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‘I cannot imagine what the Hollanders meane, to suffer these Maleysians, Chinesians and other Moores of these countries, and to assist them in theyr free, trade through all the Indies, and forbidde it theyr own servants, contreymen and bretheren […]; surelye a token of a greate ignorance or envye, suffering Turckes and heathen to growe riche rather then their owne countreymen shoulde gette their living: surelye a great ingratitude and a token that Gods punishment is coming upon theym.’ London
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‘I cannot imagine what the Hollanders meane, to suffer these Maleysians, Chinesians and other Moores of these countries, and to assist them in theyr free, trade through all the Indies, and forbidde it theyr own servants, contreymen and bretheren […]; surelye a token of a greate ignorance or envye, suffering Turckes and heathen to growe riche rather then their owne countreymen shoulde gette their living: surelye a great ingratitude and a token that Gods punishment is coming upon theym.’ W.H. Moreland ed., Peter Floris: His Voyage to the East Indies in the Globe, 1611–15 (London 1934) 44.
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London For a conspectus of some of these indigenous states and empires, see chapters 3 and 16
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London in: R. Owen and B. Sutcliffe eds. Also worth recalling is Robert Robinson's formulation: ‘The central mechanisms of imperialism may be found in systems of collaboration set up in preindustrial societies which succeeded, or failed, in meshing the incoming processes of European expansion into indigenous social politics.’ This formula could well be transferred to contexts of indigenous Asian, African or American imperialisms, where no European participation was involved
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Also worth recalling is Robert Robinson's formulation: ‘The central mechanisms of imperialism may be found in systems of collaboration set up in preindustrial societies which succeeded, or failed, in meshing the incoming processes of European expansion into indigenous social politics.’ (R.E. Robinson, ‘Non-European Foundations of European Imperialism’ in: R. Owen and B. Sutcliffe eds. Studies in the Theory of Imperialism (London 1972) 120). This formula could well be transferred to contexts of indigenous Asian, African or American imperialisms, where no European participation was involved.
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Zhuang Guotu, ‘The Impact of the Tea Trade on the Social Economy of MW Fujian in the XVlIlth C’ in: Blair and Robertson, The Philippine Islands, 200–202.
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Phaulkon's success in winning the confidence of a Siamese king recalls the late sixteenth-century adventures of Portuguese soldiers of fortune; Filipe de Brito in Burma and Diogo Veloso in Cambodia. Both were strong men whose ascendancy was based on success in royal service and whose fall was the consequence of over-nourished ambition. But the very extent of their ambitions is evidence of the scale of the opportunities in lands susceptible to the magic of the stranger. Both attempted conquests of the realms in which they served Cambridge
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Phaulkon's success in winning the confidence of a Siamese king recalls the late sixteenth-century adventures of Portuguese soldiers of fortune; Filipe de Brito in Burma and Diogo Veloso in Cambodia. Both were strong men whose ascendancy was based on success in royal service and whose fall was the consequence of over-nourished ambition. But the very extent of their ambitions is evidence of the scale of the opportunities in lands susceptible to the magic of the stranger. Both attempted conquests of the realms in which they served. A. de Morga, Sucesos de las hlas Pilipinas (Cambridge 1971) 19–20;
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It was not confined to those places. There were local massacres of Chinese in Cirebon, Java, for instance, after a revolt in 1802. P.B.R. Carey ed., The Archive ofYogyakarta 1: Docs Relating to Politics and Internal Court Affairs (Oxford 1980) 18. The head-price of a Chinese at this time was apparently twice that of a Javanese.
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