Crusader Art in the Twelfth Century: Reflections on Christian Multiculturalism in the Levant

Mediterranean Historical Review

Volumn 10, Issue 1-2, 1995, Pages 80-91

  Folda, Jaroslav ^a  

^a NONE

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EID: 84954003005     PISSN: 09518967     EISSN: 1743940X     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1080/09518969508569685     Document Type: Article

References (48)

1. ‘We have heard, most beloved brethren, and you have heard what we cannot recount without deep sorrow — how, with great hurt and dire sufferings our Christian brothers, members in Christ, are scourged, oppressed, and injured in Jerusalem, in Antioch, and the other cities of the East’ (Baldric of Dol, Historia de peregrinatione Jerosolimitana, Regestes des Lois, in Recueil des historiens des croisades, 16 vols. (Paris, 1841–1906) (hereafter RHC): Occ. Vol., IV (Paris, 1879), p. 12
2. id., The First Crusade, ed. E. Peters (Philadelphia. 1971), p. 6.
3. ‘Our money in circulation included the billon deniers of Poitou, of Chartres, of Le Mans, of Lucca, of Valence, of Melgueil, and of Le Puy, the last named being two for one of the others.’ Raymond of Aguilers, Ch. 16, Historia Francorum, RHC: Occ., Vol., III (Paris, 1866), p. 278
4. id., Historia Francorum Qui Ceperunt Iherusalem, trans. J.H. and L.L. Hill (Philadelphia, 1968), p. 91. Raymond d'Aguilers finished writing his Historia by the end of 1099.
5. ‘Therefore do not marvel when you see signs in the heavens because God works miracles there as he does on earth…. Consider, I pray, and reflect how in our time God has transformed the Occident into the Orient. For we who were Occidentals have now become Orientals. He who was a Roman or a Frank has in this land been made into a Galilean or a Palestinian. He who was of Rheims or Chartres has now become a citizen of Tyre or Antioch. We have already forgotten the places of our birth; already these are unknown to many of us or not mentioned any more. Some already possess homes or households by inheritance. Some have taken wives not only of their own people but Syrians or Armenians or even Saracens who have obtained the grace of baptism. One has his father-in-law as well as his daughter-in-law living with him, or his own child if not his step-son or step-father. Out here there are grandchildren and great-grandchildren. Some tend vineyards, others till fields. People use the eloquence and idioms of diverse languages in conversing back and forth. Words of different languages have become common property known to each nationality, and mutual faith unites those who are ignorant of their descent…. He who was born a stranger is now as one born here; he who was born an alien has become a native’. Fulcher of Chartres, Bk. 3, Ch. 37, Historia Hierosolymitana, RHC: Occ., Vol., III (Paris, 1866), p. 468
6. id., ed. H. Hagenmeyer, pp. 749–52
7. id., A History of the Expedition to Jerusalem, 1095–1127, trans. F.R. Ryan (New York, 1973), pp. 271–2.
8. ‘Thus I have finished describing the Holy Places in the Holy City Jerusalem. I started with the Church of the Holy Sepulchre, and then I went round to the Gate of David and returned to it again. I omitted a great many chapels and churches of minor interest, which hold people of every race and tongue. For there are Greeks [Bulgars], Latins, Germans, Hungarians, Scots, people of Navarre, Bricons, Angles [Franks], Ruthenians, Bohemians, Georgians, Armenians, Syrians, Jacobites [Syri], Nestorians, Indians, Egyptians, Copts, Capheturici, Maronites and many others, which it would be a long task to list. But in these men we make an end to our book. Amen’. See John of Würzburg, in Peregrinationes Tres: Saewulf John of Würzburg, Theodoricus, ed. R.B.C. Huygens, Corpus Christianorum, Continuatio Mediaevalis, CXXXIX (Turnholt, 1994), pp. 137–8
9. J. Wilkinson (ed. and trans.), Jerusalem Pilgrimage: 1099–1185 (London, 1988), p. 273.
10. Notice that the new critical edition of this text by Huygens differs in its list of peoples from the older Tobler edition translated by Wilkinson. The earliest most reliable manuscript (T) does not mention the Bulgars or the Franks, but it does include both the ‘Suriani’ and the ‘Syri’, which both appear to refer to the Syrians, the former a term derived from the Arabic, the latter a Latin term. It is unclear why both terms are used here, because ‘Suriani’ is the normal term for the Syrian Orthodox, and ‘Iacobitae’ for the Syrian Jacobites. See B. Hamilton, The Latin Church in the Crusader States (London, 1980).
11. The list of John of Würzburg has been commented on by Hamilton, The Latin Church, p. 209 and n. 1, and Chs. 7 and 8 passim. On the vexed question of who the ‘Capheturici’ mentioned in his list may be, Hamilton concludes, following A.D.V. den Brincken, that they were not Ethiopians or Chalcedonians, despite what their position in the list might suggest.
12. This is clearly stated in a letter which the leaders of the First Crusade sent to the Pope in September 1198: ‘… For we have beaten the Turks and the heathen, but we do not know how to defeat the heretics, the Greeks and Armenians and Syrian Jacobites’. Cited by Hamilton, The Latin Church. p. 9.
13. See D.M. Metcalf, Coinage of the Crusades and the Latin East (London, 1983), pp. 7–14
14. J. Porteous, ‘Crusader Coinage with Greek or Latin Inscriptions’, in K.M. Sctton (ed.), A History of the Crusades, Vol. 6 ed. H.W. Hazard and N.P. Zacour (Madison-London, 1989), pp. 354–77, 388–413
15. M. Bates and D.M. Metcalf, ‘Crusader Coinage with Arabic Inscriptions’, in ibid., pp. 439–57
16. A.G. Malloy et al., in A.G. Berman (ed.). Coins of the Crusader States (South Salem, NY. 1994). pp. 159–60, 167, 180–84, 198–201, 237–46.
17. William of Tyre. Bk. 11, Ch. 27: Willelmi Tyrensis Archicpiscopi. Chronicon. R.B.C. Huygens, (ed.). Corpus Christianorum. Vol. LXIII (Turnhout, 1986), pp. 535–6
18. Joshua Prawer discussed this resettlement in Crusader Institutions (Oxford, 1980). pp. 92–5.
19. The indispensable studies of the indigenous Christians in the Frankish East in the twelfth century are the following: J. Prawer, ‘Social Classes in the Crusader States: The “Minorities’”, n Setton (ed.), A History of the Crusades, Vol. 5, ed. N.R Zacour and H.W. Hazard (Madison–London, 1985), pp. 59–115, esp. 65-6
20. Hamilton, The Latin Church, pp. 159–211, who points out that the majority of Syrians in the Latin Kingdom were Orthodox; most of the Jacobites were in Antioch and Edessa (pp. 159–60, 190)
21. G. Every, ‘Syrian Christians in Palestine in the Early Middle Ages’, Eastern Churches Quarterly, 6 (1945–46), 363–72
22. id., ‘Syrian Christians in Jerusalem, 1183–1283’, Eastern Churches Quarterly. 7 (1947), 46–54. See also the important study of Lucy-Anne Hunt. cited in n. 22 below.
23. J. Prawer, The Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem (London, 1972), pp. 153–6.
24. Fulcher of Chartres, Bk. 2, Ch. 44. Historia, RHC: Occ., Vol. III, p. 436.
25. G. Kühnel, Wall Painting in the Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem (Berlin, 1988), pp. 15–22.
26. Ibid., pp. 32–6.
27. Ibid., pp. 62–9, 92–5.
28. S. de Sandoli, Corpus Inscriptionum Crucesignatorum Terrae Sanctae (Jerusalem, 1974), pp. 105–16.
29. S. Runciman, A History of the Crusades, Vol. II (Cambridge, 1952), p. 232.
30. Hamilton, The Latin Church, p. 203
31. H. Buchthal, Miniature Painting in the Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem (Oxford, 1957), pp. 32, 135.
32. Prawer, Crusader Institutions, pp. 202ff.
33. Scholars have differed about the liturgical languages used by the Syrian Orthodox. Our position is that whereas obviously Syriac was the fundamental liturgical language, the liturgies of St Mark and St James existed in both Syriac and Greek versions, and Syrian Orthodox in the Holy Land also knew Greek because of their activities in Orthodox monasteries and holy places controlled by the Greeks there. See the articles of Every, ‘Syrian Christians in Palestine’, 366
34. id., ‘Syrian Christians in Jerusalem’, 53, on this point.
35. Theodorich, Chs. 7 and 8, in Peregrinationes Tres. ed. Huygens, pp. 151–2
36. Jerusalem Pilgrimage, pp. 282–3.
37. G. Kühnel, ‘Neue Feldarbeiten zur musivischen und malerischen Ausstattung der Geburts-Basilika in Bethlehem’, Kunstchronik, 37 (1984), 512
38. id., ‘Das Ausschmuckungsprogramm der Geburtsbasilika in Bethlehem. Byzanz und Abendland im Königreich Jerusalem’, Boreas, 10 (1987), 148–9, and n. 47
39. id., Wall Painting in the Latin Kingdom, Pl. XXXVI, Fig. 61, where the Syriac inscription is only dimly visible at the lower right corner of the figure.
40. L.-A. Hunt, ‘Art and Colonialism: The Mosaics of the Church of the Nativity in Bethlehem (1169) and the Problem of “Crusader” Art’, Dumbarton Oaks Papers, 45 (1991), 75. Hunt's article explores the complex issues surrounding the multicultural interface between the crusaders and the Orthodox in relation to the program of decoration in the Church of the Nativity. Despite this comment, it is unclear to what extent she may be willing to entertain Stern's early dating (c.700) for the original program of mosaics in the Church of the Nativity, and especially the possible survival of early mosaics on the north nave wall.
41. H. Stern, ‘Les representations des conciles dans l'église de la Nativité a Bethlehem’, Byzantion, 11 (1936), 101–52
42. id., ‘Les representations des conciles dans l’église de la Nativité a Bethlehem’, Pt. 2, ‘Les Inscriptions’, Byzantion, 13 (1938), 415–59.
43. Stern, ‘Les representations des conciles’, Pt. 2, 447–50
44. also cited by Hunt, ‘Art and Colonialism’, 79.
45. Ibid., 450–51 (also cited by Hunt, 79).
46. William of Tyre, Bk. 19, Ch. 3, A History of ‘Deeds Done Beyond the Sea’, trans. E.A. Babcock and A.C. Krey, Vol. 2 (New York, 1941, repr. 1976), p. 298.
47. B. Zeitler, ‘Cross-Cultural Interpretations of Imagery in the Middle Ages’, Art Bulletin, 76 (1994), 680ff., esp. 690–94.
48. Runciman, A History, Vol. I, p. 101.