Race, Issue Heterogeneity and Public Policy: The Republican Revolution in the 104th US Congress and the Representation of African-American Policy Interests

British Journal of Political Science

Volumn 31, Issue 3, 2001, Pages 555-572

  Whitby, Kenny J ^a   Krause, George A ^a  

^a UNIVERSITY OF SOUTH CAROLINA   (United States)

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

EID: 85013075942     PISSN: 00071234     EISSN: 14692112     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1017/S0007123401000217     Document Type: Article

References (112)

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2. Richard L. Hall and Colleen Heflin, ‘The Importance of Color in Congress: Members and the Representation of Race and Ethnicity in the US House’ (unpublished paper, University of Michigan, 1994)
3. David I. Lublin, The Paradox of Minority Representation: Racial Gerrymandering and Minority Interests in Congress (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1997)
4. Kenny J. Whitby, The Color of Representation: Congressional Behavior and Black Interests (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1997).
5. Richard L. Hall, Participation in Congress (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1996), p. 191.
6. Hall and Heflin, ‘The Importance of Color in Congress’
7. Whitby, The Color of Representation, chap. 4.
8. Michael C. Dawson, Behind the Mule: Race and Class in African-American Politics (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1994)
9. Patricia Gurin and Edgar Epps, Black Consciousness, Identity, and Achievement:A Study of Students in Historically Black Colleges (New York: Wiley, 1975)
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14. Sidney Verba and Norman Nie,Participation in America:PoliticalDemocracyand Social Equality(New York: Harper and Row, 1972).
15. Whitby, The Color of Representation, chap. 4.
16. Scholars have suggested that in their quest for equality, civil rights leaders turned towards legislation that would improve the social and economic conditions of disadvantaged groups in American society (Charles S. Bullock and Susan A. MacManus, ‘Policy Responsiveness to the Black Electorate: Programmatic versus Symbolic Representation’, American Politics Quarterly, 9 (1981), 357–368
17. Kenny J. Whitby, ‘Measuring Congressional Responsiveness to the Policy Interests of Black Constituents’, Social Science Quarterly, 68 (1987), 367–377).
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19. Douglas R. Arnold, The Logic of Congressional Action (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University, 1991)
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25. Arnold, The Logic of Congressional Action, pp. 72–73.
26. Whitby, The Color of Representation, chap. 4.
27. Edward G. Carmines and James A. Stimson, Issue Evolution: Race and the Transformation of American Politics (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1989)
28. Andrew Hacker, Two Nations: Black and White, Separate, Hostile, Unequal (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1992)
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31. Whitby, The Color of Representation, chap. 4.
32. Carol M. Swain, Black Faces, Black Interests: The Representation of African-Americans in Congress (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1993).
33. Hall, Participation in Congress, pp. 191–209
34. Hall and Heflin, ‘The Importance of Color in Congress’
35. Whitby, The Color of Representation, chap. 4.
36. Richard L. Hall examines an individual roll-call vote on the Job Training Partnership Act of 1982 in isolation, thus not testing for issue heterogeneity across roll-call votes (Hall, Participation in Congress, pp. 205–209).
37. Vincent L. Hutchings examines the 1990 Civil Rights Bill and Michel-LaFalce Amendment separately and compares them to aggregate LCCR rating scores for Southern Democrats in the second session of the 101st House in 1990 (Vincent L. Hutchings, ‘Issue Salience and Support for Civil Rights Legislation Among Southern Democrats’, Legislative Studies Quarterly, 28 (1998), 521–544).
38. Carmines and Stimson, Issue Evolution, chap. 3.
39. Hutchings, ‘Issue Salience and Support for Civil Rights Legislation Among Southern Democrats’
40. Swain, Black Faces, Black Interests
41. Whitby, ‘Measuring Congressional Responsiveness to the Policy Interests of Black Constituents’.
42. Charles S. Bullock, ‘Congressional Roll-Call Voting in a Two-Party South,’ Social Science Quarterly, 66 (1985), 789–804
43. Cameron, Epstein and O'Halloran, ‘Do Majority-Minority Districts Maximize Substantive Black Representation in Congress’, fn. 9
44. Hutchings, ‘Issue Salience and Support for Civil Rights Legislation Among Southern Democrats’
45. Swain, Black Faces, Black Interests
46. Kenny J. Whitby, ‘Effects of the Interaction between Race and Urbanization on Votes of Southern Congressmen’, Legislative Studies Quarterly, 10 (1985), 505–517
47. Whitby, ‘Measuring Congressional Responsiveness to the Policy Interests of Black Constituents’
48. Whitby, The Color of Representation
49. Bullock, ‘Congressional Roll-Call Voting in a Two-Party South’
50. Swain, Black Faces, Black Interests
51. Whitby, ‘Effects of the Interaction between Race and Urbanization on Votes of Southern Congressmen’
52. Whitby, The Color of Representation.
53. Cameron, Epstein and O'Halloran, ‘Do Majority-Minority Districts Maximize Substantive Black Representation in Congress?’
54. Lublin, The Paradox of Minority Representation.
55. Hall and Heflin, ‘The Importance of Color in Congress’
56. Whitby, The Color of Representation.
57. Michael W. Combs, John R. Hibbing and Susan Welch, ‘Black Constituents and Congressional Roll Call Votes’, Western Political Quarterly, 37 (1984), 424–434
58. Swain, Black Faces, Black Interests
59. Whitby, The Color of Representation.
60. Legislator ideology is not considered as an independent variable since it would create a tautology by using ‘votes’ to predict ‘votes’ (John E. Jackson and John W. Kingdon, ‘Ideology, Interest Group Scores, and Legislative Votes’, American Journal of Political Science, 36 (1992), 805–823).
61. Combs, Hibbing and Welch, ‘Black Constituents and Congressional Roll Call Votes’
62. Swain, Black Faces, Black Interests
63. Whitby, ‘Effects of the Interaction between Race and Urbanization on Votes of Southern Congressmen’
64. Whitby, ‘Measuring Congressional Responsiveness to the Policy Interests of Black Constituents’
65. Whitby, The Color of Representation.
66. Cf. Bullock, ‘Congressional Roll-Call Voting in a Two-Party South’
67. Hall and Heflin, ‘The Importance of Color in Congress’.
68. Bullock, ‘Congressional Roll-Call Voting in a Two-Party South’
69. Carmines and Stimson, Issue Evolution
70. Swain, Black Faces, Black Interests
71. Whitby, The Color of Representation.
72. Combs, Hibbing and Welch, ‘Black Constituents and Congressional Roll Call Votes’
73. Swain, Black Faces, Black Interests
74. Whitby, The Color of Representation.
75. Bullock, ‘Congressional Roll-Call Voting in a Two-Party South’
76. Combs, Hibbing and Welch, ‘Black Constituents and Congressional Roll Call Votes’
77. Whitby, ‘Effects of the Interaction between Race and Urbanization on Votes of Southern Congressmen’
78. Whitby, ‘Measuring Congressional Responsiveness to the Policy Interests of Black Constituents’
79. Whitby, The Color of Representation.
80. Swain, Black Faces, Black Interests.
81. Such findings are not only consistent with research that maintains that the nature of legislative bills matters (Hall, Participation in Congress, Hutchings, ‘Issue Salience and Support for Civil Rights Legislation Among Southern Democrats’
82. Swain, Black Faces, Black Interests
83. Whitby, ‘Measuring Congressional Responsiveness to the Policy Interests of Black Constituents’
84. Whitby, The Color of Representation), but also provide clear inferential-based empirical evidence indicating that members of Congress base their votes on the nature of the impact of individual bills. This contextual behaviour cannot be gleaned from analysing aggregate roll-call legislative voting data.
85. Lawrence Bobo, ‘White Opposition to Busing: Symbolic Racism or Realistic Group Conflict?’, Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 45 (1983), 1196–1210
86. Lawrence Bobo and James R. Kluegel, ‘Opposition to Race Targeting Self-Interest, Stratification Ideology, or Racial Attitudes?’, American Sociological Review, 58 (1993), 443–464.
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90. Dianne M. Pinderhughes,Race and Ethnicity in Chicago Politics: A Reexamination of Pluralist Theory (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1987)
91. Shingles, ‘Black Consciousness and Political Participation’
92. Verba and Nie, Participation in America.
93. Hall and Heflin, ‘The Importance of Color in Congress’
94. Swain, Black Faces, Black Interests
95. Whitby, ‘Measuring Congressional Responsiveness to the Policy Interests of Black Constituents’
96. Whitby, The Color of Representation.
97. Hall, Participation in Congress, pp. 205–209.
98. Hutchings, ‘Issue Salience and Support for Civil Rights Legislation Among Southern Democrats’.
99. Merle Black, ‘Racial Composition of Congressional Districts and Support for Federal Voting Rights in the American South’ Social Science Quarterly, 59 (1978), 435–450.
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101. Statistical Abstract of the United States, 118th edn (Washington, DC: U.S. Bureau of the Census, 1998), p. 380.
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108. Liang and Zeger, ‘Longitudinal Data Analysis Using Generalized Linear Models’
109. Pendergast et al., ‘A Survey of Methods for Analyzing Clustered Binary Response Data’.
110. Liang and Zeger, ‘Longitudinal Data Analysis Using Generalized Linear Models’
111. Pendergast et al., ‘A Survey of Methods for Analyzing Clustered Binary Response Data’.
112. Liang and Zeger, ‘Longitudinal Data Analysis Using Generalized Linear Models’.