Interlinking the Domestic with the International: Carl Schmitt on Democracy and International Relations

Leiden Journal of International Law

Volumn 19, Issue 1, 2006, Pages 9-40

  Burchard, Christoph ^a  

^a UNIVERSITY OF PASSAU   (Germany)

Author keywords

Carl Schmitt; concept of the political; discriminating concept of war; Hegung des Krieges(concept of bracketed war); just war; nomos concept

Indexed keywords

EID: 85010117754     PISSN: 09221565     EISSN: 14789698     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1017/S092215650500316X     Document Type: Article

References (167)

1. Reported by G. Balakrishnan, The Enemy-An intellectual Portrait of Carl Schmitt (2000), 227.
2. Schmitt was not only isolated in post-warWest Germany, but had already fallen from grace before the war.
3. As to this translation cf. Balakrishnan, Schmitt was not only isolated in post-warWest Germany, but had already fallen from grace before the war. note 1, at 278.
4. He shared this view with nineteenth-century liberals. See B. Fontana, ‘Notes on Carl Schmitt andMarxism’, (2000) 21 Cardozo Law Review 1515, at 1518.
5. For a concept of the public and Schmitt's differing from elitist theories, cf. E. Kennedy, ‘Hostis not Inimicus” TowardaTheory of the Public in theWorkofCarl Schmitt’, (1997) 10 Canadian Journal ofLawand Jurisprudence 43, at 46-7.
6. A. Kalyvas rightly points to the various stages of democracy. See A. Kalyvas, ‘Schmitt and the Categories of the Political” Carl Schmitt and the Three Moments of Democracy’, (2000) 21 Cardozo Law Review 1525, at 1525 et seq.
7. Again, Schmitt only presents a limited reading of Jean Bodin, who was far from establishing an absolute and unrestricted prince and rather limited the sovereign prince by natural law. Cf. J. Bodin, Six Livres de la ré publique (1576), Book 1, ch. 8.
8. Kalyvas, rightly points to the various stages of democracy. note 7, at 1535.
9. See generally Balakrishnan, rightly points to the various stages of democracy. note 1, at 91.
10. Cf. M. A. Hamilton, ‘Discussion and Discourse” A Proposal to Replace the Myth of Self-Rule with an AttorneyshipModel of Representation’, (1994) 69 New York University Law Review 477, at 487.
11. For Schmitt, as Kalyvas correctly contends, ‘the sovereign [i.e. the Volk] is also the one who “creates” the normal situation’ (Kalyvas, generally Balakrishnan note 7, at 1549). Schmitt's seeing the sovereign as the creator of peace is also apparent in his 1938 Leviathan, where he approves the fact that Thomas Hobbes's ‘sovereign is not the Defensor Pacis of peace that relates back to God; he is the creator of no more than earthly peace, Creator Pacis’ (author's translation). See C. Schmitt, Der Leviathan in der Staatslehre Tomas Hobbes (1938), 50.
12. See S. Holmes, The Anatomy of Anti-Liberalism (1993), at 49.
13. With open approval, Schmitt describes Thomas Hobbes's rector” ‘The sovereign and representative person is disproportionatelymore than the accumulated power of all the participating individualwills could bring about’ (author's translation). Schmitt, generally Balakrishnan note 12, at 52.
14. See J.Mü ller, ‘Carl Schmitt-An Occasional Nationalist?’, (1997) 23 History of European Ideas 19, at 25.
15. With open approval., at 26.
16. Hamilton, With open approval. note 11, at 490.
17. C. Schmitt, Verfassungslehre (1993 [1928]), at 50.
18. Cf. With open approval., at 51.
19. Seitzer, With open approval. note 6.
20. With open approval., at 203.
21. With open approval., at 209.
22. C. Burchard, ‘Puzzles and Solutions” Appreciating Carl Schmitt'sWork on International Law as Answers to the Dilemmas of hisWeimar Political Theory’, (2003) 14 Finnish Yearbook of International Law 89, at 105.
23. See generally Balakrishnan, With open approval… note 1, at 122.
24. ‘Nur eine irgendwie ethnisch oder kulturell zusammengehö rige, aber nicht notwendig politisch existierende Verbindung vonMenschen’. Schmitt, generally Balakrishnan note 18, at 79 (emphasis added).
25. See C. Schmitt, ‘Das Zeitalter der Neutralisierungen und Entpolitisierungen’, repr. in C. Schmitt, Der Begriff des Politischen (1963) 79, at 84.
26. ‘Europä ischeMenschheit’. ‘Nur eine irgendwie ethnisch oder kulturell zusammengehö rige, aber nicht notwendig politisch existierende Verbindung vonMenschen’.
27. ‘It is on this new terrain, terrain that was initially deemed neutral, where human differences and antipodal interests evolve immediately and with new ferocity-in fact, the more intensively, the more thoroughly the new field of reference is occupied. The European nations always wander from a field of battle into neutral territory, the newly won neutral territory always and instantly turns into a new battleground, and it becomes necessary to seek new neutral spheres. Natural sciences were also not capable of providing peace. The religious wars became national wars in the nineteenth century, half of whichwere determined as cultural and the other half, already, as economic; and finally they simply became economic wars’ (author's translation). ‘Europä ischeMenschheit’.
28. ‘It is on this new terrain, terrain that was initially deemed neutral, where human differences and antipodal interests evolve immediately and with new ferocity-in fact, the more intensively, the more thoroughly the new field of reference is occupied., at 90.
29. ‘Absolute Entpolitisierung’. ‘It is on this new terrain, terrain that was initially deemed neutral, where human differences and antipodal interests evolve immediately and with new ferocity-in fact, the more intensively, the more thoroughly the new field of reference is occupied., at 94.
30. ‘Absolute Entpolitisierung’., at 92.
31. ‘Absolute Entpolitisierung’., at 91.
32. ‘Absolute Entpolitisierung’., at 94.
33. This nihilistic logic certainly was one of the reasons why Schmitt joined the Nazis. For with the myth of Reichsprä sident Hindenburg failing (Schmitt noted in his diary” ‘The Hindenburgmyth is at an end… Papen or Hitler is coming. The OldMan [Hindenburg] has finally gone mad.’ Reported by Balakrishnan, ‘Absolute Entpolitisierung’… note 1, at 175), Schmitt took refuge in the nextmyth” the racism promoted byAdolf Hitler,whomSchmitt perceived as amythical figure. Reported ‘Absolute Entpolitisierung’., ‘Absolute Entpolitisierung’… note 1, at 180.
34. See Schmitt, Begriff des Politischen, This nihilistic logic certainly was one of the reasons why Schmitt joined the Nazis. note 26, at 17.
35. As to this translation cf. Balakrishnan, This nihilistic logic certainly was one of the reasons why Schmitt joined the Nazis. note 1, at 235.
36. ‘Ordnung und Ortung’.
37. See C. Schmitt, Der Nomos der Erde im Vö lkerrecht des Jus Publicum Europaeum (1950), at 37.
38. ‘Landnahme’. ‘Ordnung und Ortung’., at 36.
39. See Schmitt, ‘Landnahme’. note 38, at 17.
40. ‘Landnahme’., at 16.
41. Schmitt established this dichotomy in his Legalitä t und Legitimitä t (Legality and legitimacy) (1932).
42. Schmitt, Schmitt established this dichotomy in his Legalitä t und Legitimitä t note 38, at 42.
43. Schmitt established this dichotomy in his Legalitä t und Legitimitä t., at 50 et seq.
44. Schmitt established this dichotomy in his Legalitä t und Legitimitä t., at 45.
45. See Balakrishnan, Schmitt established this dichotomy in his Legalitä t und Legitimitä t. note 1, at 242.
46. See Schmitt, Schmitt established this dichotomy in his Legalitä t und Legitimitä t. note 38, at 143.
47. Schmitt established this dichotomy in his Legalitä t und Legitimitä t., at 144.
48. ‘Staatsgebiet und Herrschaftsrä ume’.
49. ‘Staatliche Raumhoheit'” see Schmitt, ‘Staatsgebiet und Herrschaftsrä ume’. note 38, at 143.
50. Cf. C. Schmitt, ‘Welt großartigster Spannung’, reprinted in G.Maschke (ed.), Staat, Großraum, Nomos (1995), at 514.
51. ‘Staatsgebiet und Herrschaftsrä ume’., at 513.
52. ‘geheimnisvolle Urgrund allen Lebens’. C. Schmitt, Land undMeer (1981), at 9.
53. ‘wilde Abenteurer und Seeschä umer, kü hne, die Ozeane durchstreifendeWaljä ger und wagende Segler sind die ersten Helden einer neuen maritimen Existenz’. ‘geheimnisvolle Urgrund allen Lebens’., at 29.
54. ‘wilde Abenteurer und Seeschä umer, kü hne, die Ozeane durchstreifendeWaljä ger und wagende Segler sind die ersten Helden einer neuen maritimen Existenz’., at 52.
55. ‘die harte Zucht und Auswahl eines bestimmtenMenschenschlages’. ‘wilde Abenteurer und Seeschä umer, kü hne, die Ozeane durchstreifendeWaljä ger und wagende Segler sind die ersten Helden einer neuen maritimen Existenz’., at 98.
56. ‘Man is a land creature, a land-stepper. He stands and goes and moves on the solid Earth. That is his position and his fundament; that is how he receives perspective; this is what determines his impressions and hisway of seeing the world.’ ‘die harte Zucht und Auswahl eines bestimmtenMenschenschlages’., at 7.
57. Cf. C. Schmitt, ‘DasMeer gegen das Land’, reprinted inMaschke, ‘Man is a land creature, a land-stepper. note 52, at 396.
58. ‘handelten auf privates, eigenes Risiko imallergefä hrlichsten Sinne desWortes’. ‘Man is a land creature, a land-stepper., at 396.
59. ‘ist und bleibt ein Sohn der Erde’. Schmitt, ‘handelten auf privates, eigenes Risiko imallergefä hrlichsten Sinne desWortes’. note 52, at 514.
60. ‘konkreteWahrheit ist niemals utopisch’. ‘ist und bleibt ein Sohn der Erde’.
61. ‘eine freie Entscheidung ü ber Art und Formseiner politischen Existenz’. Schmitt, ‘konkreteWahrheit ist niemals utopisch’. note 18, at 78.
62. ‘eine freie Entscheidung ü ber Art und Formseiner politischen Existenz’., at 83.
63. ‘eine freie Entscheidung ü ber Art und Formseiner politischen Existenz’., at 242.
64. ‘unorganisierbares, “undefinierbares Fluidum”’ (emphasis added). C. Schmitt, Hü ter der Verfassung (1931), at 83.
65. ‘die Flut der Demokratie, gegen die es seit 1789 keinen Damm zu geben scheint’. C. Schmitt, Die geistesgeschichtliche Lage des heutigen Parlamentarismus (1926), 31.
66. ‘unwiderstehlich kommende und sich ausbreitendeMacht’. ‘die Flut der Demokratie, gegen die es seit 1789 keinen Damm zu geben scheint’., at 32.
67. ‘However, suchneutral counter-forces belong to today's stateandthis statewould at any rate be inconceivable without them, because there can be no true state which would only be a pluralistic state of political parties. Apart from the mere powers wielded by political parties, there must always be other, impartial powers transcending those of the political parties, if the unity of the state is not to dissolve into a pluralistic set of social power complexes existing side by side’ (author's translation). Schmitt, ‘unwiderstehlich kommende und sich ausbreitendeMacht’. note 68, at 100 et seq.
68. Schmitt, ‘However, suchneutral counter-forces belong to today's stateandthis statewould at any rate be inconceivable without them, because there can be no true state which would only be a pluralistic state of political parties. note 54, at 44.
69. J. N. Pieterse, ‘Emancipation, Modern and Postmodern’, in J. N. Pieterse (ed.), Emancipation, Modern and Postmodern (1992), 11 et seq.
70. See Schmitt, Begriff des Politischen, ‘However, suchneutral counter-forces belong to today's stateandthis statewould at any rate be inconceivable without them, because there can be no true state which would only be a pluralistic state of political parties. note 26, at 27.
71. ‘konkrete Existentialitä t’. ‘However, suchneutral counter-forces belong to today's stateandthis statewould at any rate be inconceivable without them, because there can be no true state which would only be a pluralistic state of political parties., at 65.
72. See ‘konkrete Existentialitä t’., at 61.
73. SeeW. Rasch, ‘Conflict as a Vocation’, (2000) 17 Theory, Culture and Society 1, at 11.
74. See Schmitt, Begriff des Politischen, ‘konkrete Existentialitä t’. note 26, at 15.
75. ‘konkrete Existentialitä t’., at 28.
76. See Kennedy, ‘konkrete Existentialitä t’… note 5, at 43.
77. See Schmitt, Begriff des Politischen, ‘konkrete Existentialitä t’… note 26, at 27.
78. See C. Galli, ‘The Critic of Liberalism” Carl Schmitt's Antiliberalism” Its Theoretical and Historical Sources and Its Philosophical and PoliticalMeaning’, (2000) 21 Cardozo Law Review 1597, at 1607.
79. See Schmitt, Begriff des Politischen, ‘konkrete Existentialitä t’… note 26, at 33. Kennedy correctly asserts that other conservative contemporaries of Schmitt such as Ernst Jü nger and Erich Kaufmann did in fact idealize struggle as virtue. See Kennedy, ‘konkrete Existentialitä t’… note 5, at 44 and n. 34.
80. The following sections of the article will take up Schmitt's definition of a political unit. When I refer to ‘political unit’ or ‘political community’, and so on, I mean them in the Schmittian sense.
81. See Schmitt, Begriff des Politischen, The following sections of the article will take up Schmitt's definition of a political unit. note 26, at 20.
82. See Kennedy, The following sections of the article will take up Schmitt's definition of a political unit. note 5, at 42.
83. See Fontana, The following sections of the article will take up Schmitt's definition of a political unit. note 4, at 1519.
84. Schmitt equates pre-state conditions with a condition of insecurity. Cf. Schmitt, The following sections of the article will take up Schmitt's definition of a political unit. note 12, at 69.
85. See Schmitt, Begriff des Politischen, Schmitt equates pre-state conditions with a condition of insecurity. note 26, at 10.
86. Schmitt equates pre-state conditions with a condition of insecurity., at 54.
87. The German word Einheit translates as both ‘unit’ and ‘unity’.
88. In Legalitä t und Legitimitä t, Schmitt clarifies ‘the concept of the political’ appearing in the opening sentence of Der Begriff des Politischen ('The concept of the state presupposes the concept of the political')” ‘In times of stable jurisprudence and of consolidated property relationships, a jurisprudential state will prevail… Incidentally, one could hardly describe such a community as a “state”, because a political unit would have been replaced by a legal community that is, at least in fiction, apolitical’ (author's translation). Schmitt, The German word Einheit translates as both ‘unit’ and ‘unity’. note 42, at 10 et seq.
89. Schmitt saw the possibility of finding an internal enemy, too.However, the civilizing thrust of his state focus could only work on the inter-state plane, so that his primary concern was the external ‘other’.
90. ‘Die politischeWelt ist ein Pluriversum, kein Universum. Insofern ist jede Staatstheorie pluralistisch’. See Schmitt, Begriff des Politischen, Schmitt saw the possibility of finding an internal enemy note 26, at 54.
91. This approach is illustrated by Schmitt's interpretation of the 1928 Kellogg-Briand Pact. Since international enemies ensure internal unity and homogeneity, and thus are crucial for the stability of the state, Schmitt wasnot prepared to acknowledge a ban oninternational war-after all, doing sowould havemadeimpossible the very statist approach that he was still following in hisWeimar work. ‘Die politischeWelt ist ein Pluriversum, kein Universum., at 51.
92. Cf. the foreword to the 1963 edition of Der Begriff des Politischen.
93. See Schmitt, Begriff des Politischen, ‘Die politischeWelt ist ein Pluriversum, kein Universum. note 26, at 29.
94. ‘Den Feind impolitischen Sinne brauchtman nicht persö nlich zu hassen’. ‘Die politischeWelt ist ein Pluriversum, kein Universum.
95. See Kennedy, ‘Den Feind impolitischen Sinne brauchtman nicht persö nlich zu hassen’. note 5, at 44.
96. Cf. Holmes, ‘Den Feind impolitischen Sinne brauchtman nicht persö nlich zu hassen’. note 13, at 41-3.
97. SeeR.Howse, ‘FromLegitimacy to Dictatorship-and Back again, Leo Strauss'sCritique of theAnti-liberalism of Carl Schmitt’, (1997) 10 Canadian Journal of Law and Jurisprudence 77, at 86.
98. ‘Den Feind impolitischen Sinne brauchtman nicht persö nlich zu hassen’. (emphasis in original).
99. ‘Den Feind impolitischen Sinne brauchtman nicht persö nlich zu hassen’., at 80.
100. See Schmitt, Begriff des Politischen, ‘Den Feind impolitischen Sinne brauchtman nicht persö nlich zu hassen’… note 26, at 67.
101. ‘Hö hepunkte der grossen Politik’. ‘Den Feind impolitischen Sinne brauchtman nicht persö nlich zu hassen’.
102. ‘DieHö hepunkte der grossenPolitiksind zugleichdieAugenblicke, indenender Feind inkonkreterDeutlichkeit als Feind erblickt wird’ (at the same time, those moments where the enemy is actually and in concrete perspicuity recognized as the enemy represent the culmination of high politics-author's translation). ‘Hö hepunkte der grossen Politik’., at 67.
103. ‘DieHö hepunkte der grossenPolitiksind zugleichdieAugenblicke, indenender Feind inkonkreterDeutlichkeit als Feind erblickt wird’., at 55.
104. ‘DieHö hepunkte der grossenPolitiksind zugleichdieAugenblicke, indenender Feind inkonkreterDeutlichkeit als Feind erblickt wird’., at 37.
105. ‘DieHö hepunkte der grossenPolitiksind zugleichdieAugenblicke, indenender Feind inkonkreterDeutlichkeit als Feind erblickt wird’., at 51.
106. To give a brief overview of possible connotations” first, the German verb hegen can be translated as ‘to foster’ or ‘to nourish’. From this perspective, ‘Hegung of war’ implies that the jus publicum europaeum embraced war as such, i.e. that it reducedwar, touse the commondefinition of war inpolitical science, to organized violence between contending political communities.Hence,mundane war could not rise to god-like activity. Second, the German verbs einhegen and umhegen have a territorial implication (this territorial implication of ‘Hegung of war’ is enunciated in Schmitt, ‘DieHö hepunkte der grossenPolitiksind zugleichdieAugenblicke, indenender Feind inkonkreterDeutlichkeit als Feind erblickt wird’… note 38, at 22)” umhegen translates into ‘to enclose’.
107. See Schmitt, To give a brief overview of possible connotations” first, the German verb hegen can be translated as ‘to foster’ or ‘to nourish’. note 38, at 94.
108. See E. de Vattel, Le droit des gens (1758), Book 3 of War, § 188, http//www.constitution.org/vattel/ vattel_03.htm (visited 23 Aug. 2005).
109. Schmitt, To give a brief overview of possible connotations” first, the German verb hegen can be translated as ‘to foster’ or ‘to nourish’. note 38, at 129.
110. See Schmitt, Begriff des Politischen, To give a brief overview of possible connotations” first, the German verb hegen can be translated as ‘to foster’ or ‘to nourish’. note 26, at 11.
111. See Schmitt, To give a brief overview of possible connotations” first, the German verb hegen can be translated as ‘to foster’ or ‘to nourish’. note 38, at 159.
112. To give a brief overview of possible connotations” first, the German verb hegen can be translated as ‘to foster’ or ‘to nourish’., at 25.
113. Schmitt, To give a brief overview of possible connotations” first, the German verb hegen can be translated as ‘to foster’ or ‘to nourish’. note 12, at 64.
114. See C. Schmitt, Vö lkerrechtliche Großraumordnung mit Interventionsverbot im Vö lkerrecht (1941), at 70.
115. ‘Hö rt der Schutz auf, so hö rt auch der Staat selber auf und jede Gehorsamspflicht entfä llt’. See Schmitt, To give a brief overview of possible connotations” first, the German verb hegen can be translated as ‘to foster’ or ‘to nourish’. note 12, at 113.
116. Cf. Schmitt, ‘Hö rt der Schutz auf, so hö rt auch der Staat selber auf und jede Gehorsamspflicht entfä llt’. note 38, at 159.
117. ‘Hö rt der Schutz auf, so hö rt auch der Staat selber auf und jede Gehorsamspflicht entfä llt’., at 113.
118. ‘The essence of European public international law was the bracketing of war. The essence of such wars was the orderly trial of strength in a bracketed space in front of witnesses. Such wars are the opposite of disorder. In them lies the supreme degree of order that man can bring about. They are the only protection against a circle of violence and escalating reprisals, that is, acts driven by nihilistic hatred and vengeance, acts that senselessly aim at mutual destruction.’ ‘Hö rt der Schutz auf, so hö rt auch der Staat selber auf und jede Gehorsamspflicht entfä llt’., at 158 et seq.
119. J. Gorry, “'JustWar” or JustWar? The Future(s) of a Tradition’, (2000) 20 Politics 177, at 183.
120. Cf. C. Schmitt, ‘Tyrannei derWert’, in K. Doehring (ed.), Sä kularisation und Utopie, Festschrift fü r Ernst Forsthoff (1967), at 37 et seq.
121. ‘The essence of European public international law was the bracketing of war., at 46.
122. Cf. R. Koselleck, Vergangene Zukunft (1989), at 211 et seq.
123. Cf. ‘The essence of European public international law was the bracketing of war. note 113 and accompanying text.
124. Cf. I.M. Porras, ‘On Terrorism” Reflections on Violence and the Outlaw’, (1994) Utah Law Review 119, at 124.
125. C. Schmitt, DieWendung zum diskriminierenden Kriegsbegriff (1988), at 47.
126. As to Schmitt's concept of neutrality cf. C. Schmitt, ‘ü ber das Verhä ltnis der Begriffe Krieg und Feind’, repr. in G.Maschke (ed.), Frieden oder Pazifismus? (2005), at 598 et seq.
127. M. Koskenniemi, “'The Lady Doth Protest tooMuch”-Kosovo, and the Turn to Ethics in International Law’, (2002) 65 Modern Law Review 159, at 162 and 172.
128. Cf. E.W. Lefever, ‘Duty Bound’ (review of J. Elshtain, JustWar against Terror. The Burden of American Power in a ViolentWorld (2003)),Washington Post, 6 April 2003, T04.
129. Cf. G.Wills, ‘With God On His Side’, NYTMagazine, 30March 2003, 29.
130. The result is that there is no chance of nuanced solutions. Schmitt's piracy metaphor is particularly apt, the tradition being that rather than just punishing individual pirates, the entire pirate ship would be sunk in battle. ‘If the ship is captured, everyone will be hanged” captured together, hanged together, with the exception of those in chains.’ Reported by Balakrishnan, Cf. ‘The essence of European public international law was the bracketing of war. note 113 and accompanying text. note 1, at 240. See further M. Koskenniemi, The Gentle Civilizer of Nations (2001), 434 and 462, who calls attention to the fact that by denominating an action ‘humanitarian’ the enemy forces are located outside the purview of humanity.
131. As to the subject matter cf. further J.-C. Monod, ‘La Dé stabilisation humanitaire du droit international et le retour de la guerre juste’, 2004 Les Etudes Philosophiques, at 39 et seq., esp. at 40.
132. Cf. ‘President Bush Addresses the Nation’, 19 March 2003, http//www.whitehouse.gov/news/releases/2003/ 03/20030319-17.html (last visited 23 Aug. 2005).
133. D. Kristof, ‘Let's Stay Focused on Postwar Goals’, International Herald Tribune, 29March 2003, at 6.
134. Cf. ‘Schiiten boykottieren Garners Konferenz’, Der Spiegel, 15 April 2003, http//www.spiegel.de (last visited 23 Aug. 2005).
135. The shift in international law to ethics ormorality in order to justify and legitimize the use of force becomes more transparent in situations exhibiting the incredibly high threshold that is set by the UN Charter's prohibition on the use of force.
136. ‘For thewar on land, the states of the European continent have constituted specific forms since the sixteenth century, forms that are based on the idea that war is a relationship between state and state. On both sides stands a state's organizedmilitary power, and the armiesmeet on the open battlefield. As enemies, only the fighting armies clash,while the non-fighting civil population stays out of hostilities.’ Schmitt, The shift in international law to ethics ormorality in order to justify and legitimize the use of force becomes more transparent in situations exhibiting the incredibly high threshold that is set by the UN Charter's prohibition on the use of force. note 54, at 89.
137. ‘Duell zwischen satisfiktionsfä higen Kavalieren’. C. Schmitt, Theorie des Partisanen (1975), 49 et seq.
138. ‘Menschen dahin zu bringen, dass sie auf eine Diskriminierung und Defamierung ihrer Feinde verzichten’. ‘For thewar on land, the states of the European continent have constituted specific forms since the sixteenth century, forms that are based on the idea that war is a relationship between state and state., at 90.
139. ‘The tremendous change can be construed as part of a dialectical development, which proceeds in three stages” from the absolute state of the seventeenth and eighteenth century to the neutral state of the liberal nineteenth century to the total state of an identity between state and society.’ Schmitt, ‘Menschen dahin zu bringen, dass sie auf eine Diskriminierung und Defamierung ihrer Feinde verzichten’. note 68, at 79.
140. J.-J. Rousseau, ‘Fragments onWar’, reprinted in S. Hoffmann and D. P. Fidler (eds.), Rousseau on International Relations (1991), at 52.
141. Unsurprisingly, after the SecondWorldWar Schmitt became a grim critic of the welfare state, since it eroded the very basis of Hegung des Krieges. The welfare state rests, in a Schmittian analysis, the legitimacy of the state on activities that obfuscate the existence of the political.
142. For example cf. Schmitt, ‘Die Einheit derWelt’, reprinted inMaschke, Unsurprisingly, after the SecondWorldWar Schmitt became a grim critic of the welfare state, since it eroded the very basis of Hegung des Krieges. note 52, at 500.
143. Cf. Schmitt, ‘Der neue Der Nomos der Erde’, Unsurprisingly, after the SecondWorldWar Schmitt became a grim critic of the welfare state, since it eroded the very basis of Hegung des Krieges., at 519.
144. Cf. Schmitt, Unsurprisingly, after the SecondWorldWar Schmitt became a grim critic of the welfare state, since it eroded the very basis of Hegung des Krieges. note 54, at 73.
145. Cf. Schmitt, Unsurprisingly, after the SecondWorldWar Schmitt became a grim critic of the welfare state, since it eroded the very basis of Hegung des Krieges. note 38, at 62.
146. Cf. Schmitt's summary on the distinction between intra-European and extra-European wars. See Schmitt, Unsurprisingly, after the SecondWorldWar Schmitt became a grim critic of the welfare state, since it eroded the very basis of Hegung des Krieges. note 38, at 155.
147. Cf., at 207.
148. Cf., at 62.
149. Cf., at 66.
150. Schmitt followed the prevailing interpretation of classical international law, namely that recourse to force was but a political decision outside the realm of law, i.e. it was extralegal, with international law only prescribing in bello equality. In a second line of reasoning, which one might call a Vattelian tradition, war might have fallen within the purview of law, but, since every state was its own judge and the system lacked a superior deciding body, jus in bello (and jus post bello) were not to differentiate between the parties.
151. As to the term bellum legale cf. J. L. Kunz, ‘Bellum Justum and Bellum Legale’, (1951) 45 AJIL 528, at 528.
152. I. L. Claude, ‘JustWars” Doctrines and Institutions’, (1980) 95 Political Science Quarterly 83, at 92.
153. Rome Statute, Art. 8(2)(b)(iii).
154. Kunz, Rome Statute note 156, at 532, uses this very term to describe the approach taken by the League of Nations.
155. Nothingmore and nothing less.
156. UN Doc. S/Res/661 (1990).
157. On Rights and Duties of Neutral Powers and Persons in Case ofWar on Land.
158. On Rights and Duties of Neutral Powers in NavalWar.
159. Emphasis added.
160. For an instructive overview of the literature consistentwith this view see G. C. Petrochilos, ‘The Relevance of theConcepts ofWar andArmedConflict to the LawofNeutrality’, (1998) 31Vanderbilt Journal ofTransnational Law 575, at 581, n. 26.
161. Cf. Petrochilos, Emphasis added. note 166, at 583.
162. Cf. Kunz, Cf. Petrochilos note 156, at 532.
163. However questionable this institution might be from a democratic viewpoint that considers the world community as the demos.
164. M. Albright, ‘Think Again” The United Nations’, (2003) September/October Foreign Policy. http//www. foreignpolicy.com/story/cms.php?story_id= 34& print = 1 (last visited 23 Aug. 2005).
165. Cf. Koselleck, However questionable this institution might be from a democratic viewpoint that considers the world community as the demos. note 127, at 258.
166. Reported by C. R. Kö ster, Außenpolitik und Politikbegriff bei Carl Schmitt (1998), at 70.
167. ‘Thiswas a life-endangering battle between two creatures, both ofwhich moved about in the element of the sea, with neither of them being a fish in the zoological sense… HermanMelville… expresses in his Moby Dick how a personal relationship and an intimate, hostile-friendly bond comes about between the hunter and his game.’ Schmitt, However questionable this institution might be from a democratic viewpoint that considers the world community as the demos. note 54, at 33.