), 191-203;
31. J. C. Burnham, How the Idea of Profession Changed the Writing of Medical History. Medical History, Supplement xviii (1998).
32. A. Walsham, Providence in Early Modern England (Oxford, 1999), 159-62. M. James, English Politics and the Concept of Honour 1485-1642, Past and Present, Supplements, iii (Oxford, 1978); J. S. A. Adamson, 'Chivalry and Political Culture in Caroline England', in K. Sharpe and P. Lake (ed.), Culture and Politics in Early Stuart England (Basingstoke, 1994), 161-97;
33. M. Peltonen, 'Francis Bacon, the Earl of Northampton, and the Jacobean Anti-Duelling Campaign', Historical Journal, iliv (2001), 1-28;
34. B. Donagan, 'Codes of Conduct in the English Civil War', Past and Present, cxviii (1988), 65-95.
35. T. L. Beauchamp and J. F. Childress, Principles of Biomedical Ethics (5 th edn, Oxford, 2001); J. O. Urmson, 'Saints and Heroes', in A. I. Melden (ed.), Essays in Moral Philosophy (Seattle, 1958), 198-216;
36. J. Feinberg, 'Supererogation and Rules', in J. J. Thompson and G. Dworkin (ed.), Ethics (New York, 1968), 391-411.
37. P. Slack, 'Mirrors of Health and Treasures of Poor Men: The Uses of the Vernacular Medical Literature of Tudor England', in C. Webster (ed.), Health, Medicine and Mortality in the Sixteenth Century (Cambridge, 1979), 237-73;
38. P. Slack, The Impact of Plague in Tudor and Stuart England (1985);
39. C. Jones, 'Plague and Its Metaphors in Early Modern France', Representations, liii (1996), 97-127.
40. M. Chase, 'Fevers, Poisons, and Apostemes: Authority and Experience in Montpellier Plague Treatises', in P. O. Long (ed.), Science and Technology in the Middle Ages (New York, 1985), 153-69;
41. J. Arrizabalaga, 'Facing the Black Death: Perceptions and Reactions of University Medical Practitioners', in L. Garcia-Ballester, R. French, J. Arrizabalaga and A. Cunningham (ed.), Practical Medicine from Salerno to the Black Death (Cambridge, 1994), 237-88.
42. The context for these ethical debates is discussed in K. Thomas, 'Cases of Conscience in Seventeenth - Century England', in J. Morrill, P. Slack and D. Woolf (ed.), Public Duty and Private Conscience in Seventeenth-Century England (Oxford, 1993), 29-56 16.
43. John Hooper, An Homily To Be Read In Time Of Pestilence [1553], reprinted in The Fathers of the English Church (8 vols, London, John Hatchard, 1807-12), v, 239. Note that Hooper does not mention physicians having a duty to stay, and gives no reason to assume that he ' undoubtedly ' thought this: cf. Grell, 'Confl icting Duties', 138.
44. Slack, Plague, 40-4. Catholic views on fl ight seem to have been complex and deserve more study: A. L. Martin, Plague? Jesuit Accounts of Epidemic Disease in the 16 th Century (Kirksville, Mich., 1996), 115-23, 180.
45. M. Luther, 'Whether One May Flee from a Deadly Plague ' [1527], in Luther's Works, ed. J. Pelikan and H. T. Lehmann (56 vols, Philadelphia, 1968), xliii, 119-38.
46. T. Beza, A Learned Treatise of the Plague (1665; E.S.T.C. 31585), 3. An English translation had fi rst been published in 1580.
47. Beza, Learned Treatise, 18.
48. Slack, Plague, 42.
49. Arguably, Clapham was even more fi rmly opposed to fl ight than Luther, even denying its effi cacy against plague: H. Clapham, An Epistle Discoursing upon the Present Pestilence (2 nd edn, 1603; E.S.T.C. 5339), sig. C3v;
50. W. T., A Casting up of Accounts of Certain Errors (1603; E.S.T.C. 23632).
51. See Slack, Plague, 233-7;
52. Walsham, Providence in Early Modern England, 159-62.
53. T. Dekker, The Wonderfull Yeare (1603, E.S.T.C. 6534);
54. idem, Rod for Runawayes (1625; E.S.T.C. 6520);
55. idem, London Looke Back (1630; E.S.T.C. 16755).
56. Jones, 'Plague and its Metaphors '.
57. Grell, 'Confl icting Duties', 135.
58. Luther mentioned city physicians, but offers no ' message ' for ' the individual physician ' (' Confl icting Duties', 135-6): Luther, 'Whether One May Flee '. The Lutheran theologian Andreas Osiander (' Confl icting Duties', n. 13)
59. A. Osiander, How and Whither a Chrysten Man Ought to Flye the Horryble Plague of the Pestilence, a Sermon, trans. M. Coverdale (1537;
60. E.S.T.C. 18878), especially sig. E7r - E7v.
61. J. Henderson, 'Epidemics in Renaissance Florence: Medical Theory and Government Response', in N. Bulst and R. Delort (ed.), Maladies et Societe (Paris, 1989), 165-86.
62. For France, fl ight was only an issue for state physicians: Jones, 'Plague and Its Metaphors', 114-15;
63. Brockliss and Jones, Medical World of Early Modern France, 13-14, 69. In Italy, problems centred on recruiting town physicians, not fl eeing private doctors: G. Calvi, Histories of a Plague Year: The Social and the Imaginary in Baroque Florence, trans. D. Biocca and B. T. Ragan (Berkeley, 1989), 62-70.
64. J. S. Amelang (ed.), A Journal of the Plague Year: The Diary of the Barcelona Tanner Miquel Parets, 1651 (New York, 1991), 18-19, 22, 56. Discussing Jesuits (who themselves mostly fl ed), Martin notes some criticism of physicians for fl ight, but it is unclear if this is directed at town physicians or physicians in general: Plague?, 117-18.
65. D. W. Amundsen, Medicine, Society, and Faith in the Ancient and Medieval Worlds (Baltimore, 1996), 289-309.
66. ' Precepts', in Hippocrates, 319. Grell takes another part of the same passage to imply an obligation and implies that there are other passages where fl ight is a problem (' Confl icting Duties', 134 and n. 10). However, I fi nd nothing in the works cited to suggest that physicians had a duty to serve during epidemics (Epidemics I, II/III or the Hippocratic Oath). More generally, see V. Nutton, 'Beyond the Hippocratic Oath', in Wear, Geyer-Kordesch and French, Doctors and Ethics, 10-37.
67. J. Ewich, Of the Duetie of a Faithfull and Wise Magistrate, in Preserving and Delivering the Commonwealth from Infection, in the Time of the Plague or Pestilence, trans. J. Stockwood (1583, E.S.T.C. 10607), fos 13 v - 14r.
68. Grell's claim that Ewich thought physicians should stay is weak (' Confl icting Duties', 140).
69. The ' moral axiom ' Grell cites (' He greatlie offendeth against the rule of charitie, whosoeuer according to his abilitie doth not seek and bring some ayde, as it were a preseruative ') is part of an argument ' that the care and charge of the commonwealth belongs to the magistrate', as the chapter's title states. The ' axiom ' sentence continues: it is ' the Magistrate most of all, who in this common calamitie or miserye both can and ought incomparison of others to do most ': Duetie, fo. 4 r.
70. P. Marshall, A Kind of Life Imposed on Man: Vocation and Social Order from Tyndale to Locke (Toronto, 1996), 43.
71. Pelling, Medical Confl icts;
72. G. Pomata, Contracting a Cure: Patients, Healers, and the Law in Early Modern Bologna (Baltimore, 1998).
73. Margaret Pelling, The Common Lot: Sickness, Medical Occupations and the Urban Poor in Early Modern England (1998);
74. Andrew Wear, 'Caring for the Sick Poor in St Bartholomew's Exchange: 1580-1676', in R. Porter and W. Bynum (ed.), Living and Dying in London, Medical History, Supplement xi (1991), 41-60.
75. A. W. Russell (ed.), The Town and State Physician in Europe from the Middle Ages to the Enlightenment (Wolfenbuttel, 1981), 47-61.
76. See W. Boraston, A Necessarie and Briefe Treatise of the Contagious Disease of the Pestilence (1630; E.S.T.C. 3372), sig. A5r;
77. Thomas Sherwood, The Charitable Pestmaster (1641; E.S.T.C. 6113), sig. A2r;
78. T. Cocke, Advice to the Poor by Way of Cure and Caution (1665).
79. D. E. J. Linden, 'Gabriele Zerbi's De Cautelis Medicorum and the Tradition of Medical Prudence', Bulletin of the History of Medicine, lxxiii (1999), 26. Cf. Wear, Knowledge and Practice, 277-8.
80. James Balmford, A Short Dialogue Concerning the Plagues Infection (1603; E.S.T.C. 1338), 72.
81. This was the College meeting during which plague regulations were considered: Royal College of Physicians, London, Annals, iii, 283. I am grateful to the Royal College of Physicians for permission to cite their records.
82. S. Pepys, The Diary of Samuel Pepys, ed. R. Latham and W. Matthews (11 vols, 1970), vii, 21.
83. G. Harvey, A Discourse of the Plague (1665; E.S.T.C. 9710), 1.
84. Although Harvey is the source of Grell's openning quote (' Confl icting Duties', 131), he does not suggest that physicians should stay and recommends fl ight as a preservative.
85. Francis Herring, Certaine Rules, Directions, or Advertisments for this time of Pestilentiall contagion (1625; E.S.T.C. 13242), sig. B2v.
86. Another example is T. Lodge, Treatise of the Plague (1603; E.S.T.C. 16676). Herring's tract was fi rst published in 1603, and reprinted in 1625, 1665 and 1757. Grell suggests that Herring ' advocated against fl ight ' (' Confl icting Duties', 141).
87. N. Hodges, Loimologia, or an Historical Account of the Plague in London in 1665, trans. J. Quincy (1720), 23.
88. W. Kemp, A Brief Treatise of the Nature, Causes, Signes, Preservation from, and Cure of the Pestilence (1665; E.S.T.C. 6407), 73.
89. W.W., A Touchstone for Physick (1667; E.S.T.C. 9839), 81.
90. The Chymical Galenist (1667; E.S.T.C. 21752), sig. A3v.
91. N. D. Jewson, 'Medical Knowledge and the Patronage System in 18 th Century England', Sociology, viii (1974), 369-85.
92. M. Fissell, 'Innocent and Horrible Bribes: Medical Manners in Eighteenth Century Britain', in R. Baker, D. Porter and R. Porter (ed.), The Codifi cation of Medical Morality (Dordrecht, 1993), 19-45;
93. Harley, 'The Good Physician', 93-117;
94. D. Harley, 'Ethics and Dispute Behaviour in the Career of Henry Bracken of Lancaster: Surgeon, Physician and Manmidwife', in Baker, Porter and Porter, Medical Morality, 47-71. See also: Wear, 'Medical Ethics', 98-130.
95. Wear, Knowledge and Practice, 288-98;
96. T. Garencières, A Mite Cast into the Treasury of the Famous City of London (3 rd edn, 1666, E.S.T.C. 28669), 2-3. Garencières dismissed the chemists' claims (8-9). J. Longrigg, 'Epidemics, Ideas and Classical Athenian Society', in T. Ranger and P. Slack (ed.), Epidemics and Ideas: Essays on the Historical Perception of Pestilence (Cambridge, 1992), 22. On the futility of medicine during the Black Death: A. M. Campbell, The Black Death and Men of Learning (New York, 1966), 3;
97. D. Palazotto, 'The Black Death and Medicine: A Report and Analysis of the Tractates Written between 1348 and 1350 ' (Ph.D. thesis, University of Kansas, 1973), 159, 245-6.
98. Lodge, Plague, sig. B1v. Dekker was equally cynical about the effi cacy of medicine: Wonderfull Year, 16-17;
99. Thomas Dekker, Newes from Graves-End (1604; E.S.T.C. 12199), sig. C2v - C3r. See Slack, Plague, 24-30.
100. H. J. Cook, The Decline of the Old Medical Regime in Stuart London (Ithaca, 1986), 47.
101. As Simon Forman and George Thomson both did: L. Kassell, 'Simon Forman's Philosophy of Medicine: Medicine, Astrology and Alchemy in London, c. 1580-1611 ' (D.Phil. thesis, University of Oxford, 1997), 64;
102. G. Thomson, Loimotomia: Or the Pest Anatomised (1666; E.S.T.C. 1148).
103. The importance of character is brought out in H. J. Cook, 'Good Advice and Little Medicine: The Professional Advice of Early Modern English Physicians', Journal of British Studies, xxxiii (1994), 1-31;
104. Harley, 'The Good Physician', 93-117;
105. Fissell, 'Innocent and Horrible Bribes', 19-45.
106. Ewich, Duetie, fos 16 v - 17r.
107. Pelling, Medical Confl icts;
108. Guildhall Library, ms 8285, fo. 26;
109. Kassell, 'Forman's Philosphy', 64-5, 92, 118, n. 1.
110. Bell, Great Plague, 35-6, 38-9;
111. T. Cocke, Advice to the Poor by way of Cure and Caution (1665; E.S.T.C. 15569). Thomas Lodge sought this for his Treatise: Plague, sig. A3v. For cases from Florence: Calvi, Histories, 97-104.
112. On the defences employed by irregulars, see: Pelling, Medical Confl icts.
113. Cecil Wall, H. Charles Cameron and E. Ashworth Underwood, A History of the Worshipful Society of Apothecaries of London (1963), 47;
114. P. H. J. Wallis, 'Medicines for London: The Trade, Regulation and Lifecycle of London Apothecaries, c. 1610 - c. 1670 ' (D.Phil. thesis, University of Oxford, 2002).
115. Cook, Decline, 13. For Trigge's reputation in 1665: Robert Barker, Consilium Anti-Pestilentiale (1665), sig. B4r;
116. Dr. Trigg's Secrets, Arcana's & Panacea's (1665; E.S.T.C. 221780).
117. Cook, Decline, 129-31, 191.
118. M. Trye, Medicatrix;
119. or the Woman-Physician (1675; E.S.T.C. 25832), 55, 65.
120. Wear, 'Medical Ethics '.
121. Wallis, 'Medicines for London ';
122. Society of Apothecaries, Reasons, Humbly Offered to the Honourable House of Commons ([1695], E.S.T.C. 220601), sig. Ar;
123. Society of Apothecaries, Considerations Humbly Offered to the Lords Spiritual and Temporal ([1695];
124. E.S.T.C. 16109), iii, 2. See also R. Tatnall, An Antidote Against the Sinfull Palpitations of the Heart (1665; E.S.T.C. 24099), sig. A3r; M. M., Solomon's Prescription For the Removal of Pestilence (1666;
125. E.S.T.C. 18395), 41-61, 72-3; T. Vincent, God's Terrible Voice in the City (1667; E.S.T.C. 22252), 19-23.
126. Like the College, Anglican clergy resisted the nonconformist interpretation: British Library, Harleian ms 3785 fos 24, 26. See also J. W., A Friendly letter to the Flying Clergy (1665; E.S.T.C. 217620), 4;
127. Defoe later disagreed: Journal of the Plague Year (New York, 1992 [1722]), 26. A. G. Matthews (ed.), Calamy Revised (Oxford, 1934), 43, 543;
128. Bell, Plague, 225-9;
129. R. Hutton, The Restoration (Oxford, 1985), 232-3;
130. David Harley, 'The Politics of Plague, Providence, and Natural Causation in Restoration England ' (unpublished paper), 5-6;
131. Spurr, 'From Puritanism to Dissent, 1660-1700', in C. Durston and J. Eales (ed.), The Culture of English Puritanism, 1560-1700 (1996), 240-4;
132. H. J. Cook, 'The Society of Chemical Physicians, the New Philosophy, and the Restoration Court', Bulletin of the History of Medicine, lxi (1987), 61-77.
133. J. A. I. Champion, London's Dreaded Visitation. Historical Geography Research Series, xxxi (1995), 40-1.
134. The numbers of College actions against irregulars dipped during epidemics and surged in their aftermath: M. Pelling, Medical Confl icts, 47-9.
135. George Thomson, Galeno-Pale: or a Chymical Trial of the Galenists (1665;
136. E.S.T.C. 33830), 11; William Johnson, Agurto-Mástix. Or, Some Brief Animadversions Upon Two Late Treatises (1665; E.S.T.C. 43321), 12. See Grell, 'Plague, Prayer and Physic', 204;
137. W. R. Newman, Gehennical Fire (Cambridge, Mass., 1994), 203-5.
138. George Thomson, Loimologia, a Consolatory Advice, and Some Brief Observations Concerning the Present Pest (1665; E.S.T.C. 220876), 2.
139. See, for example, R. Godfrey, Various Injuries & Abuses in Chymical and Galenical Physick (1674; E.S.T.C. 21846), 144-5.
140. A. Wear, Knowledge and Practice in English Medicine, 1550-1680 (Cambridge, 2000), ch. 8 and 9;
141. C. Webster, The Great Instauration: Science, Medicine and Reform, 1626-1660 (1975), 276-7, 282-8;
142. Pelling, Medical Confl icts. For medieval examples of stereotypical greedy physicians: C. Rawcliffe, Medicine and Society in Later Medieval England (Stroud, 1995), 115-19.
143. On van Helmont and plague: Godfrey, Various Injuries & Abuses, 144-7. Writing in a Flemish environment in which town physicians were a well-established response to plague, Van Helmont centred his plague tract ' The Plague Grave ' on the failure of the Galenic physicians' leadership and remedies, rather than their fl ight: J. - B. van Helmont, Oriatricke or Physick Refi ned, trans. J. Chandler (1662 [1648];
144. E.S.T.C. 15308), 1080-1, although see 1144.
145. Kassell, 'Forman's Philosophy', 118.
146. S. Bradwell, A Watch-Man for the Pest (1625; ES.T.C. 3537), sig. A2r.
147. S. Bradwell, Physick for the Sicknesse Commonly Called the Plague (1636; E.S.T.C. 106184), sig. A3 r - v.
148. W. Boghurst, Loimographia: Or an Experimentall Relation of the Plague [1666], ed. J. F. Payne, Transactions of the Epidemiological Society of London, Supplement to vol. xiii (1894), 59-60, 74-5. See also Barker, Consilium, sig. A3r - v.
149. Thomson, Loimologia, 2.
150. George Starkey, An Epistolar Discourse to the Learned and Deserving Author of Galeno-Pale, in George Thomson, Plano-Pnigmos, or, a Gag for Johnson (1665;
151. E.S.T.C. 24128), 56-7.
152. Thomson, Loimologia, 11.
153. See: An Advertisement from the Society of Chymical Physitians, Touching Medicines by them prepared, in pursuance of his Majesties Command for the Prevention, and for the Cure of the Plague ([1665]; E.S.T.C. 2 13124);
154. Thomas, 'Society', 5 6.
155. N. Hodges, 'An Account of the First Rise, Progress, Symptoms and Care of the Plague: Being the Substance of a Letter from Dr. Hodges to a Person of Quality', in A Collection of Very Valuable and Scarce Pieces Relating to the Last Plague in the Year 1665 (1721), 35.
156. Thomson, Loimologia, 16. See also ibid., 186;
157. Thomson, Galeno-Pale, 6;
158. T. O'Dowde, The Poor Man's Physician (1664; E.S.T.C. 218541).
159. Helmontian theory: Wear, Knowledge and Practice, 368-87;
160. W. Pagel, 'Van Helmont's Concept of Disease - to Be or Not to Be? The Influence of Paracelsus', Bulletin of the History of Medicine, xlvi (1972), 419-54.
161. T. O'Dowde, The Poor Man's Physician, 3 rd edn (1665; E.S.T.C. 219420).
162. Cook, 'Society of Chemical Physicians', 61-77. See also H. Thomas, 'The Society of Chymical Physitians', in E. A. Underwood (ed.), Science, Medicine and History (2 vols, Oxford, 1953), ii, 56;
163. P. M. Rattansi, 'The Helmontian - Galenist Controversy in Restoration England', Ambix, xi (1963), 1-23;
164. C. Webster, 'English Medical Reformers of the Puritan Revolution', Ambix, xiv (1967), 16-41.
165. Thomson, Galeno-Pale, 103-7;
166. Thomson, Loimotomia, 173-9. This is reinforced by William Johnson's comment that the patent for a Society had been a ' Monster... stifl ed in the birth ': Agurto-Mástix, 85. See Cook, 'Society of Chemical Physicians', 74-5.
167. R. Sprackling, Medela Ignorantiae (1665; E.S.T.C. 219132), 159;
168. N. Hodges, Vindicae Medicinae & Medicorum (1665; E.S.T.C. 13220)
169. Hunter, Science and Society; M. Jenner, 'Quackery and Enthusiasm', in Grell and Cunningham (ed.), Religio Medici, 313-39; Cook, Decline, 158-9. Similar strategies were employed in other medical disputes: C. T., Some Papers Writ in the Year 1664 (1670; E.S.T.C. 220666), 12-13;
170. H. J. Cook, 'Physicians and the New Philosophy: Henry Stubbe and the Virtuosi - Physicians', in R. French and A. Wear (ed.), The Medical Revolution of the Seventeenth Century (Cambridge, 1989), 253.
171. Grell, 'Plague, Prayer and Physic', 218.
172. Webster, Great Instauration;
173. P. Elmer, 'Medicine, Religion and the Puritan Revolution', in French and Wear, Medical Revolution, 10-45.
174. On the religious beliefs of fellows of the College see H. J. Cook, 'Institutional Structures and Personal Belief in the London College of Physicians', in Grell and Cunningham, Religio Medici, 91-114;
175. W. J. Birken, 'The Dissenting Tradition in English Medicine of the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries', Medical History, xxxix (1995), 197-218;
176. idem, 'The Fellows of the Royal College of Physicians of London, 1603-1643: A Social Study ' (Ph.D. thesis, University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 1977).
177. J. Goddard, A Discourse Setting Forth the Unhappy Condition of the Practice of Physick (1670; E.S.T.C. 18769);
178. D. Coxe, A Discourse wherein the Interest of the Patient in Reference to Physick and Physicians is soberly debated (1669; E.S.T.C. 225419).
179. See Cook, Decline, 162-82;
180. Cook, 'Physicians and the New Philosophy', 256;
181. Wallis, 'Medicines ';
182. Wall, Society of Apothecaries; R. S. Roberts, 'The London Apothecaries and Medical Practice in Tudor and Stuart England ' (Ph.D. thesis, University of London, 1964). Physicians making medicines had been threatened before: Roberts, 'London Apothecaries', 204;
183. Hodges, Vindicae Medicinae, 54.
184. Medice Cura Teipsum! (1671; E.S.T.C. 8209), 1.
185. C. Merrett, A Short View of the Frauds and Abuses Committed by Apothecaries (1669; E.S.T.C. 4693), 44.
186. See, for example, T. D. Whittet, The Sydenham Lecture of 1965 (Epsom, 1970), 2-3;
187. R. O'Day, The Professions in Early Modern England, 1450-1800 (Harlow, 2000), 228.
188. Merrett was no stranger to the apothecaries, having been made an honorary freeman of the Society in 1659.
189. Lex Talionis (1670; ESTC 26266), 18. See also Medice Cura Teipsum!, 34.
190. C. Merrett, Self Conviction (1670; E.S.T.C. 1984), 16.
191. In 1722, Defoe commented on the reproach faced by physicians who fl ed: Journal, 182-3.
192. Brockliss and Jones, Medical World, 356.
193. A. R. Jonsen, A Short History of Medical Ethics (New York, 2000), 47.
194. For example, A. Zuger, 'Physicians, AIDS, and Occupational Risk: Historic Traditions and Ethical Obligations', Journal of the American Medical Association, cclviii (1987), 1924-8; C. G. Petrow, 'Letter to the Editor', Journal of the American Medical Association, cclix (1988), 1325-6.