Italian political culture in historical perspective

Modern Italy

Volumn 1, Issue 1, 1995, Pages 3-17

  Ginsborg, Paul ^a  

^a NONE

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EID: 84963433645     PISSN: 13532944     EISSN: 14699877     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1080/13532949508454754     Document Type: Article

References (42)

1. Recent examples of this school are C. Tullio Altan, La nostra Italia, Feltrinelli, Milan, 1986
2. G. Sapelli, “The Italian crises and capitalism', see below in this issue of Modern Italy, pp. 000
3. R. Cartocci, Fra Lega e Chiesa, 11 Mulino, Bologna, 1994
4. C. Galli, 'La cultura politica', in S. Vertone (ed.), La cultura degli Italiani, 11 Mulino, Bologna, 1994, pp. 33-70.
5. C. M. Santoro, La politica estera di una media potenza, 11 Mulino, Bologna, 1991, p. 38, where he distinguishes between 'the four quadrants in which the regions of Italy can be divided (North-West; North-East; South-West and South-East), each of, which can be identified as an independent structure characterized by a high level of functional autonomy'.
6. J. Davis, People of the Mediterranean, Routledge and Kegan Paul, London, 1977, p. 13.
7. L. Franchetti, Condizioni politiche e amministrative della Sicilia, Donzelli, Rome, 1993 (1877), p. 40.
8. For the undoubted capacity of clientelism to channel resources to particular Italian regions during the history of the Republic, see A. Mutti, '11 particolarismo come risorsa. Politica ed economia nello sviluppo abruzzese', Rassegna Italiana di Sociologia, 35,1994,4, pp. 451-518.
9. M. De Cecco, 'A trent'anni per miracolo tutti trovano un lavoro', La Repubblica (section Affari e Finanzd); 9 January, 1995.
10. P. Ginsborg, 'Familismo', in Id. (ed.) Stato dell'ltalia, 11 Saggiatore, Milan, 1994, p. 79. I added (p. 81.) that the form of familism specific to Italy derived historically 'from strongly cohesive and matricentric family units, with strong intergenerational ties, from a society characterized, especially in the South, by vertical rather than horizontal ties, and from a deep-rooted distrust of the central state'. Naturally, this definition, like every generalization of the sort, must be made subject to qualifications based on regional and class differences. For the original use of the term 'amoral familism' see E. Banfield, Hie Moral Basis of a Bachvard Society, Free Press, Glencoe (111.), 1958.
11. A. Signorelli, 'L'incertezza del diritto. Clientelismo politico e innovazione nel Mezzogiorno degli anni '80', Problemi del Socialismo, 1988,2-3, p. 258.
12. Useful indications are to be found in F. Piselli, G. Arrighi, 'Parentela, clientela e comunita', in Storia d'ltalia. he regioni. La Calabria (ed. P. Bevilacqua and A. Placanica), Einaudi, Turin, 1985, pp. 367-494
13. P. Bevilacqua, 'Uomini, terre, economie', in Ibid., pp. 295-364
14. E. Franzina, T,e strutture elementari della clientela', in Id, La transizione dolce, Cierre Edizioni, Verona, 1990, pp. 105-70.
15. For this shift in nineteenth century Sardinia, see C. Addari Rapallo, 'Nome e famiglia in Sardegna', in A. Oppo (ed.), Famiglia e matrimonio nella societa sarda tradizionale, La tarantola, Cagliari, 1990, pp. 160-61; for Andalucia, J. Pitt Rivers, 'Ritual kinship in the Mediterranean: Spain and the Balkans', in J. Peristiany (ed.), Mediterranean Family Structures, CUP, Cambridge, 1963, p. 324. On a more general level, J.H. Lynch, Godparents and Kinship in Early Medieval Europe, Princeton University Press, Princeton, 1986
16. I. Signorini, Padrini e compadri, Loescher, Turin, 1981.
17. See, for example, G. Greco, 'Potere e parentela nella Sicilia nuova', Quaderni di Sociologia, XIX, 1970,1, pp. 3-41.
18. L. Accati, Tl marito della santa. Ruolo paterno, ruolo materno e politica italiana', Meridiana, 13,1992, pp. 82-83
19. see also A. Signorelli, 'Patroni e clienti', in C. Pasquinelli (ed.), Potere senza stato, Riuniti, Rome, 1986, p. 155.
20. See the entry ‘Famiglia’ in Enciclopedia Cattolica, vol. 5, Ente per l'Enciclopedia Cattolica, Vatican City, 1950, pp. 994-95.
21. E. Ruffini, 'La teologia di fronte alle problematiche della famiglia nella tensione tra “pubblico e privato”', in Universita Cattolica di Sacro Cuore, La coscienza contemporanea tra 'pubblico'e 'privato', Vita e Pensiero, Milan, 1979, p. 149.
22. For these distinctions, see G. Baget Bozzo, II partito cattolico al potere, Vallechi, Florence, 1974, vol. 1, pp. 14 ff.
23. P. Nicotri, Tangenti in confessionale, Marsilio, Venice, 1993.
24. Ibid, pp. 54-56 (Naples Cathedral); pp. 120-23 (Basilica of Saint Anthony, Padua); pp. 62-66 (Church of Saint Ambrose, Milan); p. 97 (Milan Cathedral).
25. E. P. Thompson, ‘The peculiarities of the English’ (1965), in The Poverty of Tlieory, Merlin, London, 1978, p. 47. For a development of Thompson's concept in an English context
26. see P. Corrigan and D. Sayer, Hie Great Arch. English State Formation as Cultural Revolution, Basil Blackwell, Oxford, 1985. For the Italian case, some indications are to be found in P. Ginsborg, 'Gramsci and the era of bourgeois revolution in Italy', in J.A. Davis (ed.), Gramsci and Italy's Passive Revolution, Croom Helm, London, 1979, pp. 33-36.
27. Crucially important is the article by P. Anderson, 'The notion of bourgeois revolution', in English Questions, Verso, London, 1992, pp. 105-118.
28. Anderson, “The notion of bourgeois revolution'; for the socio-political consequences of the late affirmation of bourgeois revolution, see the acute observations of N. Mouzelis, 'Modernity, late development and civil society', in J.A. Hall (ed.), Civil Society, London, 1995, pp. 224-49. See also his earlier Politics in the Semi-periphery, Macmillan, London, 1986.
29. G. Arrighi (ed.), Semiperipheral Development. Tlie Politics of Southern Europe in the Twentieth Century, London, Sage, 1985. However, it is worth remembering that there exists no automatic connection between the socio-economic strength of a bourgeoisie and the affirmation of the enlightened elements of bourgeois revolution; German history has much to teach us here. Furthermore, Mouzelis is, in my opinion, entirely right when he shifts the weight of explanation away from economic determinism, both of a Marxist and non-Marxist sort, towards an examination of the failings of the internal apparatuses of peripheral and semi-peripheral states (Mouzelis, 'Modernity, late development and civil society', pp. 248-49.).
30. P. Ginsborg, 'LTtalia, L'Europa, il Mediterraneo', in Stato dell'Italia, p. 645.
31. F. Braudel, Tlie Yfheels of Commerce, vol. 2 of Civilization and Capitalism 15tft-18th Century, trans. Sian Reynolds, Collins, London, 1982, p. 549, where he refers to the state as 'an unfinished entity, seeking to create its identity, unable to exercise all its rights or carry out all its tasks'.
32. E. W. Cohen, The Growth of the British Civil Service, 1780-1939, Frank Cass, London, 1965 (1941), p. 112.
33. A. Pizzorno, Comunita e razionalizznzione, Einaudi, Turin, 1960.
34. L. Diena, Gli uomini e le masse, Einaudi, Turin,1960, p. 73.
35. M. Cancogni, 'Cicicov in Campidoglio', L'Espresso, II, 1956, n.4, 22 January.
36. P. Gagliardi and B.A. Turner, 'Aspects of Italian management', in D.J. Hickson (ed.), Management in Western Europe, De Gruyter, Berlin and New York, 1993, p. 151.
37. G. Fiori, II venditore. Storia di Silvio Berlusconi e della Fininvest, Garzanti, Milan, 1995.
38. For a discussion of the chimera of the transition to socialism through the strategy of structural reform, see P. Ginsborg, “Le riforme di struttura nel dibattito degli anni cinquanta e sessanta', Studi Storici, 1992, 2-3, pp. 653-68.
39. G. Locatelli, D. Martini, Mi manda papa, Loncanesi, Milan, 1991, p. 189.
40. Signorelli, 'L'incertezza del diritto', p. 264. For the results of this research, A. Signorelli, Chipub e chi aspetta, Liguori, Naples, 1983.
41. A. Bagnasco (ed.), 'L'associazionismo', in Stato dell'Italia, p. 324-37
42. C. Trigilia (ed.), Cultura e sviluppo, Donzelli, Roma, 1995.