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Volumn 24, Issue 1, 1996, Pages 46-67

Toward a Feminist Theory of Freedom

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EID: 84997868322     PISSN: 00905917     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1177/0090591796024001004     Document Type: Article
Times cited : (35)

References (68)
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    • Chicago: University of Chicago Press, for an excellent survey of the range of definitions of freedom
    • See Richard Flathman, The Philosophy and Politics of Freedom (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1987), for an excellent survey of the range of definitions of freedom.
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    • Some critics will complain that I have collapsed two different conceptions of positive liberty here. Berlin, for instance, insists that positive liberty absolutely requires external determination of the will, and specifically determination by the state, as in Rousseau's infamous forcer d'etre libre. A central element for many positive libertarians such as Rousseau, however, is that freedom consists in following your true will, and that in turn involves a “freedom from” internal desires and passions that do not represent the true or higher self. Taylor emphasizes this same “divided self” in his account of positive liberty, focusing on internal barriers to realizing the better or higher desire rather than on the external mechanism that directs you to it, but does so in an individualist fashion; in his examples, the subject always seems to know that he or she has a higher and lower desire and is struggling to achieve the former. However, Taylor points out that even this individualist account of positive liberty implicitly incorporates aspects of Berlin's view by maintaining that a focus on inner barriers inevitably leads to “second guessing,” and I follow him here; but he stops short of acknowledging the ways in which this second guessing in turn can lead inevitably to state intervention. On the other hand, Berlin's focus on state determination leads to his forgetting about the importance of the divided self and the internal barriers to realizing the preferred or “true” will
    • Some critics will complain that I have collapsed two different conceptions of positive liberty here. Berlin, for instance, insists that positive liberty absolutely requires external determination of the will, and specifically determination by the state, as in Rousseau's infamous forcer d'etre libre. A central element for many positive libertarians such as Rousseau, however, is that freedom consists in following your true will, and that in turn involves a “freedom from” internal desires and passions that do not represent the true or higher self. Taylor emphasizes this same “divided self” in his account of positive liberty, focusing on internal barriers to realizing the better or higher desire rather than on the external mechanism that directs you to it, but does so in an individualist fashion; in his examples, the subject always seems to know that he or she has a higher and lower desire and is struggling to achieve the former. However, Taylor points out that even this individualist account of positive liberty implicitly incorporates aspects of Berlin's view by maintaining that a focus on inner barriers inevitably leads to “second guessing,” and I follow him here; but he stops short of acknowledging the ways in which this second guessing in turn can lead inevitably to state intervention. On the other hand, Berlin's focus on state determination leads to his forgetting about the importance of the divided self and the internal barriers to realizing the preferred or “true” will. See Berlin, “Two Concepts of Liberty,” esp. 133–34;
    • Two Concepts of Liberty , pp. 133-134
    • Berlin1
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    • Negative and Positive Freedom
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    • Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press
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    • The Measurement of Pure Negative Freedom
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    • Constructing and Deconstructing Liberty
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    • On Positive and Negative Liberty
    • Gray, “On Positive and Negative Liberty”;
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    • Those who focus on Berlin's differentiation between “freedom from” and “freedom to” to illustrate its incoherence—every freedom from is a freedom to—miss the deeper point of this external/internal divide. See, for instance
    • Those who focus on Berlin's differentiation between “freedom from” and “freedom to” to illustrate its incoherence—every freedom from is a freedom to—miss the deeper point of this external/internal divide. See, for instance, Patterson, Freedom;
    • Freedom
    • Patterson1
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    • See, for instance, New York: Routledge
    • See, for instance, Judith Butler, Gender Trouble (New York: Routledge, 1990)
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    • In this, it is important to note that social constructionism does not require that theorists reject individualism or negative freedom out of hand. Developed in part as a response to absolutist political authority and emerging political movements for parliamentarian and representative government, and motivated in turn by largely economic considerations (see, Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press
    • In this, it is important to note that social constructionism does not require that theorists reject individualism or negative freedom out of hand. Developed in part as a response to absolutist political authority and emerging political movements for parliamentarian and representative government, and motivated in turn by largely economic considerations (see Richard Ashcraft, Revolutionary Politics and Locke's Two Treatises [Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1986];
    • (1986) Revolutionary Politics and Locke's Two Treatises
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    • New York: Oxford University Press, the emphasis on the individual as the unit of analysis and freedom as noninterference by governments is an understandable, although not the only possible, reaction to contemporary historical and political conditions. However, calling these conceptions natural and timeless obfuscates their origin and meaning, decontextualizes and dehistoricizes, and thereby hides their biases. In such hidden biases lie the clangers of totalizing representation and the erasure of men and women of color, White women, workers, and the poor
    • C. B. Macpherson, The Political Theory of Possessive Individualism: Hobbes to Locke [New York: Oxford University Press, 1964]), the emphasis on the individual as the unit of analysis and freedom as noninterference by governments is an understandable, although not the only possible, reaction to contemporary historical and political conditions. However, calling these conceptions natural and timeless obfuscates their origin and meaning, decontextualizes and dehistoricizes, and thereby hides their biases. In such hidden biases lie the clangers of totalizing representation and the erasure of men and women of color, White women, workers, and the poor.
    • (1964) The Political Theory of Possessive Individualism: Hobbes to Locke
    • Macpherson, C.B.1
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    • The Essence of the Triangle, or Taking the Risk of Essentialism Seriously: Feminist Theory in Italy, the U.S., and Britain
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    • quoted and translated by Teresa de Lauretis, “The Essence of the Triangle, or Taking the Risk of Essentialism Seriously: Feminist Theory in Italy, the U.S., and Britain,” Differences 1, no. 2 (1989): 16.
    • (1989) Differences , vol.1 , Issue.2 , pp. 16
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    • See, for instance, New York: Macmillan
    • See, for instance, Angela Brown, When Battered Women Kill (New York: Macmillan, 1987);
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    • Catherine MacKinnon, “Not a Moral Issue,” Feminism Unmodified (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1984).
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    • Furthermore, as, Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, the distinction between responsibility and blame is important; while feminists may not be able to blame individual men for patriarchy because they are victimized by it—perhaps even (some? many?) White, economically privileged men—we nevertheless can hold men collectively responsible for it because they benefit from the power it gives them over women and they either tacitly or overtly refuse to resist those benefits just as many Whites (women as well as men) tacitly accept the benefits of race privilege. As some benefit more than others, some are more responsible than others
    • Furthermore, as Iris Young argues (Justice and the Politics of Difference [Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1990]), the distinction between responsibility and blame is important; while feminists may not be able to blame individual men for patriarchy because they are victimized by it—perhaps even (some? many?) White, economically privileged men—we nevertheless can hold men collectively responsible for it because they benefit from the power it gives them over women and they either tacitly or overtly refuse to resist those benefits just as many Whites (women as well as men) tacitly accept the benefits of race privilege. As some benefit more than others, some are more responsible than others.
    • (1990) Justice and the Politics of Difference
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    • Equality is another example of such an aporia; while the liberal discourse of equality has been critiqued for including only White propertied men, the logic of equality discourse has provided access for feminists from Mary Wollstonecraft onward, as well as people of color, to claim new powers and statuses within liberal society. See, Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press
    • Equality is another example of such an aporia; while the liberal discourse of equality has been critiqued for including only White propertied men, the logic of equality discourse has provided access for feminists from Mary Wollstonecraft onward, as well as people of color, to claim new powers and statuses within liberal society. See Patricia Williams, The Alchemy of Race and Rights: Diary of a Law Professor (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1990).
    • (1990) The Alchemy of Race and Rights: Diary of a Law Professor
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    • By this, I mean that social construction suggests that by saying women are inferior, women are inferior; that is, culture, ethics, and law encode the belief and it becomes materialized. But this materialization is never total, hence the ability to challenge the claim even as one lives it. See
    • By this, I mean that social construction suggests that by saying women are inferior, women are inferior; that is, culture, ethics, and law encode the belief and it becomes materialized. But this materialization is never total, hence the ability to challenge the claim even as one lives it. See Butler, Bodies That Matter
    • Bodies That Matter
    • Butler1
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    • New York: Norton, on consciousness-raising groups
    • and Betty Friedan, The Feminine Mystique (New York: Norton, 1963), on consciousness-raising groups;
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    • Boston: Unwin Hyman, chap. 6, on Black “community othermothering”
    • see Patricia Hill Collins, Black Feminist Thought (Boston: Unwin Hyman, 1990), chap. 6, on Black “community othermothering”;
    • (1990) Black Feminist Thought
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    • Boston: Beacon, on menstruation huts
    • and see Emily Martin, The Woman in the Body (Boston: Beacon, 1987), on menstruation huts.
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    • Milan Women's Bookstore Collective, Trans. by Patricia Cicogna and Teresa deLauretis (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 129, 138, 28, 129, 147, 119
    • Milan Women's Bookstore Collective, Sexual Difference: A Theory of Social-Symbolic Practice, Trans. by Patricia Cicogna and Teresa deLauretis (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1990), 129, 138, 28, 129, 147, 119.
    • (1990) Sexual Difference: A Theory of Social-Symbolic Practice
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    • They even talk in terms of a “female social contract,” which I find an unfortunate choice of terms, Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, although this must be understood in terms of the reformulated conception of the “individual contractor” as a self located in relationship rather than the abstract interest maximizer of social contract theory, 138
    • They even talk in terms of a “female social contract,” which I find an unfortunate choice of terms (Nancy J. Hirschmann, Rethinking Obligation [Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1992]), although this must be understood in terms of the reformulated conception of the “individual contractor” as a self located in relationship rather than the abstract interest maximizer of social contract theory, 138.
    • (1992) Rethinking Obligation
    • Hirschmann, N.J.1
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    • Evaluation of a Treatment Program for Battered Wives
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    • Cox, J.W.1    Stoltenberg, C.D.2


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