The greek inscriptions on stone in the collection of the british school at athens

Annual of the British School at Athens

Volumn 95, Issue 2, 2000, Pages 485-516

  Lambert, S D ^a  

^a UNIVERSITY OF LIVERPOOL   (United Kingdom)

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EID: 85012452388     PISSN: 00682454     EISSN: 20452403     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1017/S0068245400004779     Document Type: Article

References (94)

1. BSA museum catalogue numbers E1 E24, E5, one of a number of inscribed sherds in the museum, is not included here.
2. E17-21 in the context of the BSA's work on Melos in 1896, E16 a little earlier. E6 was presented to the School in 1897. The following inscriptions listed in Finlay, MS Catalogue, and/or noted by Hereward-Clarke as once in Finlay's possession or at the BSA, are not now in the BSA's collection: IG i3 133 frag, e (MS Cat. no. 6), IG ii2 2763 (MS Cat. no. 4), 4559 (MS Cat. no. 5), 9467 (MS Cat. no. 8), 10466 (MS Cat. no. 19), 11568 (MS Cat. no. 13), 12599 (MS Cat. no. 2), Unpublished (see below, Appendix) (MS Cat. no. 18); 5239, 7223, 12815 (all in MS Cat. among ‘other tombs in my garden [Odos Adrianou 199] in Koumanoudes’ collection’, together with MS Cat. nos. 2, 8 and 13); 3368, 4098.
3. E7 (= S28), E10 (= S89), E12 (= S91), E14 (= S94), E23 (= S93), E24 (= S92). Numbers with prefix “S” refer to the BSA museum's sculpture catalogue.
4. Diod. xix. 62. I follow conventional Diodoran chronology, which, though not beyond question, seems consistent as far as these events are concerned with the evidence of our decree. On the alternative scheme of R. M. Errington, Hermes, 105 (1977), 478-504, esp. 498 n. 63, see Osborne, ii, 114, O'Sulhvan, 109-10 n. 17 and works there mentioned.
5. Diod. xix. 68. 2 and 5.
6. Diod., 68. 3-4.
7. Diod., 75.
8. On the conjectured connection with the Lemnos expedition, widely accepted, cf. Osborne, ii, 114. Errington (n. 5), 498 n. 63, objects that Asandros’ support is unlikely at a time when he was hard pressed in Caria, leading an army with Prepelaos against his attackers. But this would not seem valid against my suggestion that the decree looked back to the winter of 315/14, when Asandros might plausibly have visited and co-operated with Athens outside the campaigning season in the context of allied preparations for assaults on Antigonos in 314. An attempt to divert Antigonos’ attention to Lemnos would have been in Asandros’ interest. On O'Sullivan's suggestion that the decree in frag, a was passed while Asandros was helping Athens prepare lor an attack on Samos in 313 see Lambert (cf. P. Gauthier, REG 111 (1998), 600 10.3406/reg.1998.4341). It arises largely from the long current (but in my view probably incorrect) restoration of the verb in 20-1 in the present tense.
9. Of IG ii2 453 of 310/09, also apparently an honorary decree, little more than the prescript survives. For other decrees possibly dating to the period, see Tracy, 36 with n. 2.
10. Diod. xviii. 74. 2 3. Ci. recenlly Tracy, 38 9; Habicht, 44-5.
11. Osborne, ii, 115 n. 468, notes cases ol public provision for statues.
12. Cf. W. von Hartel, Studien über attisches Staatsrecht und Urkundenwesen (Vienna, 1878), 54 O'Sullivan, 114-15.
13. Cf. S. Dow, HSCP 67 (1963), 83-6; Osborne, ii, 115.
14. Cf. P. J. Rhodes with D. M. Lewis, The Decrees of the Greek States (Oxford, 1997), 42.
15. Dow (n. 14) and Osborne (n. 14).
16. O'Sullivan, 114-16.
17. SEG xxi. 303 (= Agora, xvi. 97) and 304. Cf. R. Wünsch (ed.), CIA (= IG iii) Appendix. Defixionum tabellae (1897), p. 7, a. Under the regime of 322 19, active citizenship was limited to those possessing 2,000 dr.
18. IG ii2 1623. 5 (epimelete of the dockyards, 333/2); Agora, xix. L6, 120 and Lg, 40 and 45 (lessee of sacred properties in/after 343/2).
19. The only demonstrably non-Attic stone inscription in Finlay's MS Catalogue is explicitly stated to be from Thera. Cf. Appendix.
20. th cent. (Köhler), first half 4th cent. (Peek). The ligature (see epigraphical notes) raises the possibility that it was a classicizing monument of e.g. the Augustan period.
21. I am grateful to Judith Binder for informing me of this location.
22. See on E4.
23. This can be seen to good effect in their current position either side of the fireplace in the entrance hall to the BSA.
24. LGPN ii countenances the possibility that the women on E3 were not of citizen status; but that status will be certain if they were related to the man on E4.
25. The family is attested on the funerary monuments IG ii2 7257, 7263 and probably 11360.
26. Councillor in 304/3, Agora, xv. 61. 239. His father(?) was councillor in the early 4th cent., Agora, xv. 10. 61.
27. Pantenor son of Euenor, perhaps of Skambonidai, councillor in c. 333, may have been a relation (SEG xxviii. 52. 34).
28. Perhaps related to the Dionysioi of Thorikos with fathers’ or sons’ names in Kalli- attested on IG ii2 6225 (gravestone) and Agora, xv. 39. 10 (councillor c. 340). Cf. also IG ii2 6219 + SEG xxxiii. 133 and Agora, xv. 42. 266.
29. cf. IG ii2 12480.
30. Councillor in 281/0, Agora, xv. 72. 265.
31. Probably, as Henry pointed out, the decree was actually passed early in 303/2, after the officials had rendered their accounts at the end of their year in office.
32. Demetrios Poliorketes was son of Antigonos the Oneeyed, against whom Athens had campaigned, with Asandros satrap of Caria, ten years earlier. Cf. E1.
33. See n. 30.
34. cf. Habicht, 76.
35. cf. Henry, 51-63, with textual notes, above. In addition to these two officers, there are decrees datable to later 303/2 in which the treasurer of the stratiotic funds performed this function, but his title could not be accommodated in our decree. In general the arrangements with regard to funds and officials responsible for paying for decrees in 303-301 seem confused and may, as Henry has suggested, have been ad hoc in a period of financial disorder; but 303/2 seems to have had an unusually large output of inscribed decrees and it may also be that, as M. Osbornc has suggested (Naturalization in Athens, [Brussels, 1981-3], ii, 126 n. 534), the Assembly's fund originally allocated to this purpose ran out, cf. Henry, 56-8. Note also in this connection the amount of our stele left uninscribed (intended for crowns?).
36. Thanks for this identification are due to Karen Stears. The outline of the bird remains visible. Birds appear fairly frequently on Attic funerary stelai of this period in a number of poignant contexts, quite often clutched by children (see von Moock, 61, 68, 70, 78, 80; cf. the butterfly with broken wing in von Moock, no. 213). Here no doubt the significance is primarily amatory. See further next note.
37. A. Conze, Die attischen Grabreliefs (Berlin and Leipzig, 1911-1922), iv no. 2093. I am grateful to Antonio Corso for drawing my attention to this parallel. The pose of the figures is identical, as are many of the details, e.g. the positioning of the feet, the fact that, of the four feet, only the man's right foot is carved in detail, and the cutting of the lower drapery of the woman. Note also that the man's left forefinger is outstretched under a discoloured area, suggesting that a painted bird once perched on it. Either they derive from a common exemplar, or our stele, which is probably slightly earlier than von Moock, no. 460, was a model for it. Cf. also von Moock, nos. 441 and 512 (= Conze, iv, nos. 2096 and 2103).
38. See J. H. Oliver, Hesp. Supp. 13, 1970. Subsequent bibliography can be traced via SEG xlvi. 145.
39. ‘.trouvé dans la direction de la rue des Tripodes, non loin du monument de Lysicrate, dans les fondements de la maison de M. Finley.’ A. R. Rangabé, Antiquités Helléniques (Athens, 1842), no. 55. ‘Ad Lysicratis monumentum’ (IG i3 959, cf. IG i2 771) is somewhat misleading, since based only on secondary use in Finlay's house.
40. ‘c. a. 430-420’ (Lewis) is in my view over precise.
41. Ath. Pol. lvi. 3 and 5. Cf. Antiphon vi. 11, a speech which gives vivid insights into what the choregia might entail at this period.
42. Amandry suggested that our monument was from a Thargelia victory as the choregos has both father's name and demotic, but in fact there is only one other 5th-c. case where a demotic is given, IG i3 966, and it may be coincidental that it is for a victory at the Thargelia. The choregos of IG i3 965 at least, also from the Thargelia, has no demotic. The findspot in the foundations of Finlay's house north of the Acropolis was close to the Street of the Tripods and Lysicrates’ monument (= IG ii2 3042, commemorating a victory at the Dionysia in 335/4 and still in situ), an area favoured for Dionysia monuments. It is unclear, however, how close Finlay's house was to the original location of the inscription.
43. Eupolis F318 K-A; Ar. Frogs, 1036-38.
44. It is unclear how close this was to its original location. On the cemeteries of Roman Athens see E. J. Walters, Attic Grave Reliefs that Represent Women in the Dress of Isis (Hesp. Supp. 22, 1988), 33-41, and von Moock.
45. Of the 136 persons with ethnics on the Attic ‘figürliche Grabstelen’ of the Roman period listed by von Moock, p. 202, 107 are ‘Milesians’, 29 have other ethnics. FRA lists four other women called (E)isias ‘Milesia’ on funerary monuments of the Roman period: IG ii2 9694, 9696 and 9697 (also with an Isis-type relief = von Moock, no. 242, Antomne or Severan) and SEG xxix. 234 (= IG ii2 9693?).
46. IG ii2 2271, 1996, 2026, 2024.
47. See M-F Baslez in S. Walker and A. Cameron (eds), The Greek Renaissance in the Roman Empire (BICS Supp. 55, 1989), 17-36, esp. 24-27. Note e.g. the disproportionate number of women, of ‘Milesioi’ with mothers’ rather than fathers’ names (bastards?), of ‘Milesios―-citizen marriages (Athenians marrying their own freed slaves?), of ‘Milesioi’ in Athenian family tombs (freedmen within an Athenian familia?) and of ‘Milesioi’ in attendant-type posts (leitourgoi of archons, thyroroi of ephebes etc.). If Isis-derivcd names can be taken to suggest servile origin (see below), it is also significant that, though they represent only a quarter of the foreign resident population (2016 of 8209 in FRA), many more ‘Milesioi’ have names with an Isis root (60) than do all other foreign residents of Athens combined (36; I am grateful to Sean Byrne for discussion of these figures). The earliest known ‘Milesia’ at Athens was Aspasia, prominent mistress of Perikles, whose son, though illegitimate, was specially permitted entry to a phratry (Plut. Per. xxiv, cf. xxxvii. 5); one wonders if this might have been a conscious precedent for the creation of the later ‘Milesios’ category.
48. Walters (n. 55); cf. J. Eingartner, Isis und ihre Dienenerinnen in der Kunst der römischen Kaiserzeit (1991); von Moock, 62 and passim.
49. Walters (n. 55), 69, with pl. 6. Kirchner's date for our monument was ‘s. I p.’. It is not dated by von Moock.
50. Von Moock, 84-5. Cf. Eingartner (n. 59), 95-107. A different view at Walters (n. 55), 52-7.
51. cf. Habicht, 321-2.
52. SEG xvii. 34.
53. See Geagan (1997), 22.
54. G. Daux, BCH 83 (1959), 479 no. II (cf. SEG xviii. 223).
55. See Dinsmoor; P. Herrmann, ZPE 10 (1973), 79-85 E. A. Kapetanopoulos, Hellenika, 29 (1976), 248-53.
56. I am grateful to Sean Byrne for this suggestion.
57. cf. n. 66 and e.g. M. Antonius Proculus in Augustan Messene, SEG xxiii. 207. 21.
58. He was also honoured by Thespiae, A. Plassart, BCH 50 (1926), 442 10.3406/bch.1926.2963 no. 79. On this man see further E. Groag, Die römischen Reichsbeamten von Achaia bis auf Diokletian (Vienna, 1939), 35 P. Graindor, Athènes sous Auguste (Cairo, 1927), 59-61 O. Hirschfcld ap. E. Loewy, Inschriften griechischer Bildhauer (Leipzig, 1885), 228 no. 318.
59. IG ii2 3542 (= 3561, cf. SEG xxii. 155); Groag (n. 73), 36-7; E. W. Bodnar, Hesp. 31 (1962), 393-510.2307/147237 SEG xxi. 743. 75cf. S. Woodford in D.G. Mitten (eds), Studies. G. M. Hanfinann (Cambridge Mass., 1971), 214. Sean Byrne suggests to me that the relief might indicate that -atos died while on ephebic service. The only other explicit link with Herakles made on an Attic funerary relief of the Roman period seems to be von Moock, no. 471, where a deceased infant is portrayed with attributes of Herakles. Cf. von Moock, 68.
60. On Eileithyia in general see Pingiatoglou; R. Stroud, The Athenian Grain Tax Law of 374/3 BC (Hesp. Supp. 29, 1998), 89 n. 10; R. Olmos, LIMC iii (1986), s.v. Eileithyia. For dedication of the statue of a baby cf. Pingiatoglou, 64-5 with pl. 14, 1; in general on children in Athenian dedications (among whom girls are well represented), D. J. Gcagan, Boeol. Ant. 4 (1994), 163-73 (esp. 165-6).
61. See Kirchner's note in IG ii 2 (= Pingiatoglou E40). LGPN ii makes the priestesses two separate persons, incorrectly I think. The hand on the two dedications, including the distinctive rho with lower curve formed by an extended horizontal stroke, is identical, though somewhat less neat on ours.
62. Kapctanopoulos, no. 8; K. Clinton, The Sacred Officials of the Eleusinian Mysteries (Philadelphia, 1974), 79-80 with Ap. vii (= IG ii2 4075 + 4083).79
63. IG ii2 2085. 24 with Kirchner's note.
64. As suggested by Kapetanopoulos, 65.
65. cf. Kapetanopoulos, 65.
66. There is no fixed pattern among dedications to Eileithyia with regard to who dedicates on behalf of whom; but, not surprisingly, the mother seems normally to have been involved or at least mentioned, e.g. SEG xxxv. 141 (= Pingiatoglou E35) and W. Peek, AM 67 (1942) [1951], 56 no. 94 (= E39), which look like dedications by husband and wife; IG ii2 4793 (= E42), a prospective mother on her own behalf; IG ii2 3965 (= E40), a maternal grandmother on behalf of her grandson, and mentioning both parents of the child. For a parallel wording to ours see IG ii2 4669 (= E33).
67. See Stroud (n. 76); M. B. Walbank, Hesp. 52 (1983), 119. Geagan (n. 76), 166 (questionably) identifies three. Of the other three known priestesses of Eileithyia we have no indication which cult was served by Philostrate (SEG xxxv. 141, c. 350 BC, findspot unknown). Pamphile (IG ii2 4669, 4th/3rd cent. BC found ‘ad metropolim’) perhaps served in the Kollytos sanctuary, Archibia (IG ii2 4682, 3rd c. BC, found ‘ad Ilissum orientem versus a Callirrhoe’) the one in Agrai (cf. Pingiatoglou, 42-4).
68. Thus B. Forsén, in B. Forsén and G. Stanton (eds), The Pnyx in the History of Athens (Helsinki, 1996), 47-55, through which earlier bibliography can be traced. Cf. J. Travlos, Pictorial Dictionary of Ancient Athens (New York, 1971), 569-71.
69. Thus Forsén (n. 84), 50.
70. B. D. Meritt, Hesp. 29 (1960), 63 10.2307/147330 no. 108. Cf. B. D. Meritt, Hesp. 17 (1948), 43 10.2307/146909 no. 34; H. Thompson, Hesp. 5 (1936), 154-610.2307/146542, esp. 155 with fig. 5. Other dedications to this deity in Attica can be traced through SEG xl. 202. On the (fairly common) boukranion-type altar relief see C. G. Yavis, Greek Altars (Saint Louis, 1949), 148-52; also R. Étienne and M.Th. Le Dinahet (eds), L'espace sacrificiel (Paris, 1991). For an example of a dedication of this type with an object inserted in the top (in this case a sculpted ship's prow) see L. Basch, Le musée imaginaire de la marine antique (Athens, 1987), 362 no. 2 with ph.
71. Note dated 8 April 1962 on catalogue card in BSA museum.
72. I am grateful to Michael Walbank for this suggestion.
73. It can not, however, be ruled out that the mint magistrates belonged rather to a probably related family from Kothokidai, cf. H. B. Mattingly, Chiron, 9 (1979), 165. See also C. Habicht, Chiron, 21 (1991), 8 and 14 (who inverts the names Alketes and Euagion in the last sentence of his discussion on 14).
74. For details and references see S. V Tracy, IG ii2 2336: Conlribulors of First Fruits for the Pythais (Meisenheim, 1982), 194 and 214. Cf. Habicht, 288.
75. On this period in general see Habicht, ehs. 12-13.
76. Date: Tracy. ALC 247.
77. See Roesch, 116.
78. Roesch proposed new readings based on a squeeze and photograph. The stone is now so worn that autopsy yields little further improvement, with the exception of the area at the bottom of col. 2. which I examined with Scan Byrne and where I propose the following revised text:
79. Many of the Melian tombstones at IG xii. 3. 1128-87 are of this type. Another example is at J. M. Cook, JHS 66 (1946), 115 with 116 fig. 6.
80. Thuc. v. 84-116. Survivors were reinstated by Lysander in 403 after the Athenian defeat at Aigospotamoi (Xen. Hell. ii. 2. 9). A date 480-416? is suggested by Jeffery, 324 no. 25.
81. IG xii. 3. 513b, 2nd-ist cent. BC. Cf. LGPN i and iiia.
82. The name Phylosthenes is attested on Thera, Phyleos and Phyleokrates on Melos (see LGPN i); the Phyleomachidai are known from Cos (M. Segre, Iscrizioni di Cos [Rome, 1993], ED 241. 17-19). Cf. F. Bechtel, Hermes, 34 (1899), 398.
83. The name Phyles is attested on Rhodes, Sthenes in Mytilene. See LGPN i.
84. cf. W. Zschietzschmann, RE xv (1) s.v. Melos (1931), 583-4; K. Clinton, LIMC vii (1) (1994) s.v. Ploutos, 418-19 no. 22.
85. Smith: first half 4th cent.; IG (Hiller): 3rd cent.; W. G. Forrest (note on card in BSA museum): 2nd cent.
86. e.g. the archaic inscription, IG iv. 7, was discovered by Finlay at the Zeus Hellanios ‘hostel’ site on Mt. Oros. Finlay corresponded with W. M. Leake about the Acginctan temple sites, see J. M. Hussey (ed.), The Journals and Letters of George Finlay, ii (Camberley. 1995), 484 (Finlay to Leake, April 1835), 486 (Leake's reply). For Finlay's residence on Aegina, Smith: first half 4th cent., i, pp. xxi-xxii.
87. Both our fragment and the temenos horoi show the threebar sigma, for which the conventional terminus ante on Attic inscriptions is 446/5. However, there is now a strong body of opinion that would date the Egesta decree, IG i 3 11, which has this form, to 418/7. See M. H. Chambers, R. Gallucci and P. Spanos, ZPE 83 (1990), 38-57. Subsequent debate may be traced through SEG xxxix. 1, xl. 2, xlii. 4, xlv. 4 and most recently at the time of writing H. B. Mattingly ZPE 126 (1999), 117-22.
88. Notebook 3 (=B) 74 in Clarke's MS, Notebooks of travels in Epirus, at the BSA.
89. From letter forms.
90. Finlay refers to this visit in published papers, e.g. his journal for 1837, Hussey (n. 103), i, 229 (drawing, 254).
91. = F. Hiller, Thera, ii.
92. I am grateful to Antonio Corso for this suggestion.
93. This appears to bc the only unpublished inscription on stone in Finlay's list of his collection in MS Catalogue. However, Finlay made drawings of numerous other inscriptions in his epigraphical notebooks (especially MS Cat. and MS Coll. Gr.) as well as his journals and correspondence (see e.g. the facsimile reproductions in Hussey [n. 103]). Further study of all this material by an cpigraphist might yield valuable results.
94. The only non-Attic item among the inscriptions on stone in MS Catalogue, no. 15 (= E24), is explicitly stated to be from Thera. The others, all certainly or probably Attic, are listed without provenance.