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Hence the image of Social Security pensions as “the third rail of American politics”: like the third rail on an electrified train track, touch it and you are dead. See more generally New York: Cambridge University Press ch. 3
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Hence the image of Social Security pensions as “the third rail of American politics”: like the third rail on an electrified train track, touch it and you are dead. See more generally Paul Pierson, Dismantling the Welfare State? Reagan, Thatcher, and the Politics of Retrenchment (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1994), ch. 3.
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trans. G. D. H. Cole (1762; London: Everyman/Dent bk. 1, ch. 3
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ch. 2. Were it only as easy to buy off the homeless today!
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Elizabeth I, ch. 2. Were it only as easy to buy off the homeless today!
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reprinted in part in edited by John Wilson, Jane Thomson, and Anthony McMahon (Melbourne: Macmillan
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Lawrence Mead makes the same arguments against welfare entitlements in particular: see his
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Lawrence Mead makes the same arguments against welfare entitlements in particular: see his Beyond Entitlement
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“Citizenship and Social Policy.” In this, he is echoing many before him, most especially Alexis de Tocqueville's 1835 “Memoir on Pauperism,” reprinted in The Public Interest 70 (1983), pp. 102–20; see especially pp. 105–20.
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“Citizenship and Social Policy.” Amitai Etzioni, The New Golden Rule (New York: Basic Books, 1996).
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H.R. 3734) August 22 Originally entitled the Welfare Reform Act of 1996, subsequently retitled the 110 Stat. 2105
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Originally entitled the Welfare Reform Act of 1996, subsequently retitled the Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Reconciliation Act of 1996, Public Law 104–93 (H.R. 3734) August 22, 1996, 110 Stat. 2105.
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Acceptance Speech to the Democratic National Convention, Chicago, 29 August 1996
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August 31 at p. 2487. This is a recurring motif. A week earlier, when signing the act into law on August 22, 1996, President Clinton had referred to it as part of “America's basic bargain of providing opportunities and demanding in return responsibilities.”
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William J. Clinton, “Acceptance Speech to the Democratic National Convention, Chicago, 29 August 1996,” Congressional Quarterly Weekly Report 54 (August 31, 1996), pp. 2485–89, at p. 2487. This is a recurring motif. A week earlier, when signing the act into law on August 22, 1996, President Clinton had referred to it as part of “America's basic bargain of providing opportunities and demanding in return responsibilities.”
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One such duty is the principle of tort law that providers have a duty of care toward those dependent upon them; see 3rd edition (London: Weidenfeld & Nicholson ch. 3, sec. 1
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One such duty is the principle of tort law that providers have a duty of care toward those dependent upon them; see P. S. Atiyah, Accidents, Compensation and the Law, 3rd edition (London: Weidenfeld & Nicholson, 1980), ch. 3, sec. 1, pp. 65–69.
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Also see the discussion of ultra vires in 6th edition (Harmondsworth, Middlesex: Penguin ch. 29
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In chs. 1–3, Alan Wolfe develops many of these themes
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In Whose Keeper? chs. 1–3, Alan Wolfe develops many of these themes.
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Elsewhere I argue that reliance rather than promise what grounds contractual obligations themselves; see Goodin, Protecting the Vulnerable, pp. 42–52.
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Statement upon Signing H.R. 3734
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104th Congress—Second Session Among whom he specifically mentioned “children and battered wives” at pp. 2892–93
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Among whom he specifically mentioned “children and battered wives”; William J. Clinton, “Statement upon Signing H.R. 3734,” US Code, Congressional & Administrative News, 104th Congress—Second Session, 1996, vol. 5, pp. 2891–93, at pp. 2892–93.
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As was the interwar origin of maternity benefits and child allowances in Scandinavia, France, and Britain. See, respectively Oxford: Clarendon Press
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As was the interwar origin of maternity benefits and child allowances in Scandinavia, France, and Britain. See, respectively: Timothy A. Tilton, The Political Theory of Swedish Social Democracy (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1990)
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This is in contrast to the case for absolutely unconditional basic income presented by, e.g.
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This is in contrast to the case for absolutely unconditional basic income presented by, e.g., Philippe Van Parijs, “Why Surfers Should be Fed: The Liberal Case for an Unconditional Basic Income,” Philosophy and Public Affairs 20 (1991), pp. 101–31.
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That is more true in some sorts of societies than others. Jerry Hart describes Texas during the boom of the early 1980s as a place “where money wasn't money, but just a means of keeping count”; quoted in January 25–31
-
That is more true in some sorts of societies than others. Jerry Hart describes Texas during the boom of the early 1980s as a place “where money wasn't money, but just a means of keeping count”; quoted in David Maraniss, “John Connally Loses It All,” in Washington Post National Weekly Edition 5 (January 25–31, 1988), p. 10.
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A thousand-dollar slave felt superior to an eight-hundred-dollar slave
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But, tellingly, slaves' sense of self-worth was tied to their market value even in antebellum Virginia reports Kenneth Stampp in his New York: Knopf
-
But, tellingly, slaves' sense of self-worth was tied to their market value even in antebellum Virginia: “A thousand-dollar slave felt superior to an eight-hundred-dollar slave,” reports Kenneth Stampp in his The Peculiar Institution (New York: Knopf, 1956), pp. 338–39.
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See, for example, the rhetorical question posed by “Why should unwilling workers be bribed to work when many other Americans, not on welfare, do ‘dirty’ jobs every day?”
-
See, for example, the rhetorical question posed by Mead in Beyond Entitlement, p. 84: “Why should unwilling workers be bribed to work when many other Americans, not on welfare, do ‘dirty’ jobs every day?”
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Beyond Entitlement
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17th edition (London: John Murray
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Henry Sumner Maine, Ancient Law, 17th edition (London: John Murray, 1901).
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