Solving the puzzle of ‘Red.’ sirius

Journal for the History of Astronomy

Volumn 27, Issue 2, 1996, Pages 93-128

  Ceragioli, R C ^a  

^a UNIVERSITY OF HOUSTON   (United States)

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EID: 84992884102     PISSN: 00218286     EISSN: 17538556     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1177/002182869602700201     Document Type: Article

References (97)

1. For the first paper, see Ceragioli R. C. “The debate concerning ‘red.’ Sirius”. Journal for the history of astronomy. xxvi (1995). 187–226. I will assume in the present article that the reader is familiar with the details of this paper.
2. for a previous attempt at a solution, see Ceragioli R., “The riddle of red. Sirius”, in Ruggles C. L. N. Saunders N. J. (ed.s). Astronomies and cultures (Niwot, Col., 1993). 67–99. The present paper refines that solution (especially as regards Ptolemy) and to seeks to make it known to a wider body of interested. scholars.
3. The translations of all texts in this paper are my own unless otherwise noted. By “brightest” Ptolemy means “the brightest star in the sky”. On this point see Toomer G. J., Ptolemy's Almagest (New York and London. 1984; hereafter: Ptolemy's Almagest), 387 (n. 88) and 405. The Greek text can be found in Heiberg J. L. (ed.), Claudii Ptolemaei opera quae exstant omnia, i: Syntaxis mathematica. ii (Leipzig, 1903; hereafter: Syntaxis ii). 142.
4. The Greeks and Romans generally did not distinguish the constellation Canis Major from the star Sirius by name, but often called. both simply “Dog” (Greek. “” Latin. “Canis”), as Ptolemy does in the present passage. Occasionally, however, the name normally reserved. for the star itself (Greek, “”: Latin. “Sirius” or “Canicula”) was applied. to the whole constellation. For more on these difficulties of stellar nomenclature see below, ref. 54.
5. The translations are Toomer's: See Ptolemy's Almagest. 348 and 374 [= Syntaxis ii. 52 and 114]. “Engonasin” — or to be precise. “ [On-His-Knees]” — was the usual Greek name for the constellation now known as “Hercules”.
6. Ptolemy's Almagest. 340 (= Syntaxis ii. 37].
7. For Ptolemy's references to the globe, see Almagest 7.4 [= Ptolemy's Almagest. 339; Syntaxis ii. 36]; and especially Almagest 8.3 [= Ptolemy's Almagest. 404–7; Syntaxis ii, 179–85], where he details its construction. At Almagest 8.6 [= Ptolemy's Almagest. 417; Syntaxis ii. 204] Ptolemy speaks of manipulating the globe to ascertain phases of stars. These data were need.ed. for astrological prognostications concerning the weather.
8. For the second star catalogue, see Tetrabiblos 1.9, in Boll F. Boer Æ. (ed.s), Claudii Ptolemaei opera quae exstant omnia, iii, 1: ’ (Leipzig, 1957), 22–30. An English translation of the Tetrabiblos exists in the Loeb Classical Library series: Robbins F. E. (ed.), Ptolemy Tetrabiblos (Cambridge, Mass. and London, 1980). The star catalogue can be found at Robbins, Ptolemy's Almagest., 46–59. On the relationship between the Almagest and the Tetrabiblos, see Ptolemy's discussion at Tetrabiblos 1.1 [= Boll and Boer, Ptolemy's Almagest., 2–3; Robbins, Ptolemy's Almagest., 2–5].
9. Boll Boer, Ptolemy Tetrabiblos (ref. 8), 23.10–17; Robbins, Ptolemy Tetrabiblos (ref. 8), 46–47.
10. At Almagest 7.4 [= Ptolemy's Almagest, 340; Syntaxis ii, 37], Ptolemy cites some examples of changes he has made to Hipparchus's constellation shapes.
11. The globe's obvious limitation as an image of the sky is that it presents the sky mirror-reversed.: Users of the globe see the sky as it were from outside the celestial sphere, whereas observers of the real sky see the celestial sphere from inside.
12. It is applied. in the Almagest to all the first magnitude stars whose modern B-V colour index is 1.0 or greater (Aldebaran, Betelgeuse, Pollux, Arcturus, and Antares).
13. The description of the Milky Way occurs at Almagest 8.2 [= Ptolemy's Almagest, 400–4; Syntaxis ii, 170–9]. For the axis and graduated. rings see Almagest 8.3 [= Ptolemy's Almagest, 404–7; Syntaxis ii, 179–85].
14. Almagest 8.3 [= Ptolemy's Almagest, 405–6; Syntaxis ii, 181–2].
15. The contradiction will not be stark, because Ptolemy has chosen “pale yellow” or “flaxen” (“”) as his default colour. But it is still strange. Sirius should be coloured. the default (like Vega or Rigel), not the of Betelgeuse and Antares.
16. Ptolemy's Almagest, 4–5. Toomer has been partially anticipated. in the notion of interpolation by the Almagest's most recent ed.itor: See Heiberg J. L. (ed.), Claudii Ptolemaei opera quae extant omnia, ii: Opera astronomica minora (Leipzig, 1907), pp. xciii–cix.
17. On the general format of ancient books, see: Reynolds L. D. Wilson N. G., Scribes and scholars, 3rd ed.n (Oxford, 1991), 2–5, and Plate I. For the lengths of some ancient rolls, see Claudii Ptolemaei opera quae extant omnia, ii, 244–5.
18. Ptolemy's Almagest, 5 and n. 8: And Heiberg, Scribes and scholars (ref. 16), p. cxlii (n. 2).
19. Heiberg believed. that the chapter divisions were due to the booksellers: See Heiberg, Scribes and scholars (ref. 16), p. cxli. But perhaps the use of terms such as ‘ed.itor’ and ‘bookseller’ are anachronisms. The publication and dissemination of books seems to have been largely unorganized. in Antiquity. A more probable scenario for the propagation of a modified. Ptolemaic text would envisage the normal mechanism of individual copying: A prominent scholar might make his own privately ed.ited. text available to his students or to other scholars for copying. If he were a member of the Alexandrian Museum, he might also deposit a copy of his text in the Museum's library for copying and research. The prestige of the scholar or his ed.ited. version's usefulness might guarantee that his text was the one people tended. to copy. For useful comments on ancient ‘ed.itions’ see Turner E. G., Greek papyri (Princeton, 1968), 112–13.
20. A med.ieval biographical notice appears in the Suda: Adler A. (ed.), Suidae lexicon, ii (Leipzig, 1931), 702. 10–16; a modern discussion by Toomer G. J. can be found under “Theon of Alexandria” in Gillispie C. C. (ed.), Dictionary of scientific biography, xiii (New York, 1976), 321–25. Concerning scholarship at Alexandria in late Antiquity one may consult, Wilson N. G., Scholars of Byzantium (Baltimore, 1983), 42–49.
21. See Toomer, Suidae lexicon (ref. 20), 322. For the even more drastic effects of the early Alexandrian scholars on Homer, see the brief account given in Reynolds Wilson, Suidae lexicon (ref. 17), 8–13.
22. See Heiberg's descriptions of mss. B (Vat. graec. 1594), Vat. graec. 198, and G (Vat. graec. 184) in Heiberg, Suidae lexicon (ref. 16), pp. xxxiv and xxii; and Syntaxis ii, p. iii.
23. Heiberg, Syntaxis (ref. 16), pp. xciii–cxxvii, especially pp. cxxvi–cxxvii. It should be noted. that Toomer disagrees with Heiberg's suspicion about D: See Ptolemy's Almagest, 3. Nevertheless, both men agree in principle that the Almagest contains numerous interpolations, which is all that matters to my argument.
24. These can be gleaned. from Toomer's “Appendix B” in Ptolemy's Almagest, 661–7. Toomer cites them according to the volume, page, and line number of Heiberg's text: Vol. i [= Heiberg J. L. (ed.), Claudii Ptolemaei opera quae exstant omnia, i: Syntaxis mathematica, i (Leipzig, 1898; hereafter: Syntaxis i)], 225.4; 317.4–5; 319.7; 353.24–354.1; 358.20–21; 385.7; 404.17–18; 417.23; 451.12–13; 475.15–17; 498.8; and vol. ii [= Syntaxis ii], 259.4–5; 319.8; 504.20; 526.1.
25. See i [= Syntaxis i], 72.13–15; 318.11 [not cited. in “Appendix B”, but rather at Ptolemy's Almagest, 201 (n. 45)]; and ii [= Syntaxis ii], 12.12; 522 (col. 4); 525.23. Note that for “ii, 522” Toomer reads “ii, 520” in error (see Ptolemy's Almagest, 666). At i, 347.16–17, and ii, 260.8, we have significant omissions in the entire Greek manuscript tradition.
26. Almagest 12.9–10 [= Ptolemy's Almagest, 595–6; Syntaxis ii, 520–2].
27. Other major interpolations suspected. by Toomer include i [= Syntaxis i], 72.13–15 (19 words; note that these are not found in ms. D); 353.24–354.1 (9 words); 451.12–13 (8 words); and 475.15–17 (13 words).
28. See above at ref. 12 for the stars.
29. On the ineptitude of the various textual additions, see Ptolemy's Almagest, 5; 219 (n. 5); 245–6 (n. 41); 268–9 (n. 83); 282 (n. 16); etc.
30. The astrological significance of Sirius's red.dishness at rising can be gleaned. from a prognostic detailed. in Book I, Chapter 23 of Hephaestion of Thebes's astrological treatise: See Pingree D. (ed.), Hephaestionis Thebani apolelesmaticorum libri tres, i (Leipzig, 1973), 73.4–7. This text will be quoted. below at ref. 77. It is curious to note that the Suda (see Ptolemy's Almagest (ref. 20), 702.13–14) cred.its Theon of Alexandria with a lost treatise entitled., On the rising of the Dog-star. Such a text, if authentic — and Toomer believes it possibly spurious [see Toomer, see Ptolemy's Almagest (ref. 20), 323 (col. 2)] — would suggest an astrological bent in Theon that might be just the sort necessary to add a note concerning Sirius's ‘red.dishness’ to the Almagest's star catalogue.
31. Much ink has been spilt in debating Ptolemy's dependence on a prior catalogue. For an historical review and analysis of the problem, the best single source is Grasshoff G., The history of Ptolemy's star catalogue (New York, 1990), 1–128. For bibliography since Grasshoff, see Shevchenko M., “An analysis of errors in the star catalogues of Ptolemy and Ulugh Beg”, Journal for the history of astronomy, xxi (1990), 187–201; Wdarczyk J., “Notes on the compilation of Ptolemy's catalogue of stars”, see Ptolemy's Almagest, xxi (1990), 283–95; Evans J., “The Ptolemaic star catalogue” (a review of Grasshoff ), see Ptolemy's Almagest, xxiii (1992), 64–68; and Swerdlow N. M., “The enigma of Ptolemy's catalogue of stars”, see Ptolemy's Almagest, xxiii (1992), 173–83.
32. For ‘red.’ Sirius in the Arabic translations see: Kunitzsch P., Der Almagest die Syntaxis mathematica des Claudius Ptolemäus in arabisch-lateinischer Überlieferung (Wiesbaden, 1974), 230–2 and 320–2.
33. Dogs were sometimes kept as pets and treated. with affection, particularly at a later period in Antiquity (see for example the charming second-century a.d. epitaph for a lap dog called. Fly in Anthologia Latina ii, 2.1512). For a useful discussion of dogs in Greek poetry which demonstrates the ambivalent way in which they are treated. there, see: Lilja S., “Dogs in ancient Greek poetry”, Commentationes humanarum litterarum, lvi (1976), 1–156, with her results summarized. on pp. 126–9. For a more sophisticated. discussion of Homeric dogs see: Red.field J. M., Nature and culture in the Iliad (expanded. ed.ition) (Durham, N.C. and London, 1994), 193–9.
34. Homer, Odyssey 17.290–327.
35. Homer, Iliad 1.225; 6.345: And 22.66–71.
36. Pseudo-Theocritus, Idyll 25.78–79.
37. Hesiod, Theogony 769–73.
38. For a recent survey of the ancient belief in living stars, see Scott A., Origen and the life of the stars (Oxford, 1991). In philosophical circles the belief was a hallmark of Platonic and Stoic thinking. Aristotle also appears to have accepted. it, as did some Christian theologians.
39. Pliny, Naturalis historia 18.68.270; and Geminus, Isagoge 17.26 and 17.31–36 in Manitius C. (ed.), Gemini elementa astronomiae (Leipzig, 1898), 190 and 192–4. Geminus (probably first century b.c.) is here arguing against the idea of “effluences”, but his statements show it to have been a wide-spread belief. Part of Geminus's text is quoted. and translated. at ref. 53 below.
40. Aratus, Phaenomena 332–5; the scholia in Maass E. (ed.), Commentariorum in Aratum reliquiae (Berlin, 1958), 408.19–21 and 27–28; Germanicus, Aratea 336–339; and Avienus, Phaenomena 734–741.
41. In Rodgers R. H. (ed.), Palladii Rutili Tauri Aemiliani viri inlustris opus agriculturae, etc. (Leipzig, 1975), 168.3–12. Several of the longer Greek and Latin texts quoted. in this paper appear only in translation, so as not to lengthen the paper unduly. The originals of these texts can easily be found in modern ed.itions.
42. Aristotle, Historia animalium 9.49B (633a. 12–16); Pliny, Naturalis historia 10.45.87 and 18.69.292; Oppian, Cynegetica 3.314–325; and Aristophanes of Byzantium, Historiae animalium epitome 2.244 in Lambros S. P. (ed.), Supplementum Aristotelicum. i, 1 (Berlin, 1885), 90.5–11. The text of Oppian will be quoted. below.
43. For the oryx see Pliny, Naturalis historia 2.40.107, and Aelian, De natura animalium 7.8. For the goats see Plutarch, De sollertia animalium 21 (974F).
44. Homer, Iliad 22.31.
45. Soranus of Ephesus, Gynaecia 2.55 [124] in Ilberg J. (ed.). Corpus med.icorum graecorum, iv (Leipzig. 1927), 91–92.
46. Aristotle, Historia animalium 8.20 (602b.21–23); Theophrastus. De causis plantarum 5.9.1; Hesychius. s.v. and in Schmidt M. (ed.), Hesychii Alexandrini lexicon, i (Halle. 1858; reprint Amsterdam, 1965), 307, #7909–10; and Etymologicum magnum, s.v. in Gaisford T. (ed.). Etymologicum magnum (Oxford, 1848; reprint Amsterdam. 1962), 159.33–35.
47. Translation of Goold in Goold G. P. (ed.), Manilius Astronomica (Cambridge, Mass. and London, 1977), 316–19.
48. Hesychius, s.v., in Manilius Astronomica (ref. 46), iv (Halle, 1862; reprinted. Amsterdam, 1965), 17, #345; Plutarch, Quaestiones convivales 3.10 (658B); and the scholia vetera to Hesiod, Works and days 417a in Pertusi A. (ed.). “Scholia vetera in Hesiodi opera el dies”, Pubblicazioni dell Università Cattolica del S. Cuore, liii (n.s.) (Milan, 1955), 143; the scholia to Lycophron, Alexandra 397 in Scheer L. (ed.), Lycophronis Alexandra, ii: scholia (Berlin. 1958), 148.6–11 and 148.18–19; and the Orphic Argonautica 120–1.
49. Images of Canis Major with a solar crown will be discussed. further and illustrated. below. For images of the Sun-god with a crown see Jaeger B. (red.actors). Lexicon iconographicum mythologiae classicae, iv/2 (Zürich and Munich, 1988), 366–85; and “Scholia vetera in Hesiodi opera el dies”, v/2 (Zürich and Munich, 1990), 631–57. See also Virgil. Aeneid 12.162–164, which depicts King Latinus's brow as encircled. by golden rays, “the mark of his grandfather, the Sun [Solis avi specimen]”.
50. “Sed. secundum physiologicos, idcirco caloris sidus putatur, quod id animal igneam vim habet: Nam quod natura inimicum umorem habeat, propterea fieri ut aegre aquam hauriat ad restinguendam sitim: Nam ideo cos, qui rabidi canis morsu continguntur. aquam refugere et, ni cito subveniatur, perire siti, quia virus eius animalis. quod contrarium umori sit. similiter in corpore humano saeviat”, in Thilo G. Hagen H., Servii Grammatici qui feruntur in Vergilii carmina commentarii. ii (Leipzig, 1884; reprinted. Hildesheim, 1961), 423.9–14. It should be noted. that Thilo and Hagen's text does not read “poison” (Latin, “virus”) in this passage but offers instead the mss. reading “nifus”, a corrupt nonsense word. “Virus” is the emendation of Barthius and should be accepted. The ancients believed. that human rabies was a kind of poisoning produced. by the venomous saliva which rabid dogs inoculated. into their victims. “Virus” was the Latin term lor this venomous saliva: See Celsus. De med.icina 5.27.2B. 51. Suitable texts include Celsus, De med.icina 5.27.2; Pseudo-Alexander of Aphrodisias, Problemata 1.76 (quoted. below); Philumenus, De venenatis animalibus eorumque remed.iis 1–4 in Wellman M. (ed.), Corpus med.icorum graecorum x/1.1 (Leipzig, 1908), 4–9; and Caelius Aurelianus, Celerum vel acutarum passionum libri tres 3.9.98–3.14.117, in Drabkin I. E., Caelius Aurelianus on acute diseases and on chronic diseases (Chicago, 1950), 360–75.
51. “”, in Ideler J. L. (ed.), Physici et med.ici graeci minores (Berlin, 1841; reprinted. Amsterdam, 1963), 24. It should be noted. that Ideler's text does not read “withered. []”, but instead the nonsense word “”. This appears to be a typographical error. Renaissance ed.itions read “”, a recognized. verb meaning “to be weak” or “to be withered.” Accordingly, I have adopted. “” in place of Ideler's meaningless text.
52. For Sirius's “effluence” as the cause of summertime heat, see Geminus, Isagoge 17.26: “For everyone assumes that the star has a peculiar power and is the cause of the intensification of summertime heat, when it rises with the Sun [ ]”, in Manitius, Physici et med.ici graeci minores (ref. 39), 190.12–15. At Isagoge 17.33 Geminus specifies this “peculiar power []” more closely as an “effluence []” see Manitius, Physici et med.ici graeci minores, 192.27. For rabies's greatest incidence at Sirius's rising, see Pliny, Naturalis historia 2.40.107, and the scholia to Aratus, Phaenomena 27 in Maass, Physici et med.ici graeci minores (ref. 40), 345.7–8. One late ancient source (early to mid-sixth century a.d.) directly states that Sirius caused. the disease: See Lydus Laurentius loannes, De mensibus 4.114.
53. I say “Sirius/Canis Major” because as noted. above the ancients regularly did not distinguish Canis Major from Sirius by name. In fact, Ptolemy, Hipparchus, and Geminus seem never to use the word “Sirius” at all, but always call the star only “Dog” (Greek, “”). Geminus, Isagoge 3.14 [in Manitius, Naturalis historia (ref. 39), 40.22–42.3] even says: “The bright star on the mouth of the Dog … is called. ‘Dog’ according to the same name as the whole constellation []”. So too Canis Minor and Procyon are never distinguished. by name in Antiquity, but again Geminus says that both are called. by the same name, “Procyon” (Greek, “”): See Geminus, Naturalis historia, 40.21–22. This makes a certain sense, since both Sirius and Procyon are so much brighter than the other stars in their respective constellations that they tended. to assume the role of the entire constellation. And to complicate matters further, there was even a tendency toward not distinguishing Procyon/Canis Minor from Sirius/Canis Major. For example Galen, in Hippocratis epidemiarum libros I et II 1.1.17 [in Wenkebach E. Pfaff F. (ed.s), Corpus med.icorum graecorum v, 10.1 (Leipzig and Berlin, 1934), 12.28–30], tries to distinguish Sirius from Canis Major by calling Canis Major “ [Dog]” and Sirius “ [Procyon]”. See also Hyginus, De astronomia 2.36: “it (i.e. Procyon/Canis Minor) is reckoned. into all the same stories as the preced.ing Dog (i.e. Sirius/Canis Major) [isdem omnibus historiis quibus superior Canis adnumeratur]”, in Le BŒuffle A., Hygin l'astronomie (Paris, 1983), 78. This statement is quite false to judge from our surviving myth texts, where Procyon/Canis Minor almost never appears. But it shows how closely linked. — perhaps almost fused. — the two dogs were in Hyginus's mind. This is hardly surprising since Procyon takes its name and identity from the fact that at the latitude of Greece and Rome it rises before (i.e. “Pro-”) Sirius/Canis Major (“Cyon” = “”). “Procyon” therefore means “the (bright) star that rises before the Dog”. Thus, Procyon's identity depends wholly on Sirius itself. Procyon is merely a lesser doublet of Sirius. If, in the remainder of the present paper, I fail to maintain a rigid distinction between Sirius and Canis Major, or Procyon and Canis Minor, or even Sirius/Canis Major and Procyon/Canis Minor, the reader should not be alarmed. The ancient evidence points to a fusion in their identities.
54. For recent discussions of the manuscript see Verkerk C. L., “Aratea: A review of the literature concerning ms. Vossianus lat. q. 79 in Leiden University Library,” Journal of med.ieval history, vi (1980), 245–87; and Katzenstein R. Savage-Smith E., The Leiden Aratea: Ancient constellations in a med.ieval manuscript (Malibu, Calif, 1988).
55. Photographs of the miniatures have been published. by Koehler W. Mütherich F. (ed.s), Die karolingischen Miniaturen, iv (Text und Tafeln) (Berlin, 1971).
56. Verkerk, Die karolingischen Miniaturen (ref. 55), 260–6.
57. For the Farnese statue see Schlachter A., Der Globus (Leipzig and Berlin, 1927), 43; and Karusu S. Gisler J.-R. el at. (red.actors), Lexicon iconographicum mythologiae classicae, ii/l (Zürich and Munich, 1984), 926. For descriptions of other Sirius coins from Ceos, see Head B. V., Historia nummorum, 2nd ed.n (Oxford, 1911), 482–4. For a larger selection with photographs, see Wroth W., A catalogue of the Greek coins in the British Museum, ix (London, 1886), 89–97 and Plates XXI and XXII. And for a coin depicting the Sun-god surrounded. by very similar rays, see “Helios 247” in Jaeger B., Die karolingischen Miniaturen (ref. 49), v/2, 644 showing an Aeginetan half drachma from 350–300 b.c. For other such representations of the Sun-god, see ref. 49 above.
58. Thiele G., Antike Himmelsbilder (Berlin, 1898), 121.
59. Antike Himmelsbilder, 130. See also Koehler Mütherich, Antike Himmelsbilder (ref. 56), Tafel 69a for another depiction of Sirius/Canis Major, this time from Codex Harleianus 647. Note the sharp fangs in Sirius/Canis Major's mouth which are absent from the same manuscript's depiction of Procyon/Canis Minor, Antike Himmelsbilder, Tafel 73b.
60. Chantraine P., Dictionnaire étymologique de la langue grecque: Histoire des mots, iii (Paris, 1974), (s.v. ) 651–2; Lincoln B., “Homeric: ‘Wolfish Rage’”, indogermanische Forschungen, lxxx(1975), 98–105; and idem, Death, war, and sacrifice (Chicago and London, 1991), 131–7.
61. For the heat of wolves, see Plutarch, Quaestiones convivales 2.9 (642C). For Sirius's ability to dissolve bones, see Pseudo-Hesiod, Scutum 151–3; and for Sirius's ability to dissolve other bodies, see Isidore of Seville, Etymologiae 3.71.14.
62. Manilius, Astronomica 5.208 (quoted. above at ref. 47) in fact says of Sirius that it “raves with its own fire”. “Raves” translates the verb derived. from Latin rabies, i.e. ‘madness’. So for Manilius, the Dog-star is in effect a fiery mad dog.
63. This description appears to derive from a natural history attributed. to the Alexandrian scholar Aristophanes of Byzantium (late third century b.c.), which survives in epitome: See Aristophanes of Byzantium, Historiae animalium epitome, Astronomica (ref. 42).
64. Manilius refers here to Sirius's acronychal rising in December and heliacal setting in May. For Sirius's red.ness and the season's coldness, compare the Assyrian inscription quoted. below at ref. 78.
65. Goold's translation in Goold, Manilius refers here to Sirius's acronychal rising in December and heliacal setting in May. For Sirius's red.ness and the season's coldness, compare the Assyrian inscription quoted. below at ref. 78 (ref. 47), 34–37.
66. Already in archaic Greece it was believed. that the stars remain in the sky during the day and do not simply vanish. See Hesiod, Works and days 417–419: “For then [i.e. after the dog days] the star Sirius travels less over the heads of death-bound humans during the day, and takes more enjoyment from the night”.
67. In Greek sources the name is given as “Icarius”: See e.g. Aelian, De natura animalium 7.28; and Nonnus, Dionysiaca, 47.35ff.
68. Hyginus says that the dog was “Procyon”. However, in other texts (to be quoted. below) this story explicitly belongs to Sirius. Again we have evidence for the fusion in identity between Sirius/Canis Major and Procyon/Canis Minor. I shall treat Hyginus's account as applying to the Heavenly Dog which for convenience I call “Sirius”. It should be clear by now that I do not consider Sirius and Procyon to be distinct mythic entities: See ref. 54 above.
69. In le BŒuffle, Hyginus says that the dog was “Procyon”. However, in other texts (to be quoted. below) this story explicitly belongs to Sirius. Again we have evidence for the fusion in identity between Sirius/Canis Major and Procyon/Canis Minor. I shall treat Hyginus's account as applying to the Heavenly Dog which for convenience I call “Sirius”. It should be clear by now that I do not consider Sirius and Procyon to be distinct mythic entities: See ref. 54 above (ref. 54), 23–27.
70. The verb that Hyginus uses to describe Maera's self-sacrifice is parento, which literally indicates the performance of the Parentalia, a Roman sacrifice in honour of dead parents or relations. Thus Hyginus represents Maera as fulfilling the demands of pietas (that is, “dutifulness to parents”), the highest Roman virtue, in the highest possible degree by sacrificing its most valuable possession — its own life — for its mistress. Here we see the tame goodness of Sirius to the utmost degree. The ancients marvelled. at Maera's self-sacrifice: See Aelian, De natura animalium 7.28. The name “Maera” derives from the Greek verb marmaíro [], meaning “to flash” or “to glitter”. Thus even on Earth Maera, the “flashing one”, anticipates its future role as the famous “flashing” Dog-star. For more on Sirius's scintillation in ancient folklore, see below.
71. Zeus's cult title “Icmaean” (also spelled. “Icmian”) indicates “Zeus of Moisture”. See Cooke A. B., Zeus, iii, Part 1 (Cambridge. 1940), 265–271.
72. In Pfeiffer R. (ed.), Callimachus, i: Fragmenta (Oxford, 1949), 79–80.
73. “… …”, in Wendel C. (ed.). Scholia in Apollonium Rhodium vetera (Berlin, 1935), 168.8–12.
74. On the cult fusion of Zeus and Aristaeus see the scholia vetera 2.498–527b in Wendel, Scholia in Apollonium Rhodium vetera (ref. 74), 169.13–14. See also Pindar, Pythian 9.62–65 (Snell-Maehler).
75. Diodorus of Sicily. 4.82.1–3.
76. “… ”, in Pingree D. (ed.). Diodorus of Sicily (ref. 30), 73.4–7. My previous translations of this sentence have contained. an error [see Ceragioli, Diodorus of Sicily (ref. 1), 208, and Antike Himmelsbilder (ref. 2), 94]. I misunderstood the words “” as applying to the Nile, although this involved. impossible syntax. Pingree has punctuated. his text of the epitome of Hephaestion to show that he takes these words with “” [see Pingree D., Hephaestionis Thebani apotelesmaticorum epitomae quattuor (Leipzig, 1974), 185.18–21]. The sentence then appears to mean that if Sirius “passed. through []” the atmosphere with its “colour” or “character []” “like waves” or “like the current []” [of the Nile itself?]”, etc. Apparently, if Sirius appeared. like mighty flood, then the Nile was supposed. to follow suit.
77. Germanicus, Aratea 339–40: “No star pleases a farmer more or less, and it is observed. from its first rising [nullo gaudet maiusue minusue/agricola et sidus primo speculatur ab ortu]”. And Grayson A. K., Assyrian royal inscriptions, ii (Wiesbaden, 1976), 55: “At the time of cold, frost, (and) ice, at the time of the ascension of Sirius when it is red. like molten copper, he [arranged.] (and) formed. herds of… gazelles, etc”.
78. For example. Newcomb S., The stars (New York and London, 1901), 122; Martin M. E., The friendly stars (New York and London, 1907), 110; and Serviss G. P., Astronomy with the naked. eye (New York and London, 1908), 43. For a photograph of the effect see Sky & telescope, lxxviii (1989), no. 2, 154.
79. “[″H] ”, in Maass, The friendly stars (ref. 40), 407.22–26. On Sirius's red. flashes see also a text ascribed. to the Venerable Bed.e (De signis coeli 33, in Maass, The friendly stars (ref. 40), 590): “Canis Major, which rises after Orion. It has one gleaming star on its tongue, which they call ‘Sirius’ and ‘Dog’, which red.dens much and at intervals changes colours… [Canicula, quae oritur post Orionem. Habet stellam splendidam in linguam I, quam Syrium et Canem vocant, rutilantem multum et per intervalla colores inmutantem…]”.
80. “”, in Maass, The friendly stars (ref. 40), 408.3–7.
81. Chantraine P., The friendly stars (ref. 61), vi/l (Paris, 1977), 994 (s. v. ) and the bibliography he cites.
82. “”, in Wendel, The friendly stars (ref. 74), 170.18–171.1.
83. “ …”, in Sturz F. W. (ed.), Etymologicum graecae linguae Gudianum (Leipzig, 1818), 497.50–56.
84. Clearly this means “in the summer”.
85. “ ”, in Gaisford, Clearly this means “in the summer” (ref. 46), 710.25–27. The last five words [“ (and to stick … mouths)”] are found in only one of Gaisford's mss.
86. is the perfect active infinitive of the verb, which means in the first instance “to grin and show the teeth”. It is properly used. to describe the open mouths of dogs: See Aristophanes, Wasps 901; and the scholia to the line, in Dübner Fr., Scholia graeca in Aristophanem (Paris, 1877; reprinted. Hildesheim, 1969), 155 (col. 2), lines 7–10.
87. “”, in Pseudo-Eratosthenes, Catasterismi 33. See Olivieri A. (ed.), Mythographi graeci iii, l: Pseudo-Eratosthenis Catasterismi (Leipzig, 1897), 40.9–11.
88. For the evidence see Ceragioli, Mythographi graeci (ref. 1).
89. Robbins's translation. See Ptolemy, Tetrabiblos 1.4.18 [= Robbins, Mythographi graeci (ref. 8), 36–37].
90. Ptolemy, Tetrabiblos 2.8.85–86 [= Robbins, Mythographi graeci (ref. 8), 182–5].
91. Ptolemy, Tetrabiblos 2.9.90 [= Robbins, Mythographi graeci (ref. 8), 192–3].
92. For the importance of astrology under the Roman Empire, see Barton T., Ancient astrology (London and New York, 1994), 38–52.
93. Servius on Virgil, Georgics 4.424 in Thilo Hagen, Ancient astrology (ref. 50), iii (Leipzig, 1887; reprinted. Hildesheim, 1961), 352.25–27; and Laurentius Loannes Lydus, De mensibus 4.114.
94. Scullard H. H., Festivals and ceremonies of the Roman republic, (Ithaca, N.Y., 1981), 108–10.
95. Knott D. R., The wheat rusts — breed.ing for resistance (Berlin and New York, 1989), 6–8 and frontispiece, showing a colour photograph of leaf and stem rust on wheat plants. 97. “… quo sidere moto/tosta sitit tellus, praecipiturque seges”: Ovid, Fasti 4.939–940. Frazer's translation slightly adapted., from Sir Frazer J. G., Publii Ovidii Nasonis fastorum libri sex, i (London, 1929), 243. Ovid's astronomy is in error when he speaks of Sirius “rising” in late April. He should refer to it as “setting”: See Frazer's commentary on the passage in Festivals and ceremonies of the Roman republic, iii (London, 1929), 404–5. My previous translation of these lines contained. some errors: See Ceragioli, Festivals and ceremonies of the Roman republic (ref. 2), 95.
96. (1) “Catularia porta Romae dicta est, quia non longe ab ea ad placandum caniculae sidus frugibus inimicum rufae canes immolabantur, ut fruges flavescentes ad maturitatem perducerentur”, in Lindsay W. M., Sexti Pompei Festi de verborum significatu quae supersunt cum Pauli epitome (Leipzig, 1913), 39.13–16; and (2) “Rutilae canes, id est non procul a rubra colore, immolantur, ut ait Ateius Capito, canario sacrificio pro frugibus deprecandae saevitiae causa sideris caniculae”, in Lindsay, The wheat rusts — breed.ing for resistance, 358.27–30.
97. Richardson L. Jr, A new topographical dictionary of ancient Rome (Baltimore and London, 1992), 301–2. The name “Catularia” appears to derive from Latin ‘catulus’ (‘puppy’), which seems a peculiar name for a city gate. It has been suspected. that Catularia might instead derive from the family of the Catuli, prominent Republican nobles, who may have built or rebuilt the gate. See Richardson, Sexti Pompei Festi de verborum significatu quae supersunt cum Pauli epitome On the other hand, Festus's epitome of Flaccus explicitly states that the gate was named. from the sacrifice of dogs. 100. Augustine St, Enarrationes in psalmos 77.27; and Loewe G. Goetz G. (ed.s), Corpus glossariorum latinorum, ii (Leipzig, 1888; reprinted. Amsterdam, 1965), 556.51.