History, Historical Record, and Ceremonial Action: Incas and Spaniards in Cuzco

Comparative Studies in Society and History

Volumn 43, Issue 2, 2001, Pages 329-363

  MacCormack, Sabine ^a  

^a UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN   (United States)

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EID: 85012559630     PISSN: 00104175     EISSN: 14752999     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1017/S0010417501003516     Document Type: Article

References (248)

1. Pedro Sancho, An account of the Conquest of Peru (tr. P. A. Means, New York 1917), chapter 12, 111
2. Diego de Esquivel y Navía, Noticias cronólogicas de la gran ciudad del Cuzco (Lima 1980), vol. 1, 83.
3. The author of this work belonged to a family of Cuzco notables, on whom see Bernard Lavallé, Le Marquis et le Marchand. Les luttes de pouvoir au Cuzco (1700–1730), Paris (1987).
4. Pedro Sancho, An account of the Conquest of Peru, chapter 12, 111.
5. The inauguration ceremonial of Inca rulers began with a fast: see S. MacCormack, Religion in the Andes. Vision and Imagination in Early Colonial Peru (Princeton 1991), 122, 125 and 129.
6. (Miguel de Estete), Noticia del Perú (Colección de libros y documentos referentes a la historia del Perú, 2nd series, vol. 8, Lima 1924), 54–56 passim (wording of translation ajusted for coherence). The attribution of Noticia del Perú to Miguel de Estete is doubtful.
7. See Franklin Pease G. Y., Las Crónicas y los Andes (Lima 1995), 18–20.
8. On the “performance tradition” of historical recitations such as the one here mentioned, see further, Catherine Julien, Reading Inca History (Iowa City 2000), 162 ff.
9. Spanish historians did not always agree among each other as to the exact number of Inca rulers, and among contemporary scholars there is disagreement as to their historicity: cf. below, section II, and Martti Pärssinnen, Tawantinsuyu. The Inca State and Its Political Organization (Helsinki 1992), 50 ff.
10. See also, Gary Urton, The History of a Myth. Pacariqtambo and the Origin of the Inkas (Austin, TX 1990).
11. Juan de Betanzos, Suma y narración de los Incas, ed. Maria del Carmen Martín Rubío (Madrid 1987) I, chapter 5, 87a
12. no había de aber si no sólo un Capac y que ese que lo era él (i.e. Inca Pachacuti) cf. chapter 20, 100a.
13. R. Tom Zuidema, Inca Civilization in Cuzco (Austin, TX 1990), 23–33, 62–63.
14. When an Inca died, his lineage, consisting of all his descendants other than the successor-who would in due course become head of the next royal lineage-assumed control of his palace in Cuzco, his landed estates and other property and also of the numerous men and women who served him. I follow here the exposition of Bernabé Cobo, Historia del nuevo mundo ed. Francisco Matos (Biblioteca de autores españoles [her-after BAE] 92, Madrid 1964), book 12, chapter 4, 66b.
15. See also the revealing comment of an Andean informant from the Valley of Chincha, in Fr. Cristóbal de Castro and Diego de Ortega Morejón, “Relaçion y declaraçion del modo que este valle de Chincha y sus comarcas se governavan” (in H. Trimborn ed., Quellen zur Kulturgeschichte des präkolumbinischen Amerika [Stuttgart 1938]) 239
16. “si se tardaran los christianos todas las chacaras y mugeres y yndios fueran del sol y de los ingas y de sus hermanas y de las guacas que todos estos tenian serviçio y casas y chacaras Cada uno por sy.” However, viewed from Cuzco, the matter was more complicated. See J. H. Rowe, “Probanza de los Incas nietos de conquistadores,” Historica 9,2 (Lima 1985):193–245.
17. J. H. Rowe, “What kind of settlement was Inca Cuzco?”, Ñawpa Pacha 5 (1967):- 59–77, aptly describes the Inca royal lineages as corporations
18. For Guayna Capac's inspection of the properties and activities of the lineages of Manco Capac, Pachacuti and Tupa Inca Yupanqui, see Juan de Betanzos, Suma y naración de los Incas I, chapter 41.
19. Pedro Cieza de León, Crónica del Perú. Segunda Parte (ed. Francesca Cantù, Lima 1986, hereafter Segunda Parte), chapter 11, romançes y villançicos.
20. See Susan A. Niles, The Shape of Inca History. Narrative and Architecture in an Andean Empire (Iowa City 1999), 17–20 on Amaru Topa Yupanqui and Yamqui Yupanqui.
21. Pedro Cieza de Leon, Segunda Parte chapters 11–12, with S. MacCormack, “History and Law in Sixteenth-Century Peru: The Impact of European Scholarly Traditions,” in S. C. Humphreys ed., Cultures of Scholarship (Ann Arbor 1997), 285–91.
22. Garcilaso de la Vega, Comentarios reales de los Incas (ed. C. Saenz de Santa Maria, Biblioteca de autores españoles [herafter BAE] vol. 133, Madrid 1963), part I, book 1, chapter 19, 32a.
23. The phenomenon was also noted by Pedro Cieza de León, Segunda parte, chapter 9.
24. The historical oeuvre of Pedro Cieza de León is a good indicator of this state of affairs. The first part of his history of Peru is a geographical survey, the second an account of the Incas, the third an account of the conquest. The fourth part describes the civil wars of the Spanish; of this part Cieza completed three volumes, on the wars of Las Salinas, Chupas and Quito, which exceed the combined length of the first three parts of the work as a whole. Cieza did not live to complete the sections on the wars of Guarina and Xaquixaguana, or the two commentaries about the sequel to these wars that he had planned: see Pedro Cieza de León, Crónica del Perú. Primera Parte (ed. Franklin Pease G. Y., Lima 1984), dedication to Prince Philip, 9–13 outlining the entire project.
25. Cf. Sabine MacCormack, “History, memory and time in golden Age Spain,” History and Memory 4,2 (1992):38–68.
26. See further, S. MacCormack, “History and law,” 277–310.
27. For a recent discussion, see Pierre Duviols, “Del discurso escrito colonial al discurso prehispánico: hacia el sistema sociocosmológico inca de oposición y complementaridad,” Bulletin de l'Institut Français d'Études Andines 26,3 (1997):279–305.
28. On the figure of Camillus, see Arnaldo Momigliano, Camillus and Concord, in his Secondo contributo alla storia degli studi classici (Rome 1984), 89–104
29. for an account of the current state of scholarship emphasizing the historicity of the sources, see T. J. Cornell, The Beginnings of Rome. Italy and Rome from the Bronze Age to the Punic Wars (c.1000–264 BC) (London 1995), 309–26
30. see also Alexandre Grandazzi, The Foundation of Rome. Myth and History (Ithaca 1997).
31. Further on this question, see Claire and Jean-Marie Pailler, “Une Amérique vraiment latine: pour une lecture ‘Dumézilienne’ de l'Inca Garcilaso de la Vega,” Annales ESC 1992,1:207–35
32. also the following articles by myself: “The Incas and Rome,” in Garcilaso Inca de la Vega. An American Humanist. A Tribute to José Durand (ed. José Anadon, Notre Dame 1998), 8–31
33. “Approaches to Historicization: Romans and Incas in the Light of Early Modern Spanish Scholarship, in press in Aporemata (ed. Glen Most, Heidelberg)
34. “Cuzco, another Rome,” to appear in S. Alcock, C. Sinopoli, C. Morrison, eds., Empires, Perspectives from Archaeology and History (Cambridge 2001) 419–447.
35. I borrow this expression from Frank Salomon. See his most illuminating article, “The Half-Burned Priest: Andean Faith in the Making,” Latin American Indian Literatures Journal 14,1 (1998):8.
36. For a recent endeavor to identify Inca “chunks of narrative,” see Catherine Julien, Reading Inca History (Iowa City 2000).
37. Betanzos, Suma y narración de los Incas ed. Maria del Carmen Rubío (Madrid 1987, hereafter Suma) I, 1, 12
38. “ansi como yo aqui los tengo pintados y hechos de piedra ansi han de salir de las fuentes y rios y cuevas y cerros en las provincias que ansi os he dicho….” The notion that the creator, in this instance Pachacamac, painted what he created before the actual reality came into existence, is also mentioned in the prayer to Pachacamac that was translated by Luis Jeronimo Oré, Symbolo Catholico Indiano (Lima 1598, facsimile ed. A. Tibesar, Lima 1992), chapter 9, fol. 40 r: “… que diste ser y valor a los hombres, y con dezir sea este hombre, y esta sea muger, hiziste, formaste y pintaste a los hombres y alas mugeres….” We are thus not dealing with a mere isolated observation by Betanzos, but with a wider Andean phenomenon.
39. Betanzos, Suma I, chapter 17, 81: “el cual les estaba pintando y dibujando ciertas puentes y la manera que habían de tener e como habían de ser edificadas e ainsi mesmo dibujaba ciertos caminos que de un pueblo salían e iban a dar a aquellas puentes e ríos como esto fuese ajeno del entender de aquellos señores qué quisiese ser este dibujo….”
40. Betanzos, Suma I, 16, 76a
41. about the foundation of Cuzco: “Ynga Yupangue trazó la ciudad e hizo hacer de figuras de barro”; I, 37, 169b, about Sacsayhuaman
42. “que él (sc. Tupa Inca) le tenia trazado y hecho en su fantasía”; I, 11, 50a, about Coricancha, Pachacuti calls the lords of Cuzco “y ellos le dijeron que diese la orden y traza del edi-ficio …” which is then measured out with string: “el mesmo por sus manos con el cordel midió y trazó la casa del sol….”
43. This is a central theme in Susan Niles, The Shape of Inca History.
44. What did require continuing explanation, of course, was the detailed functioning of chronology; see Anthony Grafton, Joseph Scaliger. A Study in the History of Classical Scholarship II. Historical Chronology (Oxford 1993).
45. Raymond B. Craib, “Cartography and Power in the Conquest and Creation of New Spain,” Latin American Research Review 35,1 (2000):7–36 surveys some recent literature in this field
46. including the excellent book by Barbara Mundy, The Mapping of New Spain. Indigenous Cartography and the Maps of the Relaciones Geográficas (Chicago 1996).
47. Relación del sitio del Cuzco in Varias relaciones del Perú y Chile y conquista de la Isla de Santa Catalina, 1535 á 1658 (Madrid 1979), 36.
48. Betanzos, Suma I, 2, 13a: “por la parte y provincia de Condesuyo que es estando en este Tiaguanaco las espaldas do el sol sale a la mano izquierda … y que lo mismo envió el otro por la parte y provincia de Andesuyo….”
49. The course of the sun thus helped to characterize place, and that not merely at the moment of creation and at Tiahuanco. According to Garcilaso, Comentarios reales de los Incas ed. Carmelo Saenz de Santa Maria (BAE 133, Madrid 1964, hereafter Comentarios reales) Part I, book 2, chapter 22 72b-73b, the shadows cast by the Inca calendar towers, which were to be found throughout their empire, indicated the time of year and also, in some fashion, the latitude of the place where the tower in question stood. Near the equator the shadows were shortest, and hence the Incas said that those towers “eran asiento mas agradable para el sol, porque en ellas se asentaba derechamente, y en las otras de lado.” Here then is another indicator of the non-interchangeability of place in Inca thought.
50. Betanzos, Suma I, 8, 32a, religious preparation; 32b f., battle; I, 9, 35 ff. and 43 ff., a second battle; and 45b, marking the field of battle by killing enemy survivors and impaling their bodies “paraque desto hubiese memoria.”
51. Betanzos, Suma I, 5.
52. Livy, Ab urbe condita (tr. Betty Radice, Livy, Rome and Italy, London 1982), Book VI, preface.
53. Regarding the difficulty that this state of affairs creates in the study of early Roman history, see Bruce W. Frier, Libri Annales Pontificum Maximorum. The Origins of the Annalistic Tradition (Ann Arbor 1979, reprint with new introduction 1999)
54. Jacques Poucet, Les origines de Rome. Tradition et histoire (Brussels 1985).
55. See for example Livy, Ab urbe condita (tr. R. M. Ogilvie, Livy, The Early History of Rome, London 1960) I, 11, 8 about Tarpeius, and 5, 21, 8 about Veii.
56. Garcilaso de la Vega, Comentarios reales Part I, book 1, chapter 18, 29b f.
57. Garcilaso, Comentarios reales.
58. For the phrase, see Betanzos, Suma I, chapter 22, 116b, from the Inca declaration of war: “Ordenó y mandó que los capitanes que fuesen a conquistar tierras y provincias que luego que la provincia y tierra conquistasen que hiciesen entender a los caciques de las tales provincias y pueblos como el ynga los enviaba a conquistar e la ciudad del Cuz-co e que ya eran vasallos del Ynga….” Catherine Julien (above n.3) describes Pachacuti's “refashioning and consecration of Cuzco” on the basis of premises that differ substantially from the ones suggested here, see 256 ff.
59. Betanzos, Suma, I, chapter 1, 12b, and chapter 2, 13ab: At Tiaguanaco, the Creator sent his companions first: “poblando la tierra hacia la parte do el sol sale.” Next, he sent one companion “por la parte y provincia de Condesuyo,” and another “… por la parte y provincia de Andesuyo.” Finally, he himself went “por el derecho de hacia el Cuzco que es por el medio de estas dos provincias viniendo por el camino Real que va por la sierra hacia Caxamalca.” In this scheme of creative activity, Cuzco is situated in Chinchasuyo, and “where the sun rises” is Collasuyo. Note also that the Inca royal road is stated to exist at the time of Creation, an indication of the extent to which Betanzos' informants considered the Inca empire to represent a primordial entity.
60. “vino haziendo sus gentes como ya habeis oido hasta que llegó al Cuzco donde llegado que fue dícen que hizo un señor al cual puso el mesmo nombre alcabicca y puso nombre ansimismo a este sitio do este señor hizo Cuzco y dejando orden como después que él pasase produciese los orejones se partió adelante haciendo su obra … se metió por el mar….” Betanzos, Suma part I, chapter 2, 15ab.
61. See also Pedro Cieza de León, Segunda Parte, chapter 5
62. Pedro Sarmiento de Gamboa, Historia Indica, ed. Carmelo Saenz de Santa Maria (BAE vol. 135, pp. 189–279, Madrid 1965), chapter 6
63. some of the same material is in Bernabé Cobo, Historia del nuevo mundo, ed. F. Mateos (BAE vols. 91–92, Madrid 1964) book 13, chapter 2
64. Molina, Fábulas 55 f.
65. On the Alcabizas, see P. Duviols, “Del discurso escrito …,” Bull. Inst. Fr.études andines 26 (1997): at 287–98, esp. 291
66. quoting R. Levillier, Don Francisco de Toledo … II, Sus informaciones sobre los Incas (Buenos Aires 1940), 186–7, to the effect that the Alcabizas were originally called Ayarucho, like one of the Inca brothers who came from Pacaritambo.
67. the numbers of individuals vary; for example, Betanzos, Suma part I, chapter 3, p. 17b has four pairs of brothers and sisters, whereas Cieza, Segunda parte chapter 6, p. 13 has three pairs.
68. On settling, see Betanzos, Suma I, chapter 2, 15a; chapter 4, 20b
69. Sarmiento de Gamboa, Historia Indica chapter 9, 211b; chapter 14.
70. On the location, see Cieza, Segunda parte chapter 8, 21: “una pequeña casa de piedra cubierta de paja que Mango Capa con sus mujeres hizo, a la qual pusieron por nombre Curicancha, que quiere decir çercado de oro.”
71. Cf. Bernabé Cobo, Historia del nuevo mundo, ed. Francisco Matos (Biblioteca de autores españoles 92, Madrid 1964, book 12, chapter 4, 65b f.
72. Manco Capac built Coricancha “de humilde y tosca labor de tapias y adobes de tierra; porque en aquellos rústicos tiempos no se había visto … la manera de labrar piedra que alcancaron despues sus sucesores.” According to Cabello Valboa, the entire region situated above the confluence of the two rivers Huatanay and Tullumayo that traverse Cuzco was subdivided into four neighborhoods or canchas (enclosures), which the newly arrived Incas divided among each other. See Miguel Cabello Valboa, Miscelanea antartica (Lima 1951), Part 2, chapter 10, 270
73. similarly Sarmiento de Gamboa, Historia Indica chapter 13, 218b.
74. For the field Sausiro, cultivated, so the legendary history has it, by Manco Capac's sister consort Mama Guaco, see Cristóbal de Molina, Relación de las fábulas y ritos de los Incas, eds. H. Urbano and P. Duviols. In Fábulas y mitos de los incas (Madrid 1988), 118 (month of April).
75. Cieza, Segunda parte chapter 8, 21–22.
76. Sarmiento, Historia Indica chapter 15, 220 and elsewhere mentions los Guallas, Alcabizas, Sauseras, Culunchima, Copalimayta, the last two being local lords.
77. See J. H. Rowe, “An account of the shrines of ancient Cuzco,” Ñawpa Pacha 17 (1979):1–80, for an edition and translation of the account of the ceques in the Historia del nuevo mundo of Bernabé Cobo, along with a comparison of this list of shrines with the “Instrucion para descubrir todas las guacas del piru” of Cristóbal de Albornoz.
78. Note Rowe p. 14: “del templo del sol salian como de centro ciertas lineas, que los indios llaman, ceques; y hacianse quatro partes conforme a los quatro caminos Reales que salian del cuzco.” Many of the shrines were simply stones, some large, like Guanacauri, the rock where the first Incas had stopped on their way to Cuzco.
79. See Rowe p. 46 (Co-6:7); other shrines were small, or even tiny, see for example the small stone called Racramirpay, kept in a niche near the Convent of San Agustín
80. Rowe p. 16 (Ch-2:20)
81. cf. p. 40 (Co-1:1). Other shrines were springs, water courses, hills or patches of flat ground; yet others, such as houses and burials, had been created by human beings.
82. See Maria Rostworowski, “Los ayarmaca,” in her Ensayos de historia andina. Elites, Etnías, Recursos (Lima 1993), 241–90.
83. Brian S. Bauer, The Development of the Inca State (Austin, TX 1992)
84. J. H. Rowe, An Introduction to the Archaeology of Cuzco (Papers of the Peabody Museum of American Archaeology and Ethnology, vol. 27, no. 2, Cambridge 1944) remains important
85. see also Jeanette Sherbondy, “Water Ideology in Inca Ethnogenesis,” in R. V. Dover, K. E. Seibold and J. H. McDowell eds., Andean cosmologies through Time. Persistence and Emergence (Bloomington 1992), 46–66.
86. Cieza, Segunda parte chapter 31, p. 95; chapter 32, 32.
87. Cieza goes on to say that “como ya todos heran orejones … casi todos ellos oviesen sido en fundar la nueva çiudad, tuviéronse para sienpre por ylustres las jentes que bivían en los dos lugares … Hanancuzco y Orencuzco. Y aun algunos yndios quisieron dezir que el un Ynga avía de ser de uno destos linajes y el otro del otro, mas no lo … creo.” This passage has been taken to support the theory of an Inca dyarchy. See on this problem N. Wachtel, “Structuralisme et Histoire: à propos de l'organisation sociale du Cuzco,” Annales E.S.C. 1 (1966):71–94
88. responding to R. T. Zuidema, The Ceque System of Cuzco: The Social Organization of the Capital of the Inca (Leiden 1964)
89. P. Duviols, “La dinastía de los Incas: Monarquía o diarquía? Argumentos heurísticos a favor de una tesis estructural-ista,” Journal de la Société des Américanistes 64 (1979):67–83.
90. J. H. Rowe has greater confidence in the explicitly historical content of Andean sources; see his “La constitución Inca del Cuzco,” Histórica 9 (Lima 1985):35–73. If dyarchy remains a useful model to think about, then it merits noting that the co-rulers Cieza referred to were the lord of Çaño and an Inca, rather than two Incas.
91. About the Alcabicas and Mayta Capac, Cieza, Segunda parte chapter 33: “estos no avían querido tener amistad con los del Cuzco ninguna.”
92. For the water from the hill of Chacan, see Cieza, Segunda parte chapter 35, 105f.
93. According to Cieza, Inca Roca enhanced Cuzco's water supply not by warfare, but by prayer and supplication: Hanan chaca and hurin chaca were two holy places listed by Cristóbal de Albornoz in his “Instrucción,” numbers 21 and 22, see Rowe, “Shrines,” 75.
94. Cf. J. Sherbondy, Water Ideology in Inca ethnogenesis, in R. V. H. Dover, K. E. Seibold, J. H. McDowell, Andean Cosmologies through time (Bloomington 1992), 46–66.
95. Martín de Murúa, Historia general del Perú (ed. M. Ballesteros Gaibrois, Madrid 1964), book I, chapter 86.
96. In the legendary histories, these warriors who were metamorphosed into stones are described as pururaucas; the term is puzzling. Cf. Diego Gonzalez Holguin, Vocabulario de la lengua general de todo el Perú llamada lengua Qquichua (Lima 1608, 1989), 297: “purum aucca, los no conquistados enemigos”; 298: “ppurur aucca, balas de piedra que sueltan de encima del castillo para defenderlo.”
97. For the pururaucas on the ceque lines, see J. H. Rowe, “An account of the shrines of ancient Cuzco,” Awpa Pacha 17 (1979): Ch-4:1; Ch-5:3; Ch-6:1; Ch-7:1; Co-1:1; Co-9:2 and 12; Cu-1:1; Cu-4:1; Cu-5:2; Cu-6:1 and 3; Cu-8:1.
98. This last holy place was a rock which was a woman of the pururaucas. This perhaps indicates that something other than the supernatural soldiers of Pachacuti is also involved. For a discussion of the pururauca shrines with a list of them, see Niles, The Shape of Inca History, 57–61.
99. None of the pururaucas are in Anti-suyu, which would seem to require an explanation. The only historian to attribute the victory over the Chancas not to Pachacuti but to his father Viracocha was Garcilaso de la Vega (and those copying from him): see Comentarios reales de los Incas Part I, book 4, chapters 23–24.
100. In outlining these events I follow the narrative sequence of Cieza, Betanzos and the other Spanish historians. Allowance must be made, of course, for the possibility that the sequence was altogether the product of Spanish editing. Regarding this possibility, see Pierre Duviols (above n. 38) and literature cited in that article. I take a less radical approach because I am trying to draw attention to the convergence, in Betanzos' text, between warlike and other actions on the one hand, and ceremonial actions on the other. This convergence would stand even if one follows Duviols' method of exegesis.
101. See J. H. Rowe, “An Account of the Shrines of Ancient Cuzco,” Ñawpa Pacha 17 (Berkeley 1979):1–80, Ch-6:6, mentioning the spring; Ch-6:7, mentioning the root of the quinoa tree and its significance.
102. Martín de Murúa, Ñawpa Pacha (above n. 48).
103. Regarding followers and retainers of Tupa Inca Yupanqui, Guayna Capac, Atahuallpa and Guascar, see Roberto Levillier, Don Francisco de Toledo, supremo organizador del Perú. Su vida, su obra (1515–1582) Tomo II, Sus informacions sobre los Incas (1570–1572), (Buenos Aires 1940), 108, 109, 110, 113, 114, 115, 126, 142, 168.
104. About the servants of Mama Ocllo, see R. Levillier, Don Francisco de Toledo … Sus informacions sobre los Incas (1570–1572), 142, cf. p. 112 f.
105. For her epithet, and her cult on the ceques, see Rowe, “Shrines,” Ch-3:3; Ch-9:2; Co-3:5.
106. Regarding the legendary, as distinct from the historical Inca past, see Pedro Cieza de León, Segunda parte, chapter 31, p. 94: “… los más valerosos de todos ellos fueron Ynga Yupangue y Topa Ynga, su hijo, y Guaynacapa, su nieto; aunque tanbién lo deve de causar la razón que ya tengo escrita, de ser éstos los más modernos.” Similarly, chapter 9, p. 24.
107. See for example Miguel Cabello Valboa, Miscelanea antartica (Lima 1951), part III, chapter 22, pp. 371 ff., on Guayna Capac's rift with the nobles of Cuzco and his method of extracting himself: he sent the mummy of his mother, the revered Mama Ocllo, after the orejones (Inca nobles) who were already on their way home to Cuzco, and the priestess of the mummy, speaking in the mummy's person, persuaded them to return.
108. Betanzos, Suma Part II, chapter 14 is a highly dramatic account of how Guascar was captured, evidently the personal memory of an eyewitness.
109. Betanzos, Suma I, chapter 11, p. 49a.
110. Suma I.
111. Betanzos, Suma I, chapter 16. Regarding the Creator, above at nn. 20–23.
112. Betanzos, Suma I, 28.
113. Betanzos, Suma I, chapter 16. Pachacuti also began constructing the “fortress” overlooking Cuzco that so much impressed the Spanish, and that gave rise to legend even among Andean people.
114. See Rowe, “Shrines” Ch-4:6, for the rock that would not be fitted into the structure and hence became recipient of a cult
115. Murúa, Historia general, book I, chapter 87 for the “tired stone.”
116. Betanzos, Suma chapter 16, p. 79b.
117. Diego Gonzalez Holguin, Vocabulario de la lengua general de todo el Perú, p. 336b, translates this term as “all of Peru, or the four parts of it, which are Antesuyu, Collasuyu, Contisuyu, Chinchaysuyu.”
118. One of the most graphic descriptions of the store houses is by Diego de Trujillo, Relación del descubrimiento del Reyno del Perú, ed. R. Porras Barrenechea (Seville 1948), 63 with note 126: “There were great supplies of armaments, lances, arrows, cudgels and slings for the Indians who fought in the wars; there were store houses filled with ropes as thick as a thigh, and as a finger, with which they hauled stones for their buildings. There were other store houses filled with copper bars tied in bundles of ten, which were for mining. There were large supplies of clothing of all kinds, and stores of coca and condiments.”
119. Also, Pedro Sancho, An Account of the Conquest of Peru (above n.1) chapter 17.
120. Betanzos, Suma I, chapter 9, pp. 35b f.
121. describes Inca Pachacuti's triumph over the Chancas and his conflict with his father Viracocha, for which see MacCormack, Religion in the Andes, 120–2.
122. For Pachacuti's triumph over the Soras on the field of battle, followed by triumph over them and other enemies in Cuzco, Betanzos, Suma I, chapter 19.
123. Brian Bauer, “Legitimization of the State in Inca Myth and Ritual,” American Anthropologist 98 (1996):327–37 describes competitive (conflictive) Inca agricultural rituals.
124. Cristóbal de Molina, Relación de las fabulas I ritos de los Ingas …, in H. Urbano and P. Duviols eds., C. de Molina and C. de Alboronoz, Fabulas y mitos de los incas (Madrid 1988), 103–5
125. Betanzos, Suma I, chapter 14, p. 68a: “será leal a la ciudad del Cuzco y que cada e cuando que el ynga tenga guerras o la ciudad del Cuzco que servirá con su persona y armas [I omit this phrase in the translation, since it is clearly derived from Spanish ways of speaking] en la tal guerra e que morirá en defensa della y del ynga….”
126. Garcilaso de la Vega, Comentarios reales de los Incas, Part I, book I, chapter 16, p. 28a describes Upper and Lower Cuzco as the domains of the Inca and the Coya, respectively. He also juxtaposes Upper and Lower Cuzco as firstborn and younger sons, and right and left.
127. On the ubiquity of these categories in the Andes, see Gary Urton with Primitivo Nina Llanos, The Social Life of Numbers. A Quechua Ontology of Numbers and Philosophy of Arithmetic (Austin, TX 1997), esp. 59–65.
128. For the ritual battle with prickly pears, see Betanzos, Suma I, chapter 14, p. 69b: “ansi han de pelear con sus enemigos”
129. cf. Cristóbal de Molina, Fabulas y ritos de los Incas, 111 (month of December); for the ritual battle at the conclusion of Inca obsequies
130. see Betanzos, Suma Part I, chapter 31.
131. For Guascar declaring himself to be of Lower Cuzco, see Betanzos Suma II, chapter 2, p. 210b.
132. Guascar's base of operations was in Cuzco; as a result, Atahuallpa, having won the war against his brother, arranged to have the city wiped out, and its population transferred to Quito. See Betanzos, Suma II, chapters 16, 19, 24.
133. Sarmiento, Historia Indica, chapter 63, pp. 265b-266a has a slightly different account of the origin of the war between Guascar and Atahuallpa, but also states that Guascar “se desnaturaba y se apartaba de la parentela y linaje de los Hanancuzcos, porque de ellos era Atagualpa.”
134. For the story of the petrified Ayar Cache, see Cieza, Segunda parte, chapter 7; for Ayar Cache's earlier adventure-he was sent back to the cave of Pacaritambo by means of a ruse and immured there-see chapter 6.
135. Francisco de Toledo … Informaciones sobre los Incas (above n. 52), 128: “uno de la casta de los Ingas que se llamaba Guanacaure”; for the holy place
136. see Rowe, “Shrines” (above n. 43) Co-6:7
137. for shrines associated with Guanacauri, Ch-9:6; Co-1:5 and 6
138. for stories involving Guanacauri that possibly are independent of the cycle of Inca origin stories, see Co-7:5 and 6, about sites where those who came from Guanacauri after the flood (who cannot be the Incas) slept and drank; about five rocks sent by Gua-nacauri, Cu-5:5; Apu Yavira, a lord who rose from the ground with Guanacauri, lived long, was petrified, and was adored by all the ayllus, Ch-9:6.
139. Matagua: Miguel Cabello Valboa, Miscelánea antártica (Lima 1951), Part III, chapter 9, pp. 263–4. Chapter 10, p. 268: “the first Incas stayed at Matagua for 20 years and instituted there the rituals celebrating the birth, first haircutting and initiation into adulthood of their children.”
140. See further, Sarmiento, Historia Indica, 13, p. 216b
141. Betanzos, Suma I, 6, p. 19a
142. Cobo, Historia del nuevo mundo, 12, 4, p. 65ab: Sinchi Roca was born in Matagua and his rutuchico was celebrated there.
143. Cf. Molina, Fabulas (1943), p. 50.
144. Molina, Fabulas i ritos, 101.
145. Sarmiento, Historia Indica, 13, p. 217a.
146. Colcabamba was the fourth shrine on the seventh ceque of Antisuyo: see Rowe, “Shrines,” 36.
147. Sausero was on the ceque Co-2:3 (Rowe, “Shrines,” 42), mentioning that the Inca plowed there.
148. For Mama Guaco, see Cristóbal de Molina, Fábulas (above n. 41), 118 f. (month of April).
149. For Guanacauri away from Cuzco, see Cristóbal de Alboronoz, Instrucción para descubrir todas las guacas del Pirú y sus camayos y haziendas (in H. Urbano and P. Du-viols eds., Cristóbal de Molina and Cristóbal de Albornoz, Fábulas y mitos de los Incas, Madrid 1989), 180.
150. Alonso Ramos Gavilán, Historia de nuestra Señora de Copacabana (ed. I. Prado Pastor, Lima 1988), I, chapter 33, p. 198 mentions a place Guanacuyri (maybe an error for Guanacauri?), where sacrifices were offered.
151. See also, John Hyslop, Inkawasi the New Cuzco. Cañete, Lunahuaná, Peru (BAR International Series 234, Oxford 1985).
152. Polo de Ondegardo, “Informe … al Licenciado Briviesca de Muñatones,” Re-vista Historica 13 (Lima 1940):183–4
153. idem, “Notables daños de no guardar a los indios sus fueros,” ed. L. González and A. Alonso in Polo de Ondegardo, El mundo de los Incas (Madrid 1990), 46–47.
154. See also Juan de Matienzo, Gobierno del Perú, ed. G. Lohmann Villena (Lima 1967), I, chapter 36, p. 120, mentioning how Polo de Ondegardo listed the shrines of Chuquisaca by reference to the system according to which they were arranged, without need to search them out.
155. An example was the initiation of young men and women. See Cristóbal de Molina, Fabulas y ritos de los Incas, 103.
156. For a replica of Cuzco founded by Tupa Inca at Guarco on the Pacific coast, see Pedro Cieza de León, Crónica del Perú. Segunda parte, chapter 60, 175.
157. Atahuallpa founded “another Cuzco” in Quito: see Betanzos, Suma II, chapter 19.
158. Such practical preoccupations notwithstanding, a few of the invaders paused on occasion to express wonder at the populousness of the Inca's farflung realms, the sheer beauty and imperial splendor of his capital, and the abundance of all manner of supplies in the Inca state storehouses. See S. MacCormack, Religion in the Andes, 63–65 about these first impressions.
159. See also Pedro Sancho, An Account of the Conquest of Peru, chapter 17
160. Pedro Pizarro, Relación del descubrimiento y conquista de los reinos del Perú, ed. G. Lohmann Villena (Lima 1978), chapter 15, 89.
161. Pedro Pizarro, Relación del descubrimiento y conquista de los reinos del Perú chapter 11, 52–54.
162. For the Quechua term apo, denoting “ruler” or perhaps even “supreme ruler,” see Frank Salomon and George Urioste, The Huarochiri Manuscript. A Testament of Ancient and Colonial Andean Religion, (Austin, TX 1991), chapter 23, 185: “tupay ynga yupanqui ñisca apo caspas …” (When Tupa Inca Yupanqui was ruler, they say …).
163. For these plaques, see S. K. Lothrop, The Inca Treasure as depicted by Spanish Historians (Los Angeles 1938).
164. Alexander Pogo, ed., “The Anonymous La conquista del Perú (Seville, April 1534) and the Libro ultimo del summario delle Indie occidentali (Venice, October 1534),” Proceedings of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences 64, no. 8 (1930): 256 ff.
165. Polo de Ondegardo, “Informe …,” at 171, about the sand in Haucaypata being transported from the coast
166. idem, “Notables daños de no guardar a los indios sus fueros,” ed. L. González and A. Alonso. In Juan Polo de Ondegardo, El mundo de los Incas (Madrid 1990), 97–98, about the statuettes being dug up.
167. Betanzos, Suma I, chapter 11, p. 53b notes that these statuettes represented the royal Inca lineages.
168. For these plaques, a “portada rica chapada de piezas de plata,” see (Miguel de Estete), Noticia del Perú (above n.3) p.45.
169. The author goes on to mention on p. 46: If we can take these “señoras muertas” to be the coyas, then there appears to have existed a cult of deceased coyas exactly parallel to that of deceased Inca rulers. See also Antonio del Solar y Taboada and José de Rujula y Ochotorena marqués de Ciadoncha, “Relación de los servicios en Indias de don Juan Ruiz de Arce, conquistador del Perú,” Boletín de la Academia de la Historia 102 (Madrid 1933):372: “hallamos muchas ovejas de oro y mugeres y cantaros y jarros y otras pieças.”
170. For the queens, see preceding note. For the gold effigy of Guayna Capac, promised by Manco Inca to Hernando Pizarro, see Pedro Pizarro, Relación del descubrimiento y conquista de los reinos del Perú, chapter 19, p. 123, but without mentioning the identity of the “hombre de oro”
171. for Pacaritambo, Betanzos, Suma II, chapter 27.
172. “Acta de la fundación española del Cuzco.” In Guillermo Lohmann Villena, ed., Francisco Pizarro. Testimonio. Documentos oficiales, cartas y escritos varios (Madrid 1986), 165.
173. Lohmann Villena, ed., Pizarro, 85–86, nombramiento de Juan Pizarro como teniente de capitán general de la ciudad del Cuzco, 5. August 1535
174. H. H. Urteaga and C. A. Romero, Fundación española del Cuzco y ordenanzas para su gobierno. Restauraciones mandadas ejecutar del primer libro de Cabildos … por … don Francisco de Toledo (Lima 1926), 15 f., on alcalde and regidores.
175. Much of the material of this document is duplicated in the first libro de cabildos of Cuzco, for which see Raul Riva Serna, “Libro Primero de Cabildos de la Ciudad del Cuzco,” Documenta 4 (Lima 1965), 441–88.
176. Lohmann Villena, ed., Francisco Pizarro, 166, Acta de fundación, “estas tierras rremotas y apartadas.”
177. For a recent study of acts of possession see Patricia Seed, Ceremonies of Possession in Europe's Conquest of the New World, 1492–1640 (Cambridge 1995)
178. with review by Kenneth Mills, Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History 25 (1997), 318–23.
179. Fundación española, 26: “los dichos señores Justicia y regidores la tomaron en sus manos, cada uno por sí, la besaron e pusieron sobre sus cabezas y dijeron que la obe-decían e obedecieron, como a carta y mandado de su señor Emperador y rey natural”; similarly p. 30.
180. For Peninsular precendent for this manner of handling a royal document, see Crónica del Moro Rasis (Diego Catalán and Maria Soledad de Andres, eds., Madrid 1975), chapter 141; chapter 143: “(Muza) tomo las cartas e las besso e pusso sobre la cabeza …”
181. Fundación española 31 f., 4 August, 1534: the term is “marcos de plata.”
182. Lohmann Villena, ed., Francisco Pizarro, 165.
183. Betanzos, Suma I, chapter 16.
184. Hernando de Soto was one of the many invaders to live with an Inca royal lady. She was Doña Leonor Tocto Chimbo, daughter of Guayna Capac. On 26 September 1572, their daughter Doña Leonor de Soto received a power of attorney from her husband the notary Garcia Carillo to recover possession of Amaru Cancha. See Ella Dunbar Temple, La descendencia de Huayna Capac, Revista Historica 11 (Lima 1937), 161, citing a document in the Biblioteca Nacional in Lima.
185. See Robert Randall, “The Mythstory of Kuri Qoyllur: Sex, Seques and Sacrifice in Inka Agricultural Festivals,” Journal of Latin American Lore 16,1 (1990):3–35. The story permits some insight into the process whereby events were transformed into histories or legendary stories.
186. Fundación española, 36–45, listing recipients of solares in Cuzco.
187. For the site of the house of Francisco Pizarro, which had supposedly been a swamp in former times, see also Betanzos, Suma I, chapter 3, p. 17a. Betanzos was writing at a time when these memories of Cuzco's ancient past still adhered to the different parts of the city's topography.
188. Fundación española, 46; similarly, Riva Serna, Documenta 4 (Lima 1965), 461. Cf. grant of encomienda by Francisco Pizarro to Alonso de Toro, dated Lima 13 July 1540: the grant is given “hasta tanto que se haga el rrepartimiento de la dha ciudad [i.e. Cuzco],” AGI, Lima 128, Encomienda of Francisco de Valverde fol. 8r.
189. See Carmen Trillo San José, La Alpujarra antes y después de la Conquista Castellana (Granada 1994), 80–94.
190. Lohmann-Villena ed., Francisco Pizarro, 165.
191. This became even clearer when in 1573 Cuzco's jurisdictional territory was divided between the audiencias of Lima and Charcas. See Recopilación de leyes de los reynos de la Indias mandadas imprimir … por … Don Carlos II (Madrid 1680; reprinted 1791, 1943, etc.), Book II, Title V, Law 14, “que los términos de la Ciudad del Cuzco se dividan entre las Audiencias de Lima y la Plata …”
192. J. V. Murra, The economic organization of the Inca state (Greenwich, CT 1980) remains fundamental.
193. For a notable example of this phenomenon, see John Hyslop, Inkawasi the New Cuzco. Cañete, Lunahuaná, Peru (BAR International Series 234, Oxford 1985).
194. For this disposal of Manco Inca's troops, see “Relación del sitio del Cuzco y principio de la guerras civiles del Perú hasta la muerte de Diego de Almago 1535–1539,” in Varias relaciones del Perú y Chile (Madrid 1879), 12–14 passim, 18, 26, 33–34, 42.
195. See especially, Inca Titu Cusi Yupanqui, Instrucción al licenciado don Lope Garcia de Castro (1570) Liliana Regalado de Hurtado, ed. (Lima 1992), 39–43.
196. Relación del sitio del Cuzco, 18 f.
197. Relación del sitio del Cuzco, 36, cf. above at notes 26 and 28.
198. This point is made by Franklin Pease G. Y., “Los Incas en la colonia,” in El Mundo Andino en la Epoca del Descubrimiento (Lima, Comisión Nacional Peruana del V Centenario del Descubrimiento 1990), 191–206.
199. Betanzos, Suma II, chapter 32, 300a. The man supposedly had a cross on his chest like the cross of the order of Santiago, which had been awarded to Francisco Pizarro. An identification of the apparition with “el espiritu del Marqués que andaba delante de los suyos el cua dicen que hacía mucho polvo con el caballo en que iba e que este polvo los cegaba y no los dejaba pelear” was thus cogent, as was the later identification with Santiago himself.
200. Garcilaso de la Vega, Comentarios reales de los Incas Part II, book 2, chapter 25, 125b: “les apareció en el aire Nuestra Señora … sentían que les caía en los ojos un polvo, ya como arena, ya como rocío, con que se les quitó la vista de los ojos, que no sabían donde estaban.”
201. Felipe Guaman Poma de Ayala, Nueva crónica y buen gobierno, J. V. Murra, R. Adorno and J. Urioste, eds. (Madrid 1987), 403, “Santa María … De velle se espantaron los yndios y dizen que le echava tierra en los ojos a los yndios yn-fieles.” Guaman Poma goes on describe the appearance of Santiago on his white horse.
202. The four original parishes were set up by Polo de Ondegardo. See the important article by Catherine Julien, “La organización parroquial del Cusco y la ciudad incaica,” Tawantinsuyu 5 (1998):93a.
203. See also, for later perceptions, Fernando de Montesinos, Anales del Perú (ed. Victor Maurtúa, Madrid 1906), 259, year 1559. In the document of 1610 (note 128 below), residents of eight parishes are mentioned: these are Belén, Santiago, Hospital, San Cristóbal, San Blas, Santa Ana, plus, outside Cuzco, San Sebastián and San Gerónimo. Martín de Murúa, Historia general del Perú (Madrid 1964), book III, chapter 10, 191 lists seven of these, omitting San Gerónimo.
204. A telling example of this phenomenon is the proclamation of the retirement of the emperor Charles V and the accession of Philip II, celebrated in Cuzco on 8 December 1557. A notarized document describing the long ritual, in which the Inca past of Cuzco was not acknowledged with even a single gesture, was sent to Spain: Archivo General de Indias, Seville, Lima 110.
205. Diego de Esquivel y Navia, Noticias cronologicas de la gran ciudad del Cuzco, Félix Denegri Luna, Horacio Villanueva Urteaga, and César Gutiérrez Muñoz, eds. (Lima 1980), chapter 13 reproduces a copy of this document that was kept in Cuzco.
206. For mitimaes in and near Cuzco, see Informaciones de Toledo, 108 f, 113 ff., 126, 134 f., 141 f., 149 ff., 158 ff., 167 ff.; the nations here named are only a selection from the ones who appear in these testimonies.
207. For the hostility of the Cañari and Chachapoyas towards the Incas, see John Hemming, The Conquest of the Incas (London 1970), 156 and 427 (Cañari); 201, 238 and 451 (Chachapoyas).
208. Francisco de Toledo … sus informaciones (n. 52 above), 192 and 168 respectively. The Ayarmaca still existed in the eighteenth century: see Rostworowski, “Los Ayarmaca,” n. 44 above.
209. See also Sarmiento de Gamboa, Historia Indica chapter 21
210. on the Guallas, Historia Indica, ch. 13, 218a.
211. Sarmiento de Gamboa and his patron, the Viceroy Francisco de Toledo fostered the maintenance of these and other “local” memories in order to highlight Inca abuses of power. Simultaneously, however, Toledo's own policies accelerated change in the composition and governance of the communities where these memories were at home; see Ann M. Wightman, Indigenous Migration and Social Change. The Forasteros of Cuzco, 1570–1720 (Durham, NC 1990).
212. The most important evidence for Inca control of historical narratives comes from Pedro Cieza de León, Segunda parte, chapters 11–12.
213. See also Garcilaso de la Vega, Comentarios reales de los Incas, Part II, book 8, chapter 1, 129, on the confrontation between Incas and Cañari during the celebration of Corpus Christi.
214. Frank Salomon, “Ancestors, grave robbers and the possible antecedents of Cañari ‘Inca-ism,’” in H. O. Skar and F. Salomon, eds., Natives and Neighbors in South America. Anthropological Essays (Göteborg 1987), 207–32.
215. Sarmiento, Historia Indica 9, 212b.: “refiriendo las declaraciones y dichos de unos a sus enemigos, dige del bando contrario porque se acaudillan por bandos, y pidiendo a cada uno memorial por sí de su linaje y del de su contrario.”
216. Sarmiento, Historia Indica, chapter 14, 219a.
217. The account of Sarmiento de Gamboa, while highly informative, is uniformly hostile to the Incas and highlights Inca aggression. This accords not only with opinions Sarmiento heard from Cuzco's non-Inca inhabitants (for whom see Maria Rostworowski, “Los Ayarmaca,” n. 113 above), but also with the politics of his patron, the viceroy Francisco de Toledo. Betanzos and Cieza, who went over similar ground, by contrast, provide a story approving of the Incas. Likewise Cabello de Balboa, whose material in places is identical to that provided by Sarmiento, as for example regarding the first Coricancha and the original four neighborhoods.
218. Francisco de Toledo … Sus informaciones sobre los Incas (n. 52 above), 190
219. Sarmiento chapter 17, 222b., about Mayta Capac and the Alcavizas
220. Sarmiento chapter 18, 223a, about Capac Yupanqui and the Ayarmacas (cf. n. 83 above).
221. Contrast Cieza, Segunda parte, chapter 34: Capac Yupanqui married his sister, brother-sister marriage being, according to Cieza, the preferred marriage for Inca rulers from the beginning.
222. See also Segunda parte chapter 10.
223. Similarly, Martín de Murúa, Historia general del Perú, ed. M. Ballesteros (Madrid 1987), Part I, chapters 11–12.
224. Sarmiento, Historia Indica, chapter 19, 224a
225. Sarmiento, Historia Indica chapter 24, 228 b f.; expansion in Yucay valley, chapter 25.
226. Sarmiento de Gamboa, Historia Indica chapter 30, 235 b.
227. Fundación española del Cuzco, 191–3, title 24 of Toledo's ordinances for Cuzco, which also set aside two hundred Cañari and Chachapoyas as guards and couriers to the corregidor, and keepers of the prison.
228. For Inca pleas for exemption from tribute, see Archivo General de Indias, Seville, Lima 472, “Yndios Cuzcos Yngas,” 7 November 1579.
229. Cristóbal de Molina gave evidence supporting the Incas.
230. Archivo Departamental, Cuzco, Betancur III, 1790, document number 7 (of 14- 16 August, 1592), at fols. 120r-144r
231. arrangements for the purchase of the chapel of Santa Maria de la Peña de Francia, “que esta fecha de edificios del Ynga” (f.128r), inside the church of the Dominicans. Beatriz Coya paid for the chapel with part of her lands in Yucay (f.122r, una casa con su Guerta, Molino, obraje y tierras).
232. A copy of Beatriz Coya's will and its codicil, mentioning arrangements for her burial, appears at fols. 146v-160, as document number 8. The will without the codicil was published by Ella Dunbar Temple from another (unspecified) source that differs in small details: “El testamento inédito de doña Beatriz Clara Coya de Loyola, hija del Inca Sayri Túpac,” Fénix. Revista de la Biblioteca Nacional 7 (Lima 1950):109–121.
233. See further on this will, and the subsequent fate of the funerary chapel, Gonzalo Laman, “El testamento y el codicilio de doña Beatriz Clara Coya de Loyola, hija de don Diego Sayri Túpac Ynga Yupangui y de la Coya doña Maria Cusi Huarcay,” Revista del Archivo Departmental del Cuzco 14 (1999), 45–60.
234. Garcilaso de la Vega, Comentarios reales de los Incas, Part I, book 3, chapter 20, 113a.
235. Garcilaso notes that Guayna Capac was placed facing the cult image of the Sun, thereby occupying the position of highest rank, while the other bodies “tenían los rostros hacia el pueblo.” A similar principle of rank operated in the triumphal procession of Manco Inca: see notes 6–8 above.
236. Carolyn S. Dean, “Ethnic Conflict and Corpus Christi in Colonial Cuzco,” Colonial Latin American Review 2 (1993):93–120
237. now also her book, Inca Bodies and the Body of Christ. Corpus Christi in Colonial Cuzco, Peru (Durham 1999), 40–43
238. see also, for the later period, David Cahill, “Popular religion and appropriation: the Example of Corpus Christi in Eighteenth-Century Cuzco,” Latin American Research Review 31,2 (1996):67–110.
239. Carlos Romero, ed., “Relación de las fiestas de los Indios,” in his Los origenes del periodismo en el Perú. De la relación al diario (Lima 1940), 14–21, also published in Inca.
240. Revista trimestral de estudios antropológicos 1 (Lima 1923):447–54
241. I quote from this latter edition. On this and other public festivities in colonial Cuzco, and on their religious and political significance, see Carolyn Dean, Inka Bodies and the Body of Christ … (Durham N.C. 1999).
242. Celebrations recreating aspects of the Inca past were not restricted to Cuzco: cf. Karine Périssat, “Les festivités dynastiques à Lima: la célébration d'une histoire locale,” C.M.H.L.B Caravelle 73 (1999):71–93.
243. Romero, Relación de las fiestas, 449, “la parochia de Bethlen, ilustrando la procession todos los Ingas della, nietos y descendientes de los Atuncuzcos,” while representatives of the the parish of Santiago sang a song to the bird Curiquenque (hummingbird), which figures in Guaman Poma's arms of lower Cuzco
244. see Nueva crónica y buen gobierno, 83.
245. Bernabé Cobo, Historia del nuevo mundo (ed. F. Mateos, BAE vol. 92, Madrid 1964), Book XII, chapter 2, 61a.
246. Esquivel y Navia, Noticias cronológicas (n. 1 above), vol.2, 11.
247. Romero, Relación de las fiestas …, 449: “parish of the Hospital de los naturales, … sacando su niño Jesus en habito de Inga.”
248. Relación de las fiestas, 451.