How useful are feminist theories of the welfare state?

Women's History Review

Volumn 4, Issue 3, 1995, Pages 369-394

  Blackburn, Sheila ^a  

^a UNIVERSITY OF LIVERPOOL   (United Kingdom)

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EID: 84937291041     PISSN: 09612025     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1080/09612029500200091     Document Type: Article

References (159)

1. Pat Thane (1993) Women in the British Labour Party and the construction of state welfare, 1906-1939, in Seth Koven & Sonya Michel (Eds) Mothers of a New World: maternalist politics and the origins of the welfare states, 342-377 (London: Routledge)
2. Pat Thane (1991) Visions of gender in the making of the British welfare state: the case of women in the British Labour Party and social policy, 1906-1945, in Giselle Bock & Pat Thane (Eds) Maternity and Gender Politics: women and the rise of European welfare states, 93-118 (London: Routledge). Although the latter article deals with some post-war issues, the major focus of discussion is the period 1900-1939.
3. Jane Lewis (1991) Models of equality for women: the case of state support for children in twentieth century Britain, in Bock & Thane (Eds) Maternity and Gender Politics, 73-92;
4. Jane Lewis (1992) Gender and the development of welfare regimes, Journal of European Social Policy, 2, 159-173;
5. Jane Lewis (1992)Women in Britain Since 1945, 92-113
6. Jane Lewis (Ed.) Women’s Welfare: women’s rights, 17-37 (London: Croom Helm). The otherwise excellent books by the historians Harris and Lowe only indirectly deal with gender. See Jose Harris (1977) William Beveridge: a biography (Oxford: Clarendon Press)
7. Rodney Lowe (1993) The Welfare State in Britain Since 1945 (Basingstoke: Macmillan).
8. Graham Fennell, for instance, comments “historians seemed to regard the Welfare State as the natural habitat of sociologists; and since they regarded it as originating in the 1940s, they tended to cede the 1940s to sociology.
9. Graham Fennell (1990) The Second World War and the welfare state in Britain: sociological interpretations of historical developments, in Lynn Jamieson & Helen Corr (Eds) State, Private Life and Political Change, p. 76 (Basingstoke: Macmillan).
10. Vic George & Paul Wilding (1994) Welfare and Ideology, 157-158 (Hemel Hempstead: Harvester Wheatsheaf).
11. Michael Young (1952) The distribution of income within the family, British Journal of Sociology, 3, 305-321.
12. Richard Titmuss (1963 reprint edition) Essays on the Welfare State, 98-99 (London: Allen & Unwin; first published 1958, London: Allen & Unwin).
13. Gillian Pascall (1986) Social Policy: a feminist analysis, p. 10 (London: Tavistock).
14. Hilary Graham (1987) Women's poverty and caring, in Caroline Glendinning & Jane Millar (Eds) Women and Poverty in Britain, p. 234 (Sussex: Wheatsheaf).
15. See also, Caroline Glendinning & Jane Millar (1991) Poverty: the forgotten Englishwomen, in Mavis Maclean & Dulcie Groves (Eds) Women’s Issues in Social Policy, 20-37 (London: Routledge).
16. Peter Townsend & Dorothy Wedderburn (1965) The Aged in the Welfare State (London: Bell). The special circumstances of women's poverty were also overlooked by Abel-Smith & Townsend. Brian Abel-Smith & Peter Townsend (1965) The Poor and the Poorest (London: Bell).
17. Hilary Land (1971) Women, work and social security, Social and Economic Administration, 5, 183-192;
18. Hilary Land (1978), Who cares for the family? Journal of Social Policy, 7, 257-284;
19. Hilary Land (1976) Women: supporters or supported? in Sheila Allen & Diana Barker (Eds) Sexual Divisions and Society, 108-132 (London: Tavistock).
20. See also, Elizabeth Wilson (1977) Women and the Welfare State (London: Tavistock).
21. Janet Finch (1989) Family Obligations and Social Change (Oxford: Polity Press);
22. Fiona Williams (1989) Social Policy: a critical introduction (Oxford: Polity Press);
23. Glendinning, & Millar, (Eds), Women and Poverty; Pascall, Social Policy.
24. Elizabeth Wilson (1982) Women, community care and the family, in Alan Walker (Ed.) Community Care, p. 52 (Oxford: Blackwell)
25. Janet Finch & Dulcie Graves (1980) Community care and the family, Journal of Social Policy, 9, p. 494.
26. Nickie Charles (1993) Gender Divisions and Social Change, p. 88 (Hemel Hempstead: Harvester Wheatsheaf). When socialist feminists welded patriarchy onto Marxism, they found the work of Hartmann and Eisenstein particularly helpful. Hartmann's work indicates that capitalism and patriarchy are analytically separate systems each with its own independent effect. Eisenstein, on the other hand, suggests that capitalism and patriarchy are so interwoven that they have fused to form a single system - capitalist patriarchy. Since the work of Hartmann and Eisenstein appeared, and as we shall see in section IV, there have been numerous variations on this theme.
27. Heidi Hartmann (1979) The unhappy marriage of Marxism and feminism: towards a progressive union, Capital and Class, 8, summer, 1-33;
28. Zillah Eisenstein (1979) Developing a theory of capitalist patriarchy and socialist feminism, in Zillah Eisenstein (Ed.) Capitalist Patriarchy and the Case for Socialist Feminism (New York: Monthly Review Press).
29. C. Williams, Social Policy, 178-193.
30. C. Williams, Social Policy., p. 57.
31. D. Wilson, Women and the Welfare State, p. 151.
32. Dale, A & Foster, R., Feminists and State Welfare, p. 16; Land, 'Women: supporters or supported?', p. 109.
33. Claire Callender (1987) Redundancy, unemployment and poverty in Glendinning & Miller (Eds) Women and Poverty, p. 147.
34. Hilary Land (1983) Who still cares for the family? Recent developments in income maintenance, taxation and family law, in Lewis, Women’s Welfare: Women’s rights, p. 70.
35. D. Wilson, Women and the Welfare State, p. 153. However, in a later article, Wilson concedes that Beveridge was also betrayed by history for “the divorce rate has risen fairly steadily since the Second World War, and consequently disastrous gaps in the Beveridge Plan have been revealed”
36. Elizabeth Wilson (1983) Feminism and social policy, in Martin Loney, David Boswell & John Clarke (Eds) Social Policy and Social Welfare, p. 38 (Buckingham: Open University).
37. Jane Lewis & David Piachaud (1987) Women and poverty in the twentieth century, in Glendinning & Millar (Eds) Women and Poverty, p. 28.
38. Joan Brown (1990) The focus on single mothers, in Charles Murray, Joan Brown, Frank Field, Nicholas Deakin & Alan Walker (Eds) The Emerging British Underclass, 43-48 (London: Institute of Economic Affairs)
39. John Macnicol (1987) In pursuit of the underclass, Journal of Social Policy, 16, 293-318.
40. See also, Wilson, Women and the Welfare State, 80-81, 153. According to Pascall, unmarried mothers are 'punished' by the welfare state - they are allocated the worst public sector housing in the most deprived areas.
41. See Pascall, Social Policy, p. 147.
42. Pascall, A Social Policy, p. 8. For Beveridge's estimates, see William Beveridge (1942) Social Insurance and Allied Services (SIAS) Cmnd. 6404 (London: HMSO), p. 49, para. 108. By 1943, over 40 per cent of all married women were in employment, and this included one in five married women with children. See Land, 'Women: supporters or supported?', p. 116.
43. Brian Abel-Smith (1983) Sex equality and social security, in Lewis (Ed.) Women’s Welfare, p. 91. Those who rarely mention feminism also make the same point. See Michael Hill (1990) Social Security Policy in Britain, p. 33 (Aldershot: Edward Elgar).
44. Pascall, Social Policy, p. 8. However, Wilson is more sympathetic to Beveridge on this point. She argues: “To be fair to Beveridge, no-one expected the great increase in the numbers of married women going out to work in the period since the Second World War”.
45. See Elizabeth Wilson 'Feminism and social policy', p. 38. However, Lewis makes the salient point that working-class men have seldom earned a family wage and, even if they did, there was no guarantee that wages (or welfare benefits) would be shared equally amongst family members.
46. See Jane Lewis (1986) Feminism and welfare, in Juliet Mitchell & Ann Oakley (Eds) What is Feminism?, p. 89 (Oxford: Blackwell).
47. Pascall, Social Policy, p. 200. For an excellent, but brief account of how, in the 1970s and 1980s, changes were introduced to remove, at least formally, discrimination, see Pete Alcock (1993) Understanding Poverty, 131-132, 181 (Basingstoke: Macmillan).
48. Dale, & Foster, Feminists and State Welfare, p. 18
49. Wilson, Women and the Welfare State, p. 153. For Bompas & Abbott's figures, see Elizabeth Abbott & Katherine Bompas (1943) The Woman Citizen and Social Security, p. 3 (London: E. Bompas).
50. Dale, & Foster, Feminists and State Welfare, p. 10. But, as Wilson notes, the NCW's deputation was unsympathetically received by Sir William Jowett (Minister Without Portfolio and later the first Minister of National Insurance). Wilson, 'Feminism and Social Policy', p. 39.
51. Wilson, Women and the Welfare State, 34, 117, 121-122.
52. Dalem, & Foster, Feminists and State Welfare, 3-20.
53. Wilson, Women and the Welfare State, 150, 152. For Beveridge's statement, see SIAS, p. 49, para. 107. This sentiment is also shared by Land. See 'Women supporters or supported?', p. 111.
54. Wilson, Women and the Welfare State, p. 148. However, in her later work, Wilson does admit that Beveridge sincerely believed that, in his report, he was helping to improve the economic and social status of housewives. However, she also asserts that he never questioned the sexual division of labour.
55. See Elizabeth Wilson (1980) Only Halfway to Paradise: women in postwar Britain, 1945-1968, p. 19 (London: Tavistock);
56. Wilson, 'Feminism and social policy', p. 38.
57. Jennifer Dale (1986-87) Feminists and the development of the welfare state - some lessons from our history, Critical Social Policy, 6, p. 62.
58. Dale, & Foster, Feminists and State Welfare, 123-125.
59. Dale,., p. 127. Feminists and State Welfare
60. See also, Wilson, 'Feminism and social policy', p. 42
61. Elizabeth Wilson & Angela Weir (1986) Hidden Agendas: theory, politics and experience in the women’s movement, 88, 132
62. McIntosh, 'Feminism and social policy', 32, 39.
63. Dale& Foster, Feminists and State Welfare, 123-135.
64. Dale., p. 134. See also
65. McIntosh, A'Feminism and social policy', 32, 40.
66. Wilson, & Weir, though, have grave reservations concerning incomes policies. See, Wilson & Weir, Hidden Agendas, 86-88.
67. Pascall, Social Policy, p. 69.
68. Dale, & Foster, for instance, dismiss family allowances as a government ruse to hold down inflation and to halt a falling birth rate. See Dale & Foster, Feminists and State Welfare, p. 12. Pascall, though, does recognise that family allowances did reduce women's and children's dependence on men. But she eventually concludes: “Family allowances went along with a reassertion of women's dependence and domestic work. And the allowances have never been enough to spell economic freedom”. See Pascall, Social Policy, 18, 220.
69. Margaret Llewelyn Davies (Ed.) (1978 reprint edition) Maternity: letters from working women (London: Virago; first published 1915, London: Bell); Margery
70. Dale & Foster, Feminists and State Welfare, p. 10. But, as Wilson notes, the NCW's deputation was unsympathetically received by Sir William Jowett (Minister Without Portfolio and later the first Minister of National Insurance). Wilson, 'Feminism and Social Policy', p. 39.
71. Wilson, Women and the Welfare State, 34, 117, 121-122.
72. See also, Dale, & Foster, Feminists and State Welfare, 3-20.
73. Wilson, Women and the Welfare State, 150, 152. For Beveridge's statement, see SIAS, p. 49, para. 107. This sentiment is also shared by Land. See 'Women supporters or supported?', p. 111.
74. Wilson, Women and the Welfare State, p. 148. However, in her later work, Wilson does admit that Beveridge sincerely believed that, in his report, he was helping to improve the economic and social status of housewives. However, she also asserts that he never questioned the sexual division of labour.
75. See Elizabeth Wilson (1980) Only Halfway to Paradise: women in postwar Britain, 1945-1968, p. 19 (London: Tavistock);
76. Wilson, 'Feminism and social policy', p. 38.
77. Jennifer Dale (1986-87) Feminists and the development of the welfare state - some lessons from our history, Critical Social Policy, 6, p. 62.
78. Dale, & Foster, Feminists and State Welfare, 123-125.
79. Dale & Foster, Feminists and State Welfare, 123-135.
80. Wilson, & Weir, though, have grave reservations concerning incomes policies. See, Wilson & Weir, Hidden Agendas, 86-88.
81. Dale & Foster, Feminists and State Welfare, p. 135.
82. However, they failed to predict that a statutory national minimum wage would, by 1986, become an agreed policy commitment by both the Trades Union Congress (TUC) and the Labour Party. See Sheila Blackburn (1988) The problem of riches: from trade boards to a national minimum wage, Industrial Relations Journal, 19, 133-134.
83. Pascall, Social Policy, p. 69.
84. Dale & Foster, for instance, dismiss family allowances as a government ruse to hold down inflation and to halt a falling birth rate.
85. Dale & Foster, Feminists and State Welfare, p. 12. Pascall, though, does recognise that family allowances did reduce women's and children's dependence on men. But she eventually concludes: “Family allowances went along with a reassertion of women's dependence and domestic work. And the allowances have never been enough to spell economic freedom”. See Pascall, Social Policy, 18, 220.
86. Margaret Llewelyn Davies (Ed.) (1978 reprint edition) Maternity: letters from working women (London: Virago; first published 1915, London: Bell); Margery
87. Dale & Foster, Feminists and State Welfare, p. 10. But, as Wilson notes, the NCW's deputation was unsympathetically received by Sir William Jowett (Minister Without Portfolio and later the first Minister of National Insurance). Wilson, 'Feminism and Social Policy', p. 39.
88. Wilson, Women and the Welfare State, 34, 117, 121-122.
89. See also, Dale & Foster, Feminists and State Welfare, 3-20.
90. Wilson, Women and the Welfare State, 150, 152. For Beveridge's statement, see SIAS, p. 49, para. 107. This sentiment is also shared by Land. See 'Women supporters or supported?', p. 111.
91. Wilson, Women and the Welfare State, p. 148. However, in her later work, Wilson does admit that Beveridge sincerely believed that, in his report, he was helping to improve the economic and social status of housewives. However, she also asserts that he never questioned the sexual division of labour. See Elizabeth Wilson (1980) Only Halfway to Paradise: women in postwar Britain, 1945-1968, p. 19 (London: Tavistock); Wilson, 'Feminism and social policy', p. 38.
92. Jennifer Dale (1986-87) Feminists and the development of the welfare state - some lessons from our history, Critical Social Policy, 6, p. 62.
93. Dale & Foster, Feminists and State Welfare, 123-125.
94. Dale & Foster, Feminists and State Welfare, 123-135.
95. Dale & Foster, Feminists and State Welfare, p. 135. However, they failed to predict that a statutory national minimum wage would, by 1986, become an agreed policy commitment by both the Trades Union Congress (TUC) and the Labour Party.
96. See Sheila Blackburn (1988) The problem of riches: from trade boards to a national minimum wage, Industrial Relations Journal, 19, 133-134.
97. Pascall, Social Policy, p. 69.
98. Dale & Foster, for instance, dismiss family allowances as a government ruse to hold down inflation and to halt a falling birth rate.
99. See Dale & Foster, Feminists and State Welfare, p. 12. Pascall, though, does recognise that family allowances did reduce women's and children's dependence on men. But she eventually concludes: “Family allowances went along with a reassertion of women's dependence and domestic work. And the allowances have never been enough to spell economic freedom”. See Pascall, Social Policy, 18, 220.
100. Margaret Llewelyn Davies (Ed.) (1978 reprint edition) Maternity: letters from working women (London: Virago; first published 1915, London: Bell); Margery
101. Abbott, & Bompas, The Woman Citizen, p. 18.
102. Thane, 'Women in the British Labour Party', p. 344.
103. Hinton, 'Women and the Labour vote', p. 62.
104. Young, 'The distribution of income', p. 319.
105. Jose Harris (1990) Enterprise and welfare states: a comparative perspective, Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, 40, 186-187.
106. SIAS, p. 88, para. 227.
107. Harris, William Beveridge, p. 392.
108. Harris., William Beveridge 403-407.
109. See also, SIAS, p. 134, para. 347.
110. Harris, William Beveridge, 431, 450.
111. Pascall, Social Policy, p. 6.
112. Mark Hyde & Bob Deacon (1986-7) Working class opinion and welfare strategies, Critical Social Policy, 6, 16, 22. See also
113. Peter Taylor-Gooby (1988) The future of the British welfare state: public attitudes, citizenship and social policy under the Conservative Governments of the 1980s, European Sociological Review, 4, p. 11. To be fair to Beveridge, he had wanted unlimited insurance cover for the adult unemployed provided that, after a period (of roughly 6 months), they were prepared to be retrained or be willing to accept any kind of work. See SIAS, p. 158, para. 131. For Beveridge's considerable problem with rents, see Harris, William Beveridge, 397-398.
114. Jim Kincaid (1973) Poverty and Equality in Britain, ch. 3 (Harmondsworth: Penguin); John Veit-Wilson (1986) Paradigms of poverty: a rehabilitation of B.S. Rowntree, Journal of Social Policy, 15, 69-100
115. Harris, William Beveridge, 393-394. In December 1948, some 675, 000 claimants had their benefits supplemented by national assistance. By December 1951, these figures had risen to one million. See Alan Deacon (1982) An end to the means test? Journal of Social Policy, 11, p. 290.
116. John Veit-Wilson (1994) Condemned to deprivation? Beveridge's responsibility for the invisibility of poverty, in Hills, Ditch & Glennerster (Eds) Beveridge and Social Security, 106, 113-114.
117. Alan Walker (1987) The poor relation: poverty among older women, in Glendinning & Millar (Eds) Women and Poverty, p. 178.
118. Thane, 'Women in the British Labour Party', p. 344.
119. Hinton, 'Women and the Labour vote', p. 62.
120. Young, 'The distribution of income', p. 319.
121. Jose Harris (1990) Enterprise and welfare states: a comparative perspective, Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, 40, 186-187.
122. Harris, William Beveridge, p. 392.
123. Harris, William Beveridge, 431, 450.
124. Pascall, Social Policy, p. 6.
125. Mark Hyde & Bob Deacon (1986-7) Working class opinion and welfare strategies, Critical Social Policy, 6, 16, 22. See also
126. Peter Taylor-Gooby (1988) The future of the British welfare state: public attitudes, citizenship and social policy under the Conservative Governments of the 1980s, European Sociological Review, 4, p. 11. To be fair to Beveridge, he had wanted unlimited insurance cover for the adult unemployed provided that, after a period (of roughly 6 months), they were prepared to be retrained or be willing to accept any kind of work. See SIAS, p. 158, para. 131. For Beveridge's considerable problem with rents, see Harris, William Beveridge, 397-398.
127. Jim Kincaid (1973) Poverty and Equality in Britain, ch. 3 (Harmondsworth: Penguin); John Veit-Wilson (1986) Paradigms of poverty: a rehabilitation of B.S. Rowntree, Journal of Social Policy, 15, 69-100
128. Harris, William Beveridge, 393-394. In December 1948, some 675, 000 claimants had their benefits supplemented by national assistance. By December 1951, these figures had risen to one million. See Alan Deacon (1982) An end to the means test? Journal of Social Policy, 11, p. 290.
129. John Veit-Wilson (1994) Condemned to deprivation? Beveridge's responsibility for the invisibility of poverty, in Hills, Ditch & Glennerster (Eds) Beveridge and Social Security, 106, 113-114.
130. Alan Walker (1987) The poor relation: poverty among older women, in Glendinning & Millar (Eds) Women and Poverty, p. 178.
131. Titmuss, Essays on the Welfare State, 34-55. Between 1988-9, tax relief on mortgage interest relief payments reached £5.2 billion. See Rodney Lowe (1994) Post-war welfare, in Paul Johnson (Ed.) Twentieth Century Britain, p. 365 (London: Longman). See also, Julian Le Grand & David Winter (1987) The middle classes and the defence of the British welfare state, in Robert Goodwin & Julian Le Grand (Eds) Not Only the Poor: the middle class and the welfare state, 147-168 (London: Allen & Unwin). Moreover, in defiance of Beveridge, pensions were paid immediately (rather than allowing for a 20 year
132. Claire Ungerson (1990) The language of care, in Claire Ungerson (Ed.) Gender and Caring, 16-25, 27-31, 74-76 (Hemel Hempstead: Harvester Wheatsheaf).
133. Janet Finch (1983-84) Community care: developing non-sexist alternatives, Critical Social Policy, 3, p. 12.
134. See, for example, the review by David of Finch's, Family obligation and social change in Miriam David (1991-92) Critical Social Policy, 11, 105-106.
135. Jenny Morris (1991-92) 'Us' and 'them'? Feminist research, community care and disability, Critical Social Policy, 11, p. 28.
136. See Lewis, 'Feminism and welfare', p. 96…
137. See Jane Lewis & Gertrude Astrom (1992) Equality, difference and state welfare: labour market and family policies in Sweden, Feminist Studies, 18, Spring, p. 77.
138. Lewis also points out of Sweden: “Women have been 'forced' into the labour market, but they have retained their responsibility for the unpaid work of caring; men's behaviour has not changed”. See Lewis, 'Gender and the development of welfare regimes', p. 169.
139. Dale, & Foster, Feminists and State Welfare, 59-61, 135. See also
140. Wilson, Women and the Welfare State, p. 9.
141. Beatrix Campbell (1974) Wigan Pier Revisited: poverty and politics in the 80s, p. 78 (London: Virago).
142. Birte Siim (1987) The Scandinavian welfare states: towards sexual equality or a new kind of male domination? Acta Sociologica, 30, 255-270.
143. See also, Birte Siim (1990) Women and the welfare state: between private and public dependence, in Ungerson (Ed.) Gender and Caring, 93-96
144. Berte Siim (1993) Gendered Scandinavian welfare states, in Jane Lewis (Ed.) Women and Social Policies in Europe, 25-48 (Aldershot: Edward Elgar); Anette Borchorst & Birte Siim (1987) Women and the advanced welfare state - a new kind of power? in Anne Showstack Sassoon (Ed.) Women and the State: the shifting boundaries of public and private, 128-157 (London: Hutchinson).
145. Lewis, Women in Britain, p. 94.
146. Wilson, & Weir, Hidden Agendas, p. 94.
147. Dale, & Foster, Feminists and State Welfare, p. 177.
148. Beatrix Campbell (1984) How the other half lives, Marxism Today, 28
149. 18-23
150. Beatrix Campbell, Wigan Pier Revisited. Campbell's anti-male trade union stance is also reflected in her rejection of free collective bargaining for a socialist incomes policy. Of this
151. Wilson, & Weir comment that, in the 1970s, incomes policies did not make an appreciable difference to male/female earnings. See Wilson & Weir, Hidden Agendas, 121-122.
152. Pascall, A Social Policy. Unfortunately, the key socialist feminist texts on welfare are not informed by recent scholarship which argues that patriarchal theory is a good way of exploring, if not explaining women's oppression. Particularly impressive in this respect is the scholarship of Kandiyoti, Bennett and Walby. Kandiyoti, for instance, argues that a comparative analysis of women's coping mechanisms and strategies is superior to the unqualified, abstract notion of patriarchy encountered in contemporary feminist theory. She observes that women strategise within a set of dynamic, concrete restraints (patriarchal bargains). See Deniz Kandiyoti (1988) Bargaining with patriarchy, Gender and Society, 2, 274-190. Bennett is anxious for feminists, in order to identify the most common mechanisms of patriarchy, to investigate historical case studies (preferably at a time of crisis). See Judith Bennett (1989) Feminism and History, Gender and History, 1, 251-272. Walby's work, on the other hand, is a theoretical refinement of Hartman's ideas. She views patriarchy as a relatively autonomous set of relations operating differently on different sites (the mode of production, paid work, the state, male violence, sexuality and cultural institutions). At the same time, patriarchy constantly changes as it intersects with capitalism and racism at different times and in different ways. As a result, she considers the state as being capable of independently representing patriarchy above other interests.
153. See Sylvia Walby (1989) Theorising patriarchy, Sociology, 23, 213-234.
154. Williams, in fact, is the only socialist feminist writer on welfare seriously to consider the work of Walby. Yet she does so in a rather perfunctory manner. She remarks: “What Walby does is try so hard to avoid the economism (the stressing of capitalism as the power by which the state is influenced) of writers like McIntosh and Wilson, that she almost returns us to a liberal pluralist or liberal feminist conception of the neutral state balancing different interests”.
155. See Williams, Social Policy, p. 64.
156. Dale, & Foster, Feminists and State Welfare, p. 130.
157. Caroline Ramazangla (1986) Ethnocentrism and socialist feminist theory: a response to Barratt & McIntosh, Feminist Review, 22, p. 85.
158. George, & Wilding, Welfare Ideology, p. 160.
159. Wilson, Women and the Welfare State, p. 59.