Memory beyond the public sphere: The francoist repression remembered in Aragon

History and Memory

Volumn 14, Issue 1-2, 2002, Pages 165-188

  Cenarro, Ángela ^a  

^a NONE

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EID: 84908097391     PISSN: 0935560X     EISSN: 15271994     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1353/ham.2002.0004     Document Type: Review

References (37)

1. As Jay Winter and Emmanuel Sivan have pointed out in "Setting the Framework," in idem, eds., War and Remembrance in the Twentieth Century (Cambridge, 1999), 38, the social organization of remembrance tends to be decentralized. They emphasize the role played by civil society rather than the state.
2. Julián Casanova, Ángela Cenarro, Julita Cifuentes, María Pilar Maluenda and María Pilar Salomon, El pasado oculto: Fascismo y violencia en Aragón, 1936-1939, 3d rev. ed. (Zaragoza, 2001).
3. Testimonies of the Holocaust have made a crucial contribution to Israeli state identity, as has been pointed out by Paul Thompson, The Voice of the Past: Oral History (Oxford, 1978)
4. Josefina Cuesta Bustillo, "La memoria del horror, después de la II Guerra Mundial," in idem, ed., Memoria e historia, special issue of Ayer, no. 32 (1998): 81-104, esp. 84.
5. For the German case see Charles S. Maier, The Unmasterable Past: History, Holocaust, and German National Identity (Cambridge, MA, 1988).
6. For the distinctive features of the Spanish postwar period, see Julián Casanova, "Civil Wars, Revolutions and Counterrevolutions in Finland, Spain, and Greece (1918-1949): A Comparative Analysis, International Journal of Politics, Culture and Society 13, no. 3 (2000): 515-37;
7. Jukka Kekkonen, "Judicial Repression after the Civil Wars in Finland (1918) and Spain (1936-39): Comments on the Potential of Legal-Historical Comparison," paper presented at the Second Social Control Conference, Leuven, July 1998.
8. Catherine Merridale, "War, Death, and Remembrance in Soviet Russia," in Winter and Sivan, eds., War and Remembrance, 61.
9. For a consideration of the Causa General as a state instrument for denunciation, see Ángela Cenarro, "Violence, Surveillance and Denunciation: Social Cleavage in the Spanish Civil War and Francoism, 1936-1950," paper presented at the Third Social Control Conference, Lisbon, 2000.
10. Paloma Aguilar, Memoria y olvido de la guerra civil española (Madrid, 1996).
11. Santos Juliá, "De 'guerra contra el invasor' a 'guerra fratricida'," in idem, coord., Víctimas de la guerra civil (Madrid, 1999), 50.
12. Jo Labanyi "History and Hauntology, or, What Does One Do with the Ghosts of the Past? Reflections on Spanish Film and Fiction of the Post-Franco Period," in Joan Ramon Resina, ed., Disremembering the Dictatorship: The Politics of Memory in the Spanish Transition to Democracy (Amsterdam, 2000), 65-66.
13. Nonetheless, Paloma Aguilar has stressed the difficulties experienced by the vanquished in keeping their collective memory alive. See her "Agents of Memory: Spanish Civil War Veterans and Disabled Soldiers," in Winter and Sivan, eds. War and Remembrance, 84-103.
14. Maurice Halbwachs, On Collective Memory, ed. and trans. Lewis A. Coser (Chicago, 1992).
15. Words spoken by Pilar Primo de Rivera in a speech given in Segovia, 15 Jan. 1938. Pilar Primo de Rivera, 4 discursos (Barcelona, 1939).
16. The case of Calanda has been described in detail in Ángela Cenarro "La lógica de la guerra, la lógica de la venganza: Violencia y fractura social en una comunidad bajoaragonesa," paper presented at "II Congreso Recerques: Enfrentamientos civiles: posguerras y reconstrucciones," Lleida, April 2002.
17. Information from my interview with Elías Górriz, 30 March 1999.
18. In her work Resistencia y movimiento de mujeres en España, 1936-1976 (Barcelona, 1979), 7 and 34, Giuliana di Febo has argued that the sense of guilt was instilled in women who fought against the rebels by accusing them of neglecting their maternal duties.
19. In Alberto Reig Tapia's opinion, the rebels exercised a sort of "reverse justice" which made the victims appear to be to blame for the war. Ideología e Historia: Sobre la represión franquista y la guerra civil (Madrid, 1980), 137-38.)
20. El Periódico de Aragón, Suplemento La Cultura, no. 33, 30 Sept. 1993.
21. The quotations are from Pascual Noguera's handwritten memoirs, "Apuntes de unos recuerdos inolvidables" (March 1975)
22. "Los 50 años del PSOE en Teruel" (June 1979).
23. They have been analyzed in Ángela Cenarro, "Los 'Inolvidables recuerdos' de Pascual Noguera: República, guerra y represión en Teruel," Turia, no. 39-40 (1997): 255-71.
24. Susan Friend Harding, Remaking Ibieca: Rural Life in Aragon under Franco (Chapel Hill, NC, 1984), 69-71.
25. Ronald Fraser's oral interviews show the complexity of daily life experiences in the context of revolution and counterrevolution. Therefore, he argues that "revolution" and "counterrevolution" are not adequate categories for analyzing the complexity of individual experiences. "Reflexiones sobre historia oral y su metodología en relación con la guerra civil española," in Pierre Broue, Ronald Fraser and Pierre Vilar, Metodología histórica de la guerra y la revolución españolas (Barcelona, 1982), 47-72.
26. Paloma Aguilar, "Aproximaciones teóricas y analíticas al concepto de memoria histórica: Breves reflexiones sobre la memoria histórica de la Guerra Civil Española (1936-1939)," in Carlos Barros, ed., Historia a debate, Vol. 2, Retorno del Sujeto (Santiago de Compostela, 1995), 129-42.
27. Cenarro, "Los 'Inolvidables recuerdos'," 270.
28. Cf. Michelle Mouton and Helena Pohlandt-McCormick, "Boundary Crossings: Oral History of Nazi Germany and Apartheid South Africa: A Comparative Perspective," History Workshop Journal 48 (Autumn 1999): 41-63.
29. The authors point out that the legacy of dictatorial regimes is defined by violence, oppression and sense of guilt. This legacy influences individual memories because individual experiences are shaped in order to fit the dominant public memory. Accordingly, individual experiences can be suppressed to give individual memory coherence with public memory. Nevertheless, they consider that sometimes these tensions or contradictions can flourish. Luisa Passerini has also highlighted the contradictions between "general remarks denying one's participation in Fascism or Nazism and anecdotes implying that the same person actually accepted help from agencies of the regime or consented to certain aspects." She also notes the impact of memories of guilt and complicity. See "Introduction" in Luisa Passerini, ed. Memory and Totalitarianism: International Yearbook of Oral History and Life Stories (Oxford, 1992), 1-19;
30. see also idem, "Oral Memory of Fascism," in David Forgacs ed., Rethinking Italian Fascism: Capitalism, Populism and Culture (London, 1986), 185-96
31. as well as her book Fascism in Popular Memory: The Cultural Experience of the Turin Working Class (Cambridge, 1987).
32. Julián Ezquerra Ezquerra, Un ayer que es todavía: Estampas de un pueblo republicano (Zaragoza, 1998), 12.
33. Emilio Bonet Bonastre, "Mis memorias" (typescript), Reus, Nov. 1996.
34. The purges carried out within local communities have been analyzed by Ángela Cenarro, "Muerte, control y ruptura social: La salida de la guerra civil en Teruel (1939)," in Tiempos de silencio, Actas del IV Encuentro de Investigadores del Franquismo, València, 17-19 Nov. 1999, 18-23.
35. The community's contribution to the implementation of social control has been shown by Stanley Cohen, Visions of Social Control: Crime, Punishment and Classification (Cambridge, 1987).
36. Maria Sanz is cited from the letter she sent from Béziers (France) to Julián Casanova, 25 Dec. 1992.
37. For her desire to erect a memorial in Calanda, see Heraldo de Aragón, 19 Sept. 1999.