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Numerous organisations have documented and produced extensive reports on the atrocities committed in the former Yugoslavia in the name of “ethnic cleansing”. See, for example, the United Nations, Rape and Abuses of Women in the Territory of the Former Yugoslavia, UN Doc. E/CN.4/ 1993/L21. The focus of my discussion will be primarily on the mass rapes of women in Bosnia Herzegovina. For a discussion of rape and other atrocities committed in Bosnia, see: Helsinki Watch, War Crimes in Bosnia -Hercegovina, vol. I (New York, Washington, Los Angeles and London: Helsinki Watch - A Division of Hutnan Rights Watch, 1992). It is important to note that while I am focusing on the rape of women, Helsinki Watch has documented rapes of men in Bosnia. The rape of women in the former Yugoslavia will be discussed in more detail below.
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Ruth Harris notes that the rape of French women was extensively publicised, sometimes with lurid detail, in order to garner support for World War One. Despite this publicity, the rape of French (and German) women has not been part of the iconography or story of that war: “The ‘Child of the Barbarian’: Rape, Race and Nationalism in France During the First World War”, Past and Present 141 (1994), 171–206. Cynthia Enloe has also written about how images of women were predominate in the days leading up to the Persian Gulf war, but once “the serious business of combat had begun”, stories of women disappeared: “The Gendered Gulf”, in Seeing Through the Media: The Persian Gulf War, ed. S. Jeffords and L Rabinovitz (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1994), 211–228, at 212–13 [hereinafter “The Gendered Gulf], and The Morning After: Sexual Politics at the End of the Cold War (Berkeley, Los Angeles, London: University of California Press, 1993) [hereinafter “The Morning After”]
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Ruth Harris notes that the rape of French women was extensively publicised, sometimes with lurid detail, in order to garner support for World War One. Despite this publicity, the rape of French (and German) women has not been part of the iconography or story of that war: “The ‘Child of the Barbarian’: Rape, Race and Nationalism in France During the First World War”, Past and Present 141 (1994), 171–206. Cynthia Enloe has also written about how images of women were predominate in the days leading up to the Persian Gulf war, but once “the serious business of combat had begun”, stories of women disappeared: “The Gendered Gulf”, in Seeing Through the Media: The Persian Gulf War, ed. S. Jeffords and L Rabinovitz (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1994), 211–228, at 212–13 [hereinafter “The Gendered Gulf], and The Morning After: Sexual Politics at the End of the Cold War (Berkeley, Los Angeles, London: University of California Press, 1993) [hereinafter “The Morning After”].
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The Yugoslavian Federal Army is dominated by Serbs who make up 70% of the generals: A. Stiglmayer, “The War in the Former Yugoslavia”, in Mass Rape: The War Against Women in Bosnia-Herzegovina, ed. A. Stiglmayer (Lincoln and London: University of Nebraska Press, 1994), 1–34, at 16.
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“Report on the situation of human rights in the territory of the former Yugoslavia submitted by Mr. Tadeusz Mazowiecki, Special Rapporteur of the Commission of Human Rights, pursuant to paragraph 15 of the Commission Resolution 1992/S-1/1 of 14 August 1992”, UN. Doc. E/CN. 4/1992/S-1/10, as cited in C.C. Joyner, “Enforcing Human Rights Standards in the Former Yugoslavia: The Case for an International War Crimes Tribunal”, Denver Journal of International Law and Policy 22 (1994), 235–274, at 249.
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An action was commenced by Bosnia Herzegovina against Yugoslavia (Serbia and Montenegro) in the International Court of Justice, alleging acts of genocide by Yugoslavia against Bosnia. The ICJ issued a provisional order on April 8,1993: ICJ Rep. 3; 321.LM. 888
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An action was commenced by Bosnia Herzegovina against Yugoslavia (Serbia and Montenegro) in the International Court of Justice, alleging acts of genocide by Yugoslavia against Bosnia. The ICJ issued a provisional order on April 8,1993: ICJ Rep. 3; 321.LM. 888.
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20
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Jane Doe v. Radovan Karadzic, Civil Action no. 93, CIV. 0878 (PKL) (U.S. Southern District of New York, Filed 1993); S. Kradic v. Radovan Karadzic, Civil Action no. 93 CIV 1163 PKL (U.S. Southern District of New York, Filed 1993), as cited in R. Copelon, “Surfacing Gender: Reconceptualizing Crimes against Women in Time of War”, in Mass Rape, supra n.8, 197–218, at 197; B. Stephens, “The Civil Lawsuit as a Remedy for International Human Rights Violations Against Women”, Hastings Women’s Law Journal 5:2 (1994), 143–169.
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In addition to these four areas, international humanitarian law refers to crimes against peace, which is the planning and waging of a war of aggression, intervention in times of war to provide medical and other assistance to civilians and injured soldiers, and the overlap between international humanitarian law and human rights: Joyncr, supra n. 19, at 262, and L Doswald-Beck and S. Vitc, “International Humanitarian Law and Human Rights Law”, International Review of the Red Cross No. 293 (March–April, 1993), 94–119.
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Annex to 1907 Hague Convention IV: Regulations Respecting the Laws and Customs of War on Land, adopted Oct. 18, 1907, American Journal of International Law, Supplement 2 (1908), 90–117 (Eng.Fr.), entered into force 26 January 1910. The 1907 Convention was the result of a series of “peace” conferences concerning the reduction of weaponry: G. Best, Humanity in Warfare: The Modern History of the International Law of Armed Conflicts (London: Methuen & Co. Ltd., 1980)
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24
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84978090255
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For example, both the UN. Charter (1945) and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (1948) are landmark documents in the development of the rights of individuals in the international arena
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For example, both the UN. Charter (1945) and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (1948) are landmark documents in the development of the rights of individuals in the international arena.
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There are four Geneva Conventions, the most significant of which for my purposes is Geneva Convention Relative to the Protection of Civilian Persons in Time of War, adopted Aug. 12,1949,6 U.S.T. 3516, T.I.A.S. No. 3365, 75 U.N.T.S. 287 [hereinafter “Geneva Convention IV”]
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There are four Geneva Conventions, the most significant of which for my purposes is Geneva Convention Relative to the Protection of Civilian Persons in Time of War, adopted Aug. 12,1949,6 U.S.T. 3516, T.I.A.S. No. 3365, 75 U.N.T.S. 287 [hereinafter “Geneva Convention IV”].
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Conventions on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide, adopted Dec. 9, 1948, G.A. Res. 260 A (III), 78 U.N.T.S. 277 (Entered into force Jan. 12, 1951)
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Conventions on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide, adopted Dec. 9, 1948, G.A. Res. 260 A (III), 78 U.N.T.S. 277 (Entered into force Jan. 12, 1951).
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Protocol Additional to the Geneva Conventions of 12 Aug. 1949, and Relating to the Protection of Victims of International Armed Conflicts. 12 Dec. 1977, 1125 U.N.T.S. 3, 16 I.L.M. 1391; Protocol Additional to the Geneva Conventions of 12 Aug. 1949, and Relating to the Protection of Victims of Non-International Armed Conflicts, 12 Dec. 1977, 1125 U.N.T.S. 609, 16 I.L.M. 1442
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Protocol Additional to the Geneva Conventions of 12 Aug. 1949, and Relating to the Protection of Victims of International Armed Conflicts. 12 Dec. 1977, 1125 U.N.T.S. 3, 16 I.L.M. 1391; Protocol Additional to the Geneva Conventions of 12 Aug. 1949, and Relating to the Protection of Victims of Non-International Armed Conflicts, 12 Dec. 1977, 1125 U.N.T.S. 609, 16 I.L.M. 1442.
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Trial of the Major War Criminals before the International Military Tribunal, Nuremberg, vol XXII, IMT Secretariat, Nuremberg, 1948, as reprinted in Roberts and GuelfF, Documents on the Laws of War (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1989, 2nd ed.), at 155. A war crime tribunal was also established to prosecute Japanese war criminals: Charter of the International Military Tribunal for the Far East, 19 January 1946, amended 26 April 1946, TIAS 1589. For various reasons, that tribunal was plagued by irregularities which make its contribution to international humanitarian law more difficult to judge
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Trial of the Major War Criminals before the International Military Tribunal, Nuremberg, vol XXII, IMT Secretariat, Nuremberg, 1948, as reprinted in Roberts and GuelfF, Documents on the Laws of War (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1989, 2nd ed.), at 155. A war crime tribunal was also established to prosecute Japanese war criminals: Charter of the International Military Tribunal for the Far East, 19 January 1946, amended 26 April 1946, TIAS 1589. For various reasons, that tribunal was plagued by irregularities which make its contribution to international humanitarian law more difficult to judge.
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This characterisation of rape is consistent with earlier military prohibitions against rape which defined sexual assault as an attack on family honour. See for example, article 46 of Hague Convention (IV) which prohibits sexual assault but only explicitly refers to the protection of “family honour and rights”: “Final Report of the Commission of Experts Established Pursuant to Security Council Resolution 780 (1992)”, Letter Dated24 May 1994 From The Secretary-General to the President of the Security Council, UN Doc. SI 1994/674 [hereinafter “Commission of Experts Report”]
-
This characterisation of rape is consistent with earlier military prohibitions against rape which defined sexual assault as an attack on family honour. See for example, article 46 of Hague Convention (IV) which prohibits sexual assault but only explicitly refers to the protection of “family honour and rights”: “Final Report of the Commission of Experts Established Pursuant to Security Council Resolution 780 (1992)”, Letter Dated24 May 1994 From The Secretary-General to the President of the Security Council, UN Doc. SI 1994/674 [hereinafter “Commission of Experts Report”].
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Acts which constitute grave breaches of international law arc killing, torture or inhuman treatment, causing great suffering or serious injury, deportation, transfer or unlawful confinement, deprivation of the right to a fair trial, etc.: Article 147, Geneva Convention IV, n. 36
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Acts which constitute grave breaches of international law arc killing, torture or inhuman treatment, causing great suffering or serious injury, deportation, transfer or unlawful confinement, deprivation of the right to a fair trial, etc.: Article 147, Geneva Convention IV, supra n. 36.
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n.36
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Supra n.36.
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“Women, War, and Rape: Challenges Facing the International Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia”, Human Rights Quarterly 17 (1995), 649–690, at 673
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The literature in this area is substantial but see, for example, C. Enloe, Bananas, Beaches, and Bases: Making Feminist Sense of International Politics (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1990)
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I am not suggesting by this analysis that men are not also constructed along predetermined guidelines. Men who do not conform to the ideal of masculine warrior are also marginalised within military discourse. Males who are very young, very old, or unfit for military service, arc feminised as part of the class of protected civilians: Tickner, supra n.69, at 271. In addition to being male, the “ideal” warrior is also heterosexual. A significant part of the construction of gender identities within war and military discourse has focused on sexuality, and gays and lesbians have been actively excluded from military service: W.J. Scott and S. Carson Stanley, Gays and Lesbians in the Military: Issues, Concerns, and Contrasts (New York: Aldine de Bruyter, 1994). My discussion in this section is focused primarily on the construction of female gender roles because of their importance in legitimating violence against women. Certainly, a part of this equation will be the role of the military in constructing a masculine culture which permits — or encourages — violence against women. Understanding military culture is an important but large area that I could not adequately cover in this paper. For work concerning women within the military, see: J. Holm, Women in the Military: An Unfinished Revolution, Rev. ed. (Novato, CA: Presidio Press, 1992)
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Enloe notes, for example, that media coverage of international crises tend to focus on women as victims or dependents: “‘Womenandchildren’ rolls so easily off network tongues because in network minds women arc family members rather than independent actors..”, “The Gendered Gulf”, supra n.3, at 214. See also A. Lant, Blackout: Reinventing Women for Wartime British Cinema (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1991).
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Higonnet et al., n.67; Lant, n.72, at 76. In a similar vein, in post World War I Germany, women were increasingly blamed for Germany’s loss. Renate Bridenthal et al, argue that a “stab in the back” myth circulated after the war according to which the war was lost on the home front because of subversion by Jews, communists, Social Democrats and women: When Biology Became Destiny: Women in Weimar and Nazi Germany (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1984), 7
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