Indonesia’s foreign policy under abdurrahman wahid: Radical or status quo state?1

Contemporary Southeast Asia

Volumn 22, Issue 3, 2000, Pages 498-526

  Smith, Anthony L ^a  

^a National University of Singapore   (Singapore)

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

EID: 84937323858     PISSN: 0129797X     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1355/CS22-3D     Document Type: Article

References (46)

1. This article was first delivered as a paper at the Forum on Regional, Strategic and Political Developments, at the Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, Singapore, 29 August 2000. I would like to thank my colleague, Tin Maung Maung Than, for his comments on an initial draft.
2. Indonesia 66 (October 1998): 1–4.
3. Mohan Malik, “The Future of Asian Geopolitics: An Indonesia-China-India Axis?”, Asia-Pacific Defence Reporter, February/March 2000, p. 21.
4. This refers to the fact that Islam is the religion of the majority (88 per cent) rather than the nature of the state. Indonesia remains a secular state. Scholars usually use the term “Islamic state” to denote a state that not only has a Muslim majority, but also the full or partial implementation of Islamic law.
5. See Dewi Fortuna Anwar, Indonesia in ASEAN: Foreign Policy and Regionalism, (New York and Singapore: St Martin’s Press and Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, 1994).
6. For example, Indonesian officials have recently accused Malaysia of numerous violations of the Kalimantan border.
7. See “Foreign power made me quit, says Suharto”, Straits Times (Singapore), 28 January 1999, p. 23.
8. Although the concept of sovereignty resting with the people is found in the Indonesian Constitution, its interpretation in post-Soeharto Indonesia is now more in line with that of established liberal democracies.
9. Keynote address by Alwi Shihab, “The Indonesian Foreign Policy Outlook”, Conference at the Observance of the Indonesian National Press Day, 17 February 2000.
10. See “Gus Dur, Globe Trotter”, Straits Times (Singapore), 18 February 2000. In 1999, his visits included Cambodia, Malaysia, Singapore, Thailand, the Philippines, Laos, Myanmar, Japan, Kuwait, Qatar, Jordan, and China. In 2000 he visited Saudi Arabia, Switzerland, Britian, France, the Netherlands, Germany, Italy, the Vatican, the Czech Republic, Belgium, India, South Korea, Thailand, Brunei, South Africa, Mexico, Cuba, Japan, Hong Kong, Singapore, the United States, Iran, Pakistan, Bahrain, Oman, Egypt and the UN Millennium summit in New York. There are plans to visit Canada, Europe, Australia and New Zealand. Cited in Robert Go, “Gus Dur set to resume overseas visits”, Straits Times, 4 August 2000, p. 31. Gus Dur’s announcement of a visit to Iraq adds another country to the list.
11. “H. van den Broek wel naar Indonesië”, NRC Handelsblad-Binnenland, 28 August 2000. (For this information I am grateful to Henny Klunk, First Secretary, Ambassade van Het Koninkrijk der Nederlanden, Singapore.) The use of international statesmen as advisors has also drawn some criticism from the Indonesian parliament. Some legislators have argued that there are many capable advisors that can be drawn from within the Indonesian élite.
12. For example, it was Shihab who repeatedly told the press from the beginning of 2000 that the Cabinet would be reshuffled some time in August (as it was).
13. See “Indonesia”, Asia-Pacific Defence Reporter, June/July 2000, pp. 46–47.
14. For example, see “Islam and state will remain separate”, Straits Times (Singapore), 7 November 1999.
15. “Enter the Imlek Dragon”, Asian Business, 1 March 2000.
16. Former Minister for Foreign Affairs, Ali Alatas, stated in a press article that: “Indonesian diplomacy is also being directed towards pre-empting any possible support from foreign quarters to separatist movements in the country.” Ali Alatas, “Jakarta’s Diplomacy Challenges”, Straits Times (Singapore), 2 April 2000, p. 54.
17. Alwi Shihab, “Briefing by the Foreign Minister H. E. Alwi Shihab to Foreign Ambassadors in Jakarta on Aceh, Maluku and Irian Jaya”, Jakarta, 7 July 2000.
18. These comments were repeated in Singapore in the speech by the Indonesian Minister for Foreign Affairs, Alwi Shihab, on “Indonesia’s Internal Development and Regional Stability”, at the Institute of Defence and Strategic Studies, Singapore, on 11 August 2000.
19. Shihab has explained the conflict in these terms to foreign diplomats: “The conflict in Maluku is basically not a religious conflict. It is more of an inter-communal conflict driven by local economic disparities, instigated by certain forces bent on destabilizing the country.” Alwi Shihab, “Briefing by the Foreign Minister H. E. Alwi Shihab to Foreign Ambassadors in Jakarta on Aceh, Maluku and Irian Jaya”, Jakarta, 7 July 2000. The “destabilizing forces” argument is commonly put forward by the political élite in Jakarta, including members of the Cabinet. The most recent former Minister for Defence has blamed forces loyal to former President Soeharto, while press sources blame former Habibie Cabinet minister, Adi Sasono. None of this can be proved and thus remain circumstantial allegations.
20. Note that the British never sought U.N. assistance over the Northern Ireland conflict, and neither have the Russians shown any interest in using the same channel to help resolve the intractable problem in Chechnya.
21. Graig Skehan, “Region urged to support Wahid”, Sydney Morning Herald, 27 July 2000. Downer has also expressed the view that elements of the military are undermining Wahid’s rule.
22. Extract from the communiqué cited in “ASEAN backs Indonesia against the provinces”, Straits Times (Singapore), 26 July 2000, p. 32.
23. Malaysiakini, 13–14 May 2000.
24. Wahid defines these as “the common laws of humanity: efficiency, openness, honesty, equal treatment for the law, despite the different origins of people.” Abdurrahman Wahid, “The Future of Asia” (Nikkei Shinbun Inc, Tokyo, 8 June 2000). The universality of this clarification seems, on the face of things, to contradict the idea that it defines aspects of being Asian per se.
25. Demonstrations for the removal of Megawati as head of the PDI in 1996 were blamed on communist agitators — which was even written into the story-lines of popular television serials.
26. See Secretary of State Madeleine Albright, “Press Stakeout Following Bilateral Meeting with Indonesian Foreign Minister Shihab”, Bangkok, Thailand, 29 July 2000. Released by the U.S. State Department.
27. Or achieving human and geostrategic security through the enlargement of the democratic camp.
28. Hal Hill and Chris Manning, “RI-Australia Ties: What Went Wrong?”, Indonesian Quarterly 27, no. 4 (1999): 287.
29. Dr Mahathir, Prime Minister of Malaysia, summarized feelings over Indonesia when he wondered aloud in a newspaper column if Australia was trying to break Indonesia up. However, it is important to note that such a scenario is alarmist as it is well recognized in Australia that its interests are far better served by a unitary Indonesia. East Timor, never recognized as part of Indonesia by the international community, is very much the exception.
30. Jakarta Post, 24 April 2000.
31. Nancy Viviani, “The Sharp Deterioration in Relations Between Indonesia and Australia: An Australian Perspective”, in Indonesia in Transition: Social Aspects of Reformasi and Crisis, edited by Chris Manning and Peter van Dierman (Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, 2000), p. 120.
32. Hadi Soesastro, “Indonesia as Australia’s Neighbour”, in Indonesia in Transition: Social Aspects of Reformasi and Crisis, edited by Chris Manning and Peter van Dierman (Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, 2000), p. 129.
33. These comments were made in a speech by the Indonesian Minister for Foreign Affairs, Alwi Shihab, “Indonesia’s Internal Development and Regional Stability”, Institute of Defence and Strategic Studies, Singapore, 11 August 2000.
34. Keynote address by Alwi Shihab, “Rebuilding Mutual Confidence and Understanding: The Way Ahead for Australia-Indonesia Relations”, The Australia-Indonesia Institute, Jakarta, 28 January 2000.
35. “Australia a threat to Indonesia, says minister”, Straits Times (Singapore), 30 May 2000, p. 20.
36. ‘Gus Dur’s Timor visit’, Straits Times (Singapore), 6 March 200, p. 46.
37. Graig Skehan, “Region urged to support Wahid”, Sydney Morning Herald, 27 July 2000.
38. Quoted in “‘E. Timorese want Indon rule again’: Defence Minister says they are fed-up”, New Straits Times, 18 September 2000, p. 21.
39. “Jakarta risking wrath of Security Council”, Sydney Morning Herald, 27 September 2000.
40. Robert Go, “Timor handling may hurt aid, warns World Bank”, Straits Times (Singapore), 20 September 2000, p. 4.
41. Shihab has stated, “We know that most of the world’s capital is owned by the Jewish people.” He has also explained that the Prophet Muhammad had trade contacts with the Jewish people. See “Alwi knows his way around the Mideast”, Jakarta Post, 27 October 1999.
42. “Shimon Peres visits Jakarta, Yasser Arafat to follow”, Jakarta Post, 16 August 2000. Wahid has publicly distinguished between administrative sovereignty and political sovereignty. Political sovereignty would be in the hands of six neighbouring countries and the United Nations.
43. th Conference of Ministers of Foreign Affairs of the Non-Aligned Countries, Colombia, 8–9 April 2000.
44. Daniel Cooney, “Wahid sets Iraq trip with call to end sanctions”, Sydney Morning Herald, 14 August 2000.
45. Rizal Sukma, “Values, Governance, and Indonesia’s Foreign Policy”, in Changing Values in Asia: Their Impact on Governance and Development, edited by Han SungJoo (Tokyo: Japan Center for International Exchange, 1999), p. 140.
46. They are Algeria, Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Egypt, India, Indonesia, Jamaica, Kenya, Nigeria, Malaysia, Mexico, Peru, Senegal, Sri Lanka, Venezuela, and Zimbabwe, with Iran and Colombia expected to join to bring the number to nineteen by May 2001.