Religious Education and the Rhetoric of Reform: The Madrasa in British India and Pakistan

Comparative Studies in Society and History

Volumn 41, Issue 2, 1999, Pages 294-323

  Qasim Zaman, Muhammad ^a  

^a BROWN UNIVERSITY   (United States)

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[No Author keywords available]

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EID: 85010165298     PISSN: 00104175     EISSN: 14752999     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1017/s0010417599002091     Document Type: Article

References (201)

1. On the madrasa in medieval Islam, see George Makdisi, The Rise of Colleges (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1981)
2. Jonathan Berkey, The Transmission of Knowledge in Medieval Cairo: A Social History of Islamic Education (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1992)
3. Michael Chamberlain, Knowledge and Social Practice in Medieval Damascus 1190–1350 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994).
4. See J. Heyworth-Dunne, An Introduction to the History of Education in Modern Egypt (London: Luzac, 1938), especially 1–84
5. A. L. al-Sayyid Marsot, “The Beginnings of Modernization among the Rectors of al-Azhar, 1798–1879,” in Beginnings of Modernization in the Middle East, W. R. Polk and R. L. Chambers, eds. (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1968), 267–280
6. A. Chris Eccel, Egypt. Islam and Social Change: al-Azhar in Conflict and Accommodation (Berlin: Klaus Schwarz Verlag, 1984)
7. S. Akhavi, Religion and Politics in Contemporary Iran: Clergy-State Relations in the Pahlavi Period (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1980), 117–158
8. Brinkley Messick, The Calligraphic State: Textual Domination and History in a Muslim Society (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1993).
9. See, most notably, Barbara D. Metcalf, Islamic Revival in British India: Deoband 1860–1900 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1982).
10. Talal Asad, Genealogies of Religion: Discipline and Reasons of Power in Christianity and Islam (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1993), 207 (emphasis in the original).
11. On the evolution of the modern notion of “religion”, see Peter Harrison, “Religion” and the Religions in the English Enlightenment (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990).
12. Thomas R. Metcalf, Ideologies of the Rat (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), 4ff, 66–112, and passim
13. cf. Barbara D. Metcalf, “Too Little and Too Much: Reflections on Muslims in the History of India,” Journal of Asian Studies, 54 (1995), 956.
14. See Gregory C. Kozlowski, Muslim Endowments and Society in British India (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985), on the British distinction between public and private endowments.
15. For a discussion of the debate on this policy, see Gauri Viswanathan, Masks of Conquest: Literary Study and British Rule in India (New York: Columbia University Press, 1989).
16. Education Report from the Director of Public Instruction, Punjab to the Financial Commissioner, Punjab, June 25, 1858, section 18
17. extracts in G. W. Leitner, History of Indigenous Education in the Punjab since Annexation and in 1882 (Patiala: Languages Department Punjab, 1971 [first published in 1883]), Appendix, vi, 20.
18. See Leitner, History, 71–72 and passim
19. also see F. A. Nizami “Madrasahs, Scholars and Saints: Muslim Response to the British Presence in Delhi and the Upper Doab 1803–1857” (unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, University of Oxford, 1983), 42–58.
20. Extracts from Parliamentary Report (1874, C. 1072-II, part III) in Leitner, History, vii.
21. Cf. T. Metcalf, Ideologies, 36–37.
22. Cf. Berkey, Transmission, passim
23. Chamberlain, Social Practice, 69–90.
24. Ibn Khaldun, The Mugaddimah: An Introduction to History, F. Rosenthal, trans. (New York: Pantheon Books, 1958), III, 299–300
25. Hajji Khalifa, Kashf al-zunun ‘an asami al-kutub wa’l-funun, G. Fluegel, ed. (Leipzig: Oriental Translation Fund, 1835), I:114–5.
26. James Mill, Revenue Department dispatch, February 18, 1824, Bengal, E/4/710,-para. 83
27. India Office Library and Records, British Museum, quoted in Lynn Zastoupil, John Stuart Mill and India (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1994), 32–33.
28. Also see the despatch of the Court of Directors to the Bengal Government, October 24, 1832, in The Correspondence of Lord William Cavendish Bentinck, C. H. Philips, ed. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1977), 933–4 on some of the content of useful learning.
29. Report by the Panjab provincial Committee with evidence taken before the committee and memorials addressed to the education commission (Calcutta: Superintendent of Government Printing, India, 1884), 369.
30. Report by the Panjab provincial Committee with evidence taken before the committee and memorials addressed to the education commission, 370.
31. On this controversy, see David Kopf, British Orientalism and the Bengal Renaissance: The Dynamics of Indian Modernization 1773–1835 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1969), 7–8, 241–52, and passim
32. Viswanathan, Masks of Conquest, 29ff., 101ff., and passim.
33. Cf. A. J. Wensinck et al., Concordances et indices de la tradition musulmane, IV [Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1962], 330
34. Franz Rosenthal, Knowledge Triumphant: The Concept of Knowledge in Medieval Islam (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1970), 243
35. Hajji Khalifa, Kashf al-zunun, I:48–52.
36. Chamberlain, Social Practice, 111–113.
37. Cf. Javed Majeed, Ungoverned Imaginings: James Mill's The History of British India and Orientalism (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1992), 196ff.
38. Quoted in A. M. Monteath, Note on the State of Education in India, 1862, in Selections from Educational Records of the Government of India, vol. I: Educational Reports. 1859–71 (Delhi: National Archives of India, 1960 [hereafter SERGI, I]), 45–46.
39. For the history of this Madrasa, see ‘ Abd al-Sattar, Ta'rikh-i Madrasa-i ‘Aliya, 2 vols. (Dhaka: Research and Publications, Madrasa-i ‘Aliya, 1959).
40. On proposed or actual reforms in the Madrasa, see Ta'rikh-i Madrasa-i ‘Aliya, I:47ff. and passim.
41. On the Dars-i Nizami, see note 39, below.
42. SERGI, I:21.
43. SERGI, I:21.
44. ‘ Abd al-Sattar, Madrasa-i ’Aliya, I:119–20, 129, 134.
45. SERGI, I:23.
46. See the revised curriculum introduced in 1871 in ‘ Abd al-Sattar, Madrasa-i ‘Aliya, I, 171–2. Most of the texts which comprise the curriculum are the same as those in the Dars-i Nizami.
47. For such apprehensions, see for instance ‘ Abd al-Sattar, Madrasa-i ‘Aliya, I:55, 140–141.
48. Cf. Sayyid Amir ‘Ali's evidence before the Education Commission of 1882, quoted in Report of the Muslim Education Advisory Committee, 1934, in M. S. A. Ibrahimy, Reports on Islamic Education and Madrasah Education in Bengal (1861–1977), 5 vols. (Dhaka: Islamic Foundation Bangladesh, 1987 [hereafter: Ibrahimy, Reports]), III:141.
49. Quoted in the Report of the Madrasah Education Committee, 1941, in Ibrahimy, Reports, III:335.
50. See, for instance, William Adam, Reports on the State of Education in Bengal (1835 and 1838), A. Basu, ed. (Calcutta: University of Calcutta Press, 1941), II:153.
51. On the contradictions in this “preservationist ideal,” see T. Metcalf, Ideologies, especially 66–92.
52. For the recommendations of the various madrasa-reform committees in nineteenth-and twentieth-century Bengal, see Ibrahimy, Reports, passim.
53. Abu'l-Hasan ‘Ali Nadwi, Insani dunya nar musalmanon key ‘uruj wa zawal ka athar, 5th ed. (Lucknow, 1966), 226
54. cf. Ibn Khaldun, The Mucaddimah, III:290–1.
55. Cf. Mawlana Muhammad Zakariyya, Ta'rikh-i Mazahir, I (Saharanpur: Kutub khana-i isha' et al-'ulum, 1972 [written in 1916]), I:144.
56. Messick, Calligraphic State, 30–36, at 30.
57. Edward Gibbon, The History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, David Womereley, ed. (London: Allen Lane, 1994), vol. I:ch. ii, 84.
58. Also see the remarks of James Mill on traditional Islamic education in India: The History of British India, 5th ed. (New York: Chelsea House Publishers, 1968 [1858 edition]), I:52ff.
59. On Mulla Nizam al-din, see Muhammad Rida Ansari, Bani-yi Dars-i Nizami (Lucknow: Nami Press, 1973)
60. The Encyclopaedia of Islam, new ed. (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1960-) s.v. “Nizam al-din, Mulla” (F. Robinson)
61. on the Farangi Mahall, F. Robinson, “Problems in the History of the Farangi Mahall Family of Learned and Holy Men,” Oxford University Papers on India, I:pt. 2 (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1987), 1–27
62. on the Dars-i Nizami, see ‘ Abd al-Hayy al-Hasani, al-Thagafa al-Islamiyya fi'l-Hind, 2nd ed. (Damascus: Majma' al-lugha al-'Arabiyya bi-Dimashq, 1983), 9–17
63. Akhtar Rahi, Tadhkira-yi Musannifin-i Dars-i Nizami (Lahore: Maktaba-yi Rahmaniyya, 1978)
64. Nizami, “Madrasahs, Scholars and Saints,” 24–32, 279–81
65. Jamal Malik, Islamische Gelehrtenkultur in Nordindien (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1997), 151ff., 522ff.
66. Nizami, “Madrasahs, Scholars and Saints,” 30–32.
67. For some of the major texts of this curriculum, see Nizami, 279–281
68. Malik, Islamische Gelehrtenkultur, 522ff.
69. On the style and substance of learning in Wali Allah's madrasa, see S. A. A. Rizvi, Shah Wali-Allah and his Times (Canberra: Ma'rifat Publishing House, 1980), 382–386
70. On Deoband, see B. Metcalf, Islamic Revival, passim
71. on other contemporary sectarian movements, Islamic Revival, 264–314.
72. On the Barelawis, see Usha Sanyal, Devotional Islam and Politics in British India: Ahmad Riza Khan Barelwi and his Movement 1870–1920 (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1996).
73. B. Metcalf, Islamic Revival, 100ff.
74. cf. Golan', Nizam-i Ta'lim, I:240ff., 289.
75. B. Metcalf, Islamic Revival, 87–137, at 93.
76. On the Nadwat al-‘Ulama’, see Muhammad Ishaq Nadwi and Shams Tabriz Khan, Ta'rikh-i Nadwat al-‘Ulama’, 2 vols. (Lucknow: Nizamat Nadwat al-‘Ulama’, 1983–1984 [hereafter TNU])
77. Sayyid Muhammad al-Hasani, Sirat-i Mawlana Savyid Muhammad ‘Ali Monairi. bani-yi Nadwat al-’Ulama' (Lucknow: Maktabat Dar al-'Ulum Nadwat al-‘Ulama’, 1964 [hereafter Sirat])
78. Abu'l-Hasan ‘Ali Nadwi, Karwan-i Zindagi, 5 vols. (Karachi, 1983–1994), passim
79. Jamal Malik, “The Making of a Council: The Nadwat al-‘Ulama,”’ Zeitschrift der deutschen mor~enlandischen Gesellschaft, 144 (1994), 60–90.
80. For various criticisms of the traditional madrasas, see TNU, I:63–79.
81. TNU, I:139–42.
82. For some aspects of the opposition to the Nadwa, see Muhammad al-Hasani, Sirat, 143–4, 170ff.
83. Sanyal, Devotional Islam, 217–226
84. B. Metcalf, Islamic Revival, 342ff.
85. TNU, I:57
86. cf. TNU, I:125, 249.
87. See Shibli's speech on this occasion in Khutbat-i Shibli, ed. Sayyid Sulayman Nadwi (A'zamgarh: Dar al-Musannifin, 1941), 128.
88. TNU, I:59
89. citing Abu'l-Hasan ‘Ali Nadwi, Hayat-i hand al-Hayv (Lucknow: Majlis-i tahqiqat wa nashriyyat-i Islam, 1970), 130.
90. Magalat-i Shibli, Sayyid Sulayman Nadwi, ed. (A'zamgarh: Dar al-Muannifin, n.d.; reprinted Lahore: National Book Foundation, 1989), VIII:91 (emphasis added).
91. Quoted in Muhammad al-Hasani, Sirat, 147–8
92. TNU, I:79.
93. See TNU, II, 32–81 passim
94. Muhammad al-Hasani, Sirat, 204ff., 260–90
95. Contrast Malik, “Making of a Council,” especially 87ff., for an interpretation of the differences among the Nadwa's leaders in terms of their different social origins and cultural orientations.
96. Cf. Muhammad al-Hasani, Sirat, 71, 82, 119, 167 etc.
97. TNU, such as I:147, 238; II, 110, 180, 219, 240, 294, 318f. Indeed, as Sayyid Sulayman Nadwi noted in his speech at the annual session of 1915, disquisitions on the necessity (darurat) and usefulness (fawa'id) of the Nadwa's Dar al-'Ulum were a constant feature of all its annual sessions.
98. TNU, II:110–11.
99. As Shibli put it in his speech at the annual session of the Nadwat al-‘Ulama’ in 1894: see Khutbat-i Shibli, 19.
100. On the importance of literature (adab) in the Nadwa's curriculum, see TNU, I:147.
101. Cf. TNU, I:148, 218.
102. For the goals of the Nadwa as enunciated on various occasions during its early years, see TNU, I:55ff., 139ff., and passim.
103. Cf. Adam, Reports, II:147, II:151
104. Report of the Punjab Education Commission, 411.
105. Viswanathan, Masks of Conquest.
106. On British notions of representation, see Farzana Shaikh, Community and Consensus in Islam: Muslim Representation in Colonial India (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989).
107. Cf. Leitner, History, vi, vii.
108. The following (unattributed) verses celebrating the authority of the Hidaya, a compendium of Hanafi substantive law which dates to the twelfth century and has long been studied in madrasas, indicates the authority certain texts in the madrasa enjoyed: “The Hidaya, like the Qur'an, has abrogated whatever books had been written on law; so persist in reading it and carefully attend to its recitation, for thereby will your speech become free of waywardness and falsehood.” Quoted in Gilani, Nizam-i Ta'lim, 313.
109. Cf. Khutbat-i Shibli, 57, 88.
110. Cf. Khutbat-i Shibli, 18
111. Magalat-i Shibli, III:127.
112. Abu'l-Hanan ‘Ali Nadwi, Karwan, I:199–226, especially 200, 225f.
113. TNU, II:53. This grant was finally discontinued, at the Nadwa's own initiative, in 1920.
114. TNU, 272.
115. On the Tablighi Jama ‘at, see B. Metcalf, “‘Remaking Ourselves’: Islamic Self-Fashioning in a Global Movement of Spiritual Renewal,” in Martin Marty and R. Scott Appleby, eds., Accounting for Fundamentalisms (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1994), 706–725
116. On this aspect of the Nadwa's pursuit of recognition, see Muhammad Qasim Zaman, “Arabic, the Arab Middle East and the Definition of Muslim Identity in Twentieth Century India,” Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, series 3, vol. 8 (1998), forthcoming.
117. On madrasas in post-independence India, the study of which is beyond the scope of this essay, see Kuldip Kaur, Madrasa Education in India: A Study of its Past and Present (Chandigarh: Centre for Research in Rural and Industrial Development, 1990).
118. ‘ Abd al-Sattar, Madrasa-yi ‘Aliya, II:114ff.
119. Madrasa-yi ‘Aliya, II:114.
120. For figures on the growth of madrasas between 1947 and 1971, see Hafiz Nadhr Ahmad, Ja'iza-yi madaris-i ‘arabiyya-yi Maqhrib’ Pakistan (Lahore: Muslim Academy, 1972), 691–2
121. for the growth of madrasas in the Punjab in more recent years, see Zindaui (Lahore), February 17, 1995, p. 39
122. The News (Islamabad), March 7, 1995. Recent figures for the country as a whole are not available to the present writer.
123. Recommendations for the reform of madrasas in East Pakistan (now Bangladesh) were also made at various times between 1947 and 1971. See Ibrahimy, Reports, vols. 4–5, passim. These will not be discussed in this essay.
124. For a list of members comprising each committee, see Report of the Committee set up by the Governor of West Pakistan for Recommending Improved Syllabus for the various Darul Ulooms and Arabic Madrasas in West Pakistan (Lahore: Superintendent, Government Printing West Pakistan, 1962 [hereafter Report {1962}]), p. i
125. Report Oawmi Committee bara-yi Dini Madaris-i Pakistan (Islamabad: Ministry of Religious Affairs, 1979), hereafter Report (1979), 3–7.
126. For a discussion of the two reports and the reactions to them, see Jamal Malik, Colonialization of Islam: Dissolution of traditional institutions in Pakistan (Delhi: Manohar, 1996), 123–8, 132–9. I am much indebted to Malik's pioneering work, though his study, in being primarily concerned with the effects of state-sponsored Islamization (between 1977 and 1984) as a vehicle of increasing state control over “autochthonous institutions,” has a focus different from mine. As will be observed, I am concerned here not with such encroachment by the state, but rather with the emergence of a distinct religious sphere as a response to categories of colonial analysis. Though he claims to discern the continuing existence of, inter alia, the “colonial” sector in Pakistani society, Malik pays scant attention to the shaping of religious discourse in terms of colonial categories, either in British India or in Pakistan.
127. Report (1962), 3.
128. For these phrases, see Report, 5, 7, 9, 12, 14, passim.
129. Report, 11.
130. Report, 22–23.
131. Report, 4.
132. Report, 19–30
133. Appendix IV (pp. 1–51 of the Urdu text).
134. On some aspects of Zia ul-Haq's Islamization, see Anita M. Weiss, ed., Islamic Reassertion in Pakistan: The Application of Islamic Laws in a Modern State (Lahore: Vanguard, 1987)
135. Rudolph Peters, “The Islamization of Criminal Law: A Comparative Analysis,” Die Welt des Islams, 34 (1994), 246–74, especially 256ff.
136. Malik, Colonialization of Islam.
137. Report (1979), 44.
138. Report, 50.
139. Report, i, 8–9. The terms used are marbut karna (p. i:literally, to integrate), ham-ahana [karna] (p. 8:to harmonize, or, “with the general system of education in the country”), and to establish yakeaniyyat awr yakjahti (similarity and uniformity, or, “between the curriculum and system of examinations” of the madrasa and general education).
140. Report (1962), 7.
141. For Ludhianawi's detailed critique of the Report of 1979, see Bayyinat (the journal of the Jami' at al-'Ulum al-Islamiyya), 38:2 (January 1981), 2–28.
142. Also see idem, in Bayyinat, 47:1 (May 1985), 35–63.
143. The Report of 1979 was also rejected by the Wifaq al-Madaris, the network of Deobandi madrasas. For the text of the latter's resolutions in this regard, see Bayyinat, 38:2 (January 1981), 4–5
144. Bayyinat, 47:1 (May 1985), 45.
145. Also see Malik, Colonialization of Islam, 136–138.
146. Ludhianawi, “Basa'ir wa ‘ibar”, in Bayyinat, 38:2 (January 1981), 12–13. Emphasis added.
147. Bayyinat, 17. The reference to a “mixed” curriculum is meant, of course, to be contemptuous.
148. Bayyinat, 16.
149. For a very similar argument, see Mufti Jamil Ahmad Thanawi, Nisab wa Nizam-i Dini Madaris (Lahore: Nashiran-i Qur'an Limited, n.d.), 59–60.
150. Ludhianawi, “Basair,” in Bayyinat (January 1981), 27. It is worth noting here that making government servants out of the madrasa educated does not everywhere carry the stigma it does in the foregoing statement. For instance, many of the scholars calling for the reform of the Azhar of Egypt in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century sought the introduction of modern subjects there precisely to enable graduates of the Azhar to compete with others in the quest for government jobs.
151. Eccel, Egypt. Islam and Social Change, 313–314.
152. Quoted in Report of the East Bengal Educational System Reconstruction Committee. 1949–1952, in Ibrahimy, Reports, IV:40, emphasis added.
153. For this argument, see, for instance, Thanawi, Dini Madaris, 66–71.
154. Cf. Gilani, Nizam-i Ta'lim, I:252–316 and passim.
155. Quoted in Muhammad Rashid Rida, Ta'rikh al-ustadh al-imam al-shaykh Muhammad ‘Ab-duh (Cairo: Matba’ at al-Manar, 1931), I:504; emphasis added.
156. On these reforms, see Marsot, “The Beginnings of Modernization,” 267–280
157. Daniel Crecelius, “Nonideological Responses of the Egyptian Ulama to Modernization,” in Nikki R. Keddie, ed., Scholars Saints. and Sufis: Muslim Religious Institutions in the Middle East since 1500 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1972), 167–209
158. Eccel, Egypt. Islam and Social Change.
159. Cf. Thanawi, Dini madaris, 66–68.
160. Dini madaris, passim.
161. See, for instance, the proceedings of the seminar on “the education system of madrasas,” organized in November 1986 by the Institute of Policy Studies, Islamabad: Muslim Sajjad and Salim Mansur, Dini madaris ka nizam-i tatlim (Islamabad: Institute of Policy Studies, 1987; reprint, 1993).
162. See, for instance, Mawlana Muhammad Yusuf Banuri, “Dars-i Nizami: Chand tawajjuhtalab pahlu,” in Jaridat al-Ashraf (Journal of the Jami'a Ashrafiwa Sukkur. March-April 1994), 26–52; the quotation is from p. 32.
163. Messick, Calligraphic State, 34.
164. Banuri, “Dars-i Nizami,” 31.
165. For instance, see the curriculum issued by the network of Barelawi madrasas: Nisab-i ta'lim-i tanzim al-madaris (Ahl-i Sunnat) Pakistan (Lahore: Markazi dafter tanzim al-madaris Pakistan, 1412 A.H. [1991])
166. cf. Malik, Colonialization of Islam, 164–176
167. ‘ Abd al-Sattar, Madrasa-i ‘Aliya, II:146–47.
168. Compare Asad, Genealogies, 207.
169. For example, Ira M. Lapidus, “The Separation of State and Religion in the Development of early Islamic Society,” International Journal of Middle East Studies, 6 (1975), 363–385
170. Also see idem., “The Evolution of Muslim Urban Society,” Comparative Studies in Society and History, 15:1 (1973), 21–50, especially 28ff.
171. idem, A History of Islamic Societies (Cambridge, 1988), especially 120ff.
172. Closer analysis of religious and political trends in early Islam, and especially of early ‘Ab-basid history-on which Lapidus’ findings are primarily based-reveals, however, that there is little evidence to suggest the “separation of state and religion” that he posits: see Muhammad Qasim Zaman, Religion and Politics under the Early ‘Abbasids (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1997).
173. N. J. Coulson, A History of Islamic Law (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1964), 149–225; the quotation is from p. 154.
174. Also cf. Messick, Calligraphic State, 61f.
175. Cf. Crecelius, “Nonideological Responses,” 187–8
176. Richard L. Chambers, “The Ottoman Ulema and the Tanzimat”, in Keddie, ed., Scholars, Saints. and Sufis, 33–46, especially 41, 45.
177. Serif Mardin, Religion and Social Change in Modern Turkey (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 112.
178. Ludhianawi, “Basa'ir”, in Bayyinat (January 1981), 22–23.
179. Cf. Berkey, Transmission, 182ff.
180. idem., “Tradition, Innovation and the Social Construction of Knowledge in the Medieval Islamic Near East,” Past and Present, 146 (1995), 38–65.
181. Berkey, Transmission
182. Chamberlain, Social Practice.
183. Berkey, Transmission, 128–218.
184. Dale F. Eickelman, Knowledge and Power in Morocco: The Education of a Twentieth-Century Notable (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1985), 5–6
185. Green, The Tunisian Ulama, 53.
186. In characterizing such individuals as “‘new’ religious intellectuals,” I follow Dale Eickelman and James Piscatori, Muslim Politics (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1996).
187. On the impact of print in Muslim societies, see Francis Robinson, “Technology and Religious Change: Islam and the Impact of Print,” Modern Asian Studies, 27 (1993), 229–251
188. Adeeb Khalid, “Printing, Publishing, and Reform in Tsarist Central Asia,” International Journal of Middle East Studies, 26 (1994), 187–200
189. Messick, Calligraphic State, 115–131
190. For a recent critique of theories of secularization, see José Casanova, Public Religions in the Modern World (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1994)
191. on notions of public and private religions, see Public Religions in the Modern World, 40–66.
192. For an analysis of the ‘ulama's early efforts in this regard, see Leonard Binder, Religion and Politics in Pakistan (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1961).
193. At the level of primary education, the ratio of dropouts among boys was calculated in 1994–95 to be 43 percent in the urban areas of Pakistan and 78 percent in the rural areas. For girls, the ratio was 59 percent and 88 percent, respectively. See The News (Islamabad), June 27, 1995, p. 2. Such dropouts appear to form an increasingly greater proportion of contemporary madrasas, though many still come without any exposure to government schools. Figures naturally vary, and for a variety of possible reasons, from one madrasa to another. An official of the Khayr al-Madaris, a prominent Deobandi madrasa of Multan, in the Punjab province, with about 2,500 students reported to the present writer in August 1995 that there were “very few” students who were illiterate at the time of their admission to the madrasa. Conversely, the Jamita Anwar al-'Ulum, a Barelawi madrasa also in Multan (with about 800 students) reported in July 1995 that the proportion of those who were illiterate prior to admission in the madrasa was about 55 percent. Precisely how to account for such differences remains to be studied.
194. Figures based on: Nadhr Ahmad, Ja'iza, 695
195. Report (1979), 198
196. Zindaui (Lahore), 17 February 1995, p. 39.
197. Eickelman, Knowledge and Power, 167–168.
198. See, for example, Crecelius, “Nonideological Responses,” 167–209.
199. Malika Zeghal, Gardiens de l'Islam: Les ulama d'al-Azhar dans l'Egypte contemporaine (Paris: Presses de la fondation rationale des sciences politiques, 1995), 279 (author's translation). Also cf. the remarkable increase in the number of mosques in Egypt, “by 100 percent between 1961 and 1979, leaping from 17,000 to 34,000”, and to 50,000 by 1984.
200. See Patrick D. Gaffney, The Prophet's Pulpit: Islamic Preaching in Contemporary Egypt (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1994), 15.
201. See Ministry of Education, Government of Pakistan, Pakistan ke dint madaris ke ‘ulama’-yi kiram ki directory (Islamabad: Higher Education Research Cell, 1986), 476.