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Peter G. Bergmann, “Unitary Field Theory, Geometrization of Physics, or Physicalization of Geometry,” in Einstein Symposion Berlin aus Anlaß der 100. Wiederkehr seines Geburtstages, 25. bis 30. März 1979, ed. H. Nelkowski, A. Hermann, H. Poser, R. Schrader, and R. Seiler (Heidelberg: Springer, 1979), pp. 84-88. Recently, it has been argued convincingly that Einstein himself never viewed geometrization as an essential part of general relativity and instead saw unification (of gravity and inertia) as its main achievement
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Peter G. Bergmann, “Unitary Field Theory, Geometrization of Physics, or Physicalization of Geometry,” in Einstein Symposion Berlin aus Anlaß der 100. Wiederkehr seines Geburtstages, 25. bis 30. März 1979, ed. H. Nelkowski, A. Hermann, H. Poser, R. Schrader, and R. Seiler (Heidelberg: Springer, 1979), pp. 84-88. Recently, it has been argued convincingly that Einstein himself never viewed geometrization as an essential part of general relativity and instead saw unification (of gravity and inertia) as its main achievement.
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Bohr’s statement in Niels Bohr, “On the Application of the Quantum Theory to Atomic Structure, I: The Fundamental Postulates of the Quantum Theory,” Proceedings of the Cambridge Philosophical Society: Supplement, 1924, 22:1-42, on p. 35: “The satisfactory manner in which the [light quantum] hypothesis reproduces certain aspects of phenomena is rather suited for supporting the view, which has been advocated from various sides, that, in contrast to the description of natural phenomena in classical physics in which it is always a question only of statistical results of a great number of individual processes, a description of atomic processes in terms of space and time cannot be carried through in a manner free from contradiction by the use of conceptions borrowed from classical electrodynamics, which, up to this time, have been our only means of formulating the principles which form the basis of actual applications of the quantum theory.” But by 1927 there was a consensus, at least within the core of the quantum community, that the new quantum mechanics had provided new conceptions, which made a revision of microscopic space-time geometry unnecessary
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Bohr’s statement in Niels Bohr, “On the Application of the Quantum Theory to Atomic Structure, I: The Fundamental Postulates of the Quantum Theory,” Proceedings of the Cambridge Philosophical Society: Supplement, 1924, 22:1-42, on p. 35: “The satisfactory manner in which the [light quantum] hypothesis reproduces certain aspects of phenomena is rather suited for supporting the view, which has been advocated from various sides, that, in contrast to the description of natural phenomena in classical physics in which it is always a question only of statistical results of a great number of individual processes, a description of atomic processes in terms of space and time cannot be carried through in a manner free from contradiction by the use of conceptions borrowed from classical electrodynamics, which, up to this time, have been our only means of formulating the principles which form the basis of actual applications of the quantum theory.” But by 1927 there was a consensus, at least within the core of the quantum community, that the new quantum mechanics had provided new conceptions, which made a revision of microscopic space-time geometry unnecessary.
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In his programmatic 1954 Richtmeyer Memorial Lecture, “Fields and Particles,” Wheeler formulated one of his research questions thus: “In which points of principle, if any, do the disturbances [geons] of smallest mass differ from elementary particles?” The lecture manuscript can be found in the John Archibald Wheeler Papers, American Philosophical Society, Philadelphia, Box 182
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In his programmatic 1954 Richtmeyer Memorial Lecture, “Fields and Particles,” Wheeler formulated one of his research questions thus: “In which points of principle, if any, do the disturbances [geons] of smallest mass differ from elementary particles?” The lecture manuscript can be found in the John Archibald Wheeler Papers, American Philosophical Society, Philadelphia, Box 182.
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In Bergmann and Brunings, “Non-Linear Field Theories, II” (cit. n. 25), p. 480, the authors state: “The motion of field singularities is determined by the field outside the singularities. . . . To this extent, this type of theory is the most nearly self-consistent classical field theory yet devised. . . . The purpose of our present program is to attempt the quantization of such a field theory and to see to what extent the usual divergences of quantum field theory can be avoided.”
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In Bergmann and Brunings, “Non-Linear Field Theories, II” (cit. n. 25), p. 480, the authors state: “The motion of field singularities is determined by the field outside the singularities. . . . To this extent, this type of theory is the most nearly self-consistent classical field theory yet devised. . . . The purpose of our present program is to attempt the quantization of such a field theory and to see to what extent the usual divergences of quantum field theory can be avoided.”
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A second research question formulated in Wheeler’s “Fields and Particles” lecture (cit. n. 29): “What are the distinctions of principle, if any, between the final stages of collapse of the star, and the steps . . . in the decay of a meson?”
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A second research question formulated in Wheeler’s “Fields and Particles” lecture (cit. n. 29): “What are the distinctions of principle, if any, between the final stages of collapse of the star, and the steps . . . in the decay of a meson?”
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Princeton, N.J.: Princeton Univ. Press, That the issue was unsettled at the outset of the renaissance is demonstrated by the different opinions held by two experts who discussed the observational status of general relativity at the “jubilee” conference in Bern in 1955. While Robert J. Trumpler stated that evidence appeared not to contradict the theoretical predictions of general relativity, Erwin Freundlich voiced some doubts on the reliability of the evidence summarized by Trumpler
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Jeffrey Crelinsten, Einstein’s Jury: The Race to Test Relativity (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton Univ. Press, 2006). That the issue was unsettled at the outset of the renaissance is demonstrated by the different opinions held by two experts who discussed the observational status of general relativity at the “jubilee” conference in Bern in 1955. While Robert J. Trumpler stated that evidence appeared not to contradict the theoretical predictions of general relativity, Erwin Freundlich voiced some doubts on the reliability of the evidence summarized by Trumpler
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A notable exception is the American physical chemist Richard C. Tolman, who made important contributions to relativistic cosmology and who also wrote the first textbook on the subject: Richard C. Tolman, Relativity, Thermodynamics, and Cosmology (Oxford: Clarendon, 1934). The impact of works on cosmological issues concerning the interpretation of the Schwarzschild solution is addressed in Eisenstaedt, “Trajectoires et impasses de la solution de Schwarzschild” (cit. n. 2)
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A notable exception is the American physical chemist Richard C. Tolman, who made important contributions to relativistic cosmology and who also wrote the first textbook on the subject: Richard C. Tolman, Relativity, Thermodynamics, and Cosmology (Oxford: Clarendon, 1934). The impact of works on cosmological issues concerning the interpretation of the Schwarzschild solution is addressed in Eisenstaedt, “Trajectoires et impasses de la solution de Schwarzschild” (cit. n. 2).
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A preliminary study of the publication venues of papers on general relativity and gravitation listed in the twenty-one volumes of the Bulletin on General Relativity and Gravitation shows that such articles were widely dispersed in journals devoted to physics, mathematics, and astronomy/astrophysics and in general scientific journals, especially those connected to national or local scientific societies. Between 1948 and 1962, about 1,400 papers in the field of general relativity and gravitation were published in more than two hundred journals, in at least six different languages. Moreover, the politics of publication still followed very local dynamics. Before 1960, Bergmann, e.g., published almost exclusively in Physical Review and other journals of the American Physical Society. The Physical Review, in turn, published almost exclusively papers written by American physicists or physicists who were working in American institutions at that time. Lichnerowicz and Tonnelat published their papers in French journals; Infeld’s preferred publication venues were Polish journals such as Acta Physica Polonica and the Bulletin of the Polish Academy of Science; and so forth
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A preliminary study of the publication venues of papers on general relativity and gravitation listed in the twenty-one volumes of the Bulletin on General Relativity and Gravitation shows that such articles were widely dispersed in journals devoted to physics, mathematics, and astronomy/astrophysics and in general scientific journals, especially those connected to national or local scientific societies. Between 1948 and 1962, about 1,400 papers in the field of general relativity and gravitation were published in more than two hundred journals, in at least six different languages. Moreover, the politics of publication still followed very local dynamics. Before 1960, Bergmann, e.g., published almost exclusively in Physical Review and other journals of the American Physical Society. The Physical Review, in turn, published almost exclusively papers written by American physicists or physicists who were working in American institutions at that time. Lichnerowicz and Tonnelat published their papers in French journals; Infeld’s preferred publication venues were Polish journals such as Acta Physica Polonica and the Bulletin of the Polish Academy of Science; and so forth.
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An interesting historical project would be to investigate the parallels with the emergence of the foundations of quantum mechanics as a subdiscipline in its own right in the late twentieth century.
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