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1
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67650004930
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(1976); H. A. Hoffner, “Histories and Historians of the Ancient Near East”, Orientalia 49 (1980), 283-332; Gurney The Hittites, 143-7. Edicts of earlier kings contain historical sections but this was not their main purpose.
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See H. Cancik, Grundzuge der hethitischen und alttestamentlichen Geschichtsschreibung (1976); H. A. Hoffner, “Histories and Historians of the Ancient Near East”, Orientalia 49 (1980), 283-332; Gurney The Hittites (1990), 143-7. Edicts of earlier kings contain historical sections but this was not their main purpose.
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(1990)
Grundzuge der hethitischen und alttestamentlichen Geschichtsschreibung
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Cancik, H.1
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2
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85012432512
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(SUDBURG) (Studien zu den Bogazkoy-Texten, Beiheft 3, 1995), 49 and 57-9; also for YALBURT in Festschrift Sedat Alp
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See J. D. Hawkins, The Hieroglyphic Inscription of the Sacred Pool Complex at Hattusa (SUDBURG) (Studien zu den Bogazkoy-Texten, Beiheft 3, 1995), 49 and 57-9; also for YALBURT in Festschrift Sedat Alp (1992), 260.
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(1992)
The Hieroglyphic Inscription of the Sacred Pool Complex at Hattusa
, pp. 260
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Hawkins, J.D.1
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3
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85012533717
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as pointed out by Houwink ten Cate in ZA 82,257, the special tablet being CTH 83, but in 1. 3 it is uncertain whether the name or some other phrase should be restored. In 1. 5 Houwink ten Cate suggests the restoration u[la-afr-fri-iala- ati]. It seems unlikely that Hattusilis would have left the country or the army in charge of a boy (cf. KUB XIX 8 iii 27).
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This must refer to Tudhaliyas as GAL MESEDI, as pointed out by Houwink ten Cate in ZA 82,257, the special tablet being CTH 83, but in 1. 3 it is uncertain whether the name or some other phrase should be restored. In 1. 5 Houwink ten Cate suggests the restoration u[la-afr-fri-iala- ati]. It seems unlikely that Hattusilis would have left the country or the army in charge of a boy (cf. KUB XIX 8 iii 27).
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This must refer to Tudhaliyas as GAL MESEDI
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4
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85012548923
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(fa but could be TARJfras. Both are in the section where the reference point is Hawaliya. The name U-ti-iff/im-, if read with im, yields the name Utima, for which see below, but the sign appears to be iff. We do not have Forrer's reading for this.
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The names Natas and Harfyassuwanta are restored from the bronze tablet: the broken sign in the latter is here not (fa but could be TARJfras. Both are in the section where the reference point is Hawaliya. The name U-ti-iff/im-, if read with im, yields the name Utima, for which see below, but the sign appears to be iff. We do not have Forrer's reading for this.
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The names Natas and Harfyassuwanta are restored from the bronze tablet: the broken sign in the latter is here not
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5
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85012492342
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(see Forlanini, VO 7 151 f.), but one could also consider a variant for Usau/wala in the Hulaya boundary. For i}AR-pu-ta-u-na in the land of Harziuna see KUB XXVI 43 obv. 43.
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Restorations conjectural. Wasuwatta is attested as one of Telipinu's depot cities (see Forlanini, VO 7 151 f.), but one could also consider a variant for Usau/wala in the Hulaya boundary. For i}AR-pu-ta-u-na in the land of Harziuna see KUB XXVI 43 obv. 43.
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Restorations conjectural. Wasuwatta is attested as one of Telipinu's depot cities
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6
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85012503204
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(once Wa-at-ta-ru-wa) was restored by Cornelius and was an AGRIG town in the KI.LAM festival (Singer, AnSt XXXIV 115, 122), but it is associated with Masa and the River Hulana and is usually written with -tar-. Waltanna is a place opposite Walma in KBo IV 10 (though not in the bronze tablet); Wartanna is a district of Lusna (= Lystra) in CTH 225. Here Watta[nna] is confidently restored as a third variant by Freu (Hethitica VIII, 130), assuming assimilation, though I know of no parallel (Pasuhalta/Parsuhalda is not the same place as Purushanda/Burushattum). Wattarusna was far away in the north-east (KUB XXIII 72).
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Wattarwa (once Wa-at-ta-ru-wa) was restored by Cornelius and was an AGRIG town in the KI.LAM festival (Singer, AnSt XXXIV 115, 122), but it is associated with Masa and the River Hulana and is usually written with -tar-. Waltanna is a place opposite Walma in KBo IV 10 (though not in the bronze tablet); Wartanna is a district of Lusna (= Lystra) in CTH 225. Here Watta[nna] is confidently restored as a third variant by Freu (Hethitica VIII, 130), assuming assimilation, though I know of no parallel (Pasuhalta/Parsuhalda is not the same place as Purushanda/Burushattum). Wattarusna was far away in the north-east (KUB XXIII 72).
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Wattarwa
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8
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85012544059
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Gotze copied Ku-wa-ap!-pa-as-sa, but Forrer, who also had the tablet before him, saw a clear la and this is usually accepted. Forlanini however accepted the copy and identified with Kabassos in Cataonia
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Gotze copied Ku-wa-ap!-pa-as-sa, but Forrer, who also had the tablet before him, saw a clear la and this is usually accepted. Forlanini however accepted the copy and identified with Kabassos in Cataonia (VO 7, 158).
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, vol.7
, pp. 158
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9
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85012536594
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Forschungen I 30 and Kup. (CTH 68) §9.
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Restorations after Forrer, Forschungen I 30 and Kup. (CTH 68) §9.
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Restorations after Forrer
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10
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85012511760
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(or collective) subjects such as ERIN ME§ are assumed on account of 1. 10.
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Plural (or collective) subjects such as ERIN ME§ are assumed on account of 1. 10.
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Plural
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11
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85012459723
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In accordance with his views on geography he identified Walwara, Mata and Sanhata with villages named Ibrala, Divle and Korash on the plateau between Karaman and Eregli, Sallusa with (cl.) Soloi on the coast, Nahita with an unknown place in the mountains between (Plural. 78), and Walma-which he identified also with the site of the battle on the River Astarpa - with a crossing-place of the River Seihan above Adana (Plural. 47). With the fixing of Arzawa in the west and Kizzuwadna in the east these views became totally obsolete.
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So Forrer in his Forschungen (1926) p. 31. In accordance with his views on geography he identified Walwara, Mata and Sanhata with villages named Ibrala, Divle and Korash on the plateau between Karaman and Eregli, Sallusa with (cl.) Soloi on the coast, Nahita with an unknown place in the mountains between (Plural. 78), and Walma-which he identified also with the site of the battle on the River Astarpa - with a crossing-place of the River Seihan above Adana (Plural. 47). With the fixing of Arzawa in the west and Kizzuwadna in the east these views became totally obsolete.
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(1926)
So Forrer in his Forschungen
, pp. 31
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12
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85012523915
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For the location of Walma in AnSt XXIV 109 n. 45, and below.
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For the location of Walma cf. T. R. Bryce in AnSt XXIV 109 n. 45, and below.
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Bryce, T.R.1
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13
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85012565233
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Hethitica VI 87 f.
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Cf. Laroche, Hethitica VI 87 f.
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Laroche1
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14
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85012539648
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Festschrift Sedat Alp 218.
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Cf. Gurney, Festschrift Sedat Alp (1992) 218.
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(1992)
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Gurney1
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15
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85012515935
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apud T. Ozgiic, Inandiktepe (1988); monograph by M. Poetto L'iscripzione luvio-geroglifica di YALBURT (1993); article by J. D. Hawkins and monograph on SUDBURG with appendix on YALBURT ( and 1995 (see above, n. 1).
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Photographs of YALBURT apud T. Ozgiic, Inandiktepe (1988); monograph by M. Poetto L'iscripzione luvio-geroglifica di YALBURT (1993); article by J. D. Hawkins and monograph on SUDBURG with appendix on YALBURT (1992 and 1995 (see above, n. 1).
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(1992)
Photographs of YALBURT
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16
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85012431438
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The appearance of a Wiyanawanda corresponding to Lycian Oenoanda admittedly raises doubts about the location of Mira-Kuwaliya near the Akar Cay (which has been generally accepted), since the “sinkholes of Wiyanawanda” are said to have been on its Hittite frontier (Kupanta-KAL treaty S9). Bryce in JNES 51, 122 has used this as evidence for a location of the Lukka Lands in Lycaonia on account of the location of the Yalburt inscription; Cornelius in RHA XVI/62, 9 on the contrary for a location of Mira in Caria, the Astarpa and Siyanti rivers being the Maeander and the Indus respectively. But this question is outside the scope of this article. It is more usual to suppose the existence of more than one Wiyanawanda, though the central one has no classical reflex. Cf. E. Laroche, Hethitica VI, 87 f. A different Wiyanawanda is certainly attested in KUB XXXVIII 1 (Forlanini, Fs. Alp, 178) and there was another between Kummanni and Lawazantiya, KBo XVII 103 i 16f. (Fs. Meriggi, 171).
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The appearance of a Wiyanawanda corresponding to Lycian Oenoanda admittedly raises doubts about the location of Mira-Kuwaliya near the Akar Cay (which has been generally accepted), since the “sinkholes of Wiyanawanda” are said to have been on its Hittite frontier (Kupanta-KAL treaty S9). Bryce in JNES 51, 122 has used this as evidence for a location of the Lukka Lands in Lycaonia on account of the location of the Yalburt inscription; Cornelius in RHA XVI/62, 9 on the contrary for a location of Mira in Caria, the Astarpa and Siyanti rivers being the Maeander and the Indus respectively. But this question is outside the scope of this article. It is more usual to suppose the existence of more than one Wiyanawanda, though the central one has no classical reflex. Cf. E. Laroche, Hethitica VI (1985), 87 f. A different Wiyanawanda is certainly attested in KUB XXXVIII 1 (Forlanini, Fs. Alp, 178) and there was another between Kummanni and Lawazantiya, KBo XVII 103 i 16f. (Fs. Meriggi, 171).
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(1985)
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17
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85012537749
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(JNES III 32, now ap. Freu, Heth. VIII 130). Forlanini (VO 7) has a number of impressive suggestions. For Walwara, he compares (p. 156) David French's Zeus Ouolorenos in a dedication recorded at Kiyakdede near §arkikaraaga? and Iflatun Pinar (AnSt XXXIV 11). For Ussanda (with Pitassa and Sarmana) in a join to KBo XVIII 80, his equation with Vasada (Hall, AnSt XVIII map opp. ) is noteworthy (p. 160). Sarmana is the place of the salt-lick in the bronze tablet. Tuzlukcu near Ak§ehir (Forlanini, Photographs of YALBURT. n. 145) seems rather far north for this, as indeed does Kiyakdede for Walwara. Edmund Gordon found a more suitable place for the latter at Velverid Harabeleri W. of Seydi§ehir (private communication). For Kuwalapassa the reading is uncertain: see above, n. 8. Carruba has proposed to identify the name with Telmessos rather than Colbasa: see R. Lebrun in Festschrift Sedat Alp Jidl ff. But in KUB XXIII 83 Kuwalapassa and Talawa are closely grouped with Iyalanda, which was on the Hittite king's route to Millawanda. Whether the latter was at Miletus or Milyas, it is difficult to see how this could have taken him anywhere near Telmessos.
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Usawala was first compared with Isaura by Garstang (JNES III 32, now ap. Freu, Heth. VIII 130). Forlanini (VO 7) has a number of impressive suggestions. For Walwara, he compares (p. 156) David French's Zeus Ouolorenos in a dedication recorded at Kiyakdede near §arkikaraaga? and Iflatun Pinar (AnSt XXXIV 11). For Ussanda (with Pitassa and Sarmana) in a join to KBo XVIII 80, his equation with Vasada (Hall, AnSt XVIII map opp. p. 58) is noteworthy (p. 160). Sarmana is the place of the salt-lick in the bronze tablet. Tuzlukcu near Ak§ehir (Forlanini, Photographs of YALBURT. n. 145) seems rather far north for this, as indeed does Kiyakdede for Walwara. Edmund Gordon found a more suitable place for the latter at Velverid Harabeleri W. of Seydi§ehir (private communication). For Kuwalapassa the reading is uncertain: see above, n. 8. Carruba has proposed to identify the name with Telmessos rather than Colbasa: see R. Lebrun in Festschrift Sedat Alp Jidl ff. But in KUB XXIII 83 Kuwalapassa and Talawa are closely grouped with Iyalanda, which was on the Hittite king's route to Millawanda. Whether the latter was at Miletus or Milyas, it is difficult to see how this could have taken him anywhere near Telmessos.
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Usawala was first compared with Isaura by Garstang
, pp. 58
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