From self-vindication to self-celebration

Snakes' legs

Volumn , Issue , 2004, Pages 237-262

  Huang, Martin W ^a  

^a UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA   (United States)

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EID: 84901569005     PISSN: None     EISSN: None     Source Type: Book    
DOI: None     Document Type: Chapter

References (64)

1. Lu Xun, Zhonguo xiaoshuo shilüe (rpt. in Lu Xun quanji), 282-295. Using a broader concept in his essay "The Travels of Lao Ts'an: An Exploration of Its Art and Meaning," 41 and 50, Hsia argues that it is "China's first political novel." Hsia's essay hereafter will be referred to as "An Exploration."
2. Judging from the conclusion of chapter 9 of the sequel, which ends with the formulaic phrase "If you want to know what happens next, please listen to the story of the next chapter," Lao Can youji, 345, the sequel is supposed to continue. The discovery of the fifteen-page fragment of the manuscript by the author (known as Waibian or Waibian cangao) confirms his intention to "continue" the story of Lao Can. In this chapter I use the edition of Lao Can youji annotated by Yan Weiqing. It contains the text of the original novel, the sequel, and the fifteen-page manuscript that was posthumously published. I refer to the first twenty chapters of the original novel as Chubian and the nine-chapter sequel as Erbian, with chapter and page numbers in parentheses. According to the testimony of Liu Dashen, the son of Liu E, the sequel contained altogether fourteen chapters, although the extant Tianjin riri xinwen clipping shows that only nine chapters were serialized in that newspaper in 1907. See Liu Dashen, "Guanyu Lao Can youji"; Wei Shaochang, ed., Lao Can youji ziliao, 58
3. Liu Houze's (Liu Dashen's son) note 8, Lao Can youji ziliao, 93-94. Given the information available so far, we probably will never be able to determine exactly how many chapters Liu E wrote or planned to write for his sequel. See also Liu Delong, Zhu Xi, and Liu Deping, Liu E xiaozhuan, 175
4. Wong, "Notes on the Textual History of the Lao Ts'an yu-chi," 26-29.
5. Liu Dashen, "Guanyu Lao Can youji," 57-58.
6. See, e.g., Hsia, "An Exploration," 42.
7. See also Liu Delong, Zhu Xi, and Liu Deping, Liu E xiaozhuan, 167-170
8. Wong, "Notes on the Textual History of the Lao Ts'an yu-chi," 29-32.
9. Liu Houze mentioned a complete two-volume Tianjin riri xinwen edition (in the book form, or danxingben), which, however, was undated; see Wei Shaochang, ed., Lao Can youji ziliao, 95, n. 11
10. A Ying also reported that he had in possession one volume of the Tianjin riri xinwen edition in the form of bound newspaper clippings (containing the first ten chapters), which, he speculated, was dated 1904, although there was no hard dating evidence, since the back of each page was covered with advertisements. A Ying, "Guanyu 'Lao Can youji' erti," 279-289.
11. See Wei Shaochang, ed., Lao Can youji ziliao, 94, n. 9.
12. The extant copy of the nine-chapter sequel in the form of newspaper clippings indicated that the serialization started from the tenth day of the seventh month (qiyue) and ended the sixth day of the tenth month (shiyue) of the thirty-third year of the Guangxu reign, or 1907. One extant copy is in the library of Kyoto University. Liu Houze also mentioned a copy of the nine-chapter sequel in the form of clippings once in the possession of his relatives; see Wei Shaochang, ed., Lao Can youji ziliao, 92.
13. Lu Xun, Zhonguo xiaoshuo shilüe, 288. However, Lu Xun did not provide evidence for his dating. The one-volume copy in AYing's possession contained a preface, although A Ying did not give any evidence to support his 1904 dating; "Guanyu 'Lao Can youji' erti," 279. See also Wong's discussion of the question when the original novel was probably completed, "Notes on the Textual History of Lao Ts'an yu-chi," 29-32.
14. Hsia commented on Liu E's preface to the original novel, "Jin Shengtan's preface to Shuihu zhuan has set the fashion for novelists to compose autobiographical statements tinged with melancholy, and Liu E's essay on weeping is a particularly famous product of that tradition." See Hsia, "An Exploration," 42. Hsia's observation is not completely accurate here. First, such mention of "melancholy" or "frustrations" as a reason for a novelist to write his book was already made by Li Zhi, as I discuss in chap. 1 of this volume. In fact, Jin Shengtan, in one of his prefaces to Shuihou zhuan, insisted on just the opposite: Shi Nai'an's writing of the novel had nothing to do with "melancholy" (although Jin did mention melancholy as a factor behind the writing of the novel elsewhere in his commentaries on the novel). See his "Du Diwu Caizi shu fa" and his general comment on "Xiezi," in Jin Shengtan piping Shuihu zhuan, 18 and 30; see also his interlineal comment on the character Lin Chong in 6.16, and his pre-chapter comment on 18.346. Furthermore, one thing Hsia has failed to point out is that the musings over the quick passage of time and life being like a dream in Liu E's preface to his sequel indeed bear great resemblance to Jin Shengtan's similar musings in his prefaces to his commentary edition of Xixiang ji. See "Xuyi" and "Xu'er," Guanhua tang pi diwu caizishu Xixaing ji, in Jin Shengtan wenji, 336-341.
15. During this period, many of his large-scale entrepreneurial projects failed miserably, and some of them landed him in political hot water. For example, in 1906 his textile factory went bankrupt, and the North Sea Trading Company he had set up for manufacturing fine salt for distribution in Korea also went under. He was also accused of involvement in criminal activities. Because of a land dispute, Liu E was accused by others of being a traitor who purchased the land at Pukou for foreign interests. See Liu Huisun, Tieyun xiansheng nianpu changbian, 112-139.
16. Cf. Holoch, "The Travels of Laocan: Allegorical Narrative."
17. "Tan'gong," in Sun Xidan, anno. and ed., Liji jijie 292
18. Legge, trans., Li Chi, 1:190-191.
19. See, e.g., Yan Weiqing's preface to his annotated edition of the novel, 37-38; Hsia, "An Exploration," 44
20. Lee, "The Solitary Traveler," 285-286.
21. For a discussion of the tradition of huachan (Buddhist nuns serving as prostitutes) and especially the famous nuns of Mount Tai during the late Qing, see Cai Hongsheng, Nigu tan, 122-138.
22. Hsia, "An Exploration," 45.
23. See Liu Delong, Zhu Xi, and Liu Deping, Liu E xiaozhuan, 80-81.
24. Li Longchuan, Guanhai shanfang zhuisui lu, ed. Huang Baonian, rpt. Fang Baochuan, comp., Taigu xuepai yishu (diyi ji), 3:26. More on Liu E's relationship with the so-called Taigu school later.
25. Hsia, "An Exploration," 53.
26. Lee, "The Solitary Traveler," 287
27. See also Shuen-fu Lin, "The Last Classic Chinese Novel," for a discussion of "harsh reality" vs. "lyric vision" in the novel.
28. English translation (with modification) from "The Nun of Taishan," in Lin Yutang, trans., Widow, Nun and Courtesan, 162-163.
29. See Wang Xuejun, Liu E yu Lao Can youji, 109-113
30. "Liu E de zibian zhuang-Lao Can youji," 394-408. Wang provides a detailed analysis to show on what specific issues the author is trying to vindicate himself in the novel.
31. The fact that Liu E was very conscious of the significance of these years of "birth" is confirmed in his letter to Huang Baonian in which he quoted their teacher as saying that the two born in the years referred to with the character si are destined to transmit his dao (ersi chuandao); see "Zhi Huang Baonian," in Liu Delong, Zhu Xi, and Liu Deping, Liu E ji Lao Can youji ziliao, 300
32. However, Liu E's interpretation of Li Longchuan's words "ersi chuandao" has been questioned by some scholars. In his "'Ersi chuandao' kaobian: Liu E yu Taigu xuepai guanxi lunkao zhiyi," Wang Xuejun argues that by "ersi" (the two born in the year of si) Li Longchuan must have meant Huang Baonian and Jiang Wentian. Other scholars, however, have argued that Wang's suggestion cannot be possible, since Jiang Wentian was born in 1843 rather than 1845. For example, Chen Liao believes that Jiang was born in 1843; see his "Jiang Wentian pingzhuan," in Zhou Taigu pingzhuan, 155
33. Consequently, the determination of the birth year of Jiang Wentian becomes a crucial issue. For a brief review of different views on this issue, see Fang Baochuan, "Jiang Wen-tian ji qi zhushu," in Taigu xuepai yishu (di'er ji), 4:1-2
34. and for Wang Xuejun's rebuttal, see his "Jiang Wentian yu Li Longchuan," esp. 91-94. Curiously enough, it is also mentioned here in the sequel that Yellow Dragon is born in the year of jisi, which could be either 1809 or 1869. However, since Red Dragon (born in 1857) is said to be the youngest among the brothers, then 1869 has to be excluded. At the same time, if Yellow Dragon is indeed born in 1809, then he is too old to be a brother to Red Dragon and Green Dragon. Significantly, Li Longchuan, the teacher of both Huang Baonian and Liu E, was born in 1808, only one year earlier than the year of jisi. This "inconsistency" with "facts" is probably part of a deliberate ploy on our novelist's part to try to make the autobiographical reference here less "explicit."
35. See Liu E's letter, "Zhi Huang Baonian," in Liu Delong, Zhu Xi, and Liu Deping, Liu E ji Lao Can youji ziliao, 300. Liu E's much younger age is one clue that leads Wang Xuejun to conclude that Liu E could not be one of the "chosen two."
36. Huang's letter in its entirety is reprinted in Liu Delong, Liu E sanlun, 221-222.
37. See Huang Baonian, Guiqun caotang yulu, rpt. in Fang Baochuan, comp., Taigu xuepai yishu (diyi ji), 5:19.
38. "Zhi Huang Baonian," in Liu Delong, Zhu Xi, and Liu Deping, Liu E ji Lao Can youji ziliao, 299-300
39. The English translation of Confucius' remark follows that in Lau, trans., The Analects, 13.23, 122
40. For a discussion of Liu E's understanding of the idea of "nurturing the nation" and its relationship to the teachings of the Taigu school, see Liu Delong, Zhu Xi, and Liu Deping, Liu E xiaozhuan, 85-91.
41. In his letter to Huang Baonian, Liu E complained that "although among my comrades, many are forgiving and care about me but very few really understand me." "Zhi Huang Baonian," in Liu Delong, Zhu Xi, and Liu Deping, Liu E ji Lao Can youji ziliao, 300.
42. Translation (with modification) from Lin Yutang, trans., "A Nun of Taishan," in Widow, Nun and Courtesan, 151-152.
43. Wenxia is a term used by Lee ("The Solitary Traveler," 286) to describe Lao Can as a knight-errant who does not engage in physical fighting as a wuxia usually does. Of course, Lao Can "fights" with his pen, which he uses to write letters to the governor whenever there is a case of injustice. For a discussion of Lao Can as a new knight-errant, see David Wang, Fin-de-siècle Splendor, 146-154.
44. Liu E's biographer Jiang Yiyun believed that Liu E wrote about Lao Can's rescue of Cuihuan from prostitution as a way to justify his own taking of concubines as "saving" women. "Liu Tieyun nianpu," in Wei Shaochang, ed., Lao Can youji ziliao, 177.
45. For discussions of the concepts of tali (the strength of another) and zili (one's own strength), see Chen Yangjiong, Zhongguo Jingtuzong tongshi, 122-125, 419
46. a concept close to zili in Chan Buddhism is zixing (one's own nature); see Du Jiwen and Wei Daoru, Zhongguo Chanzong tongshi, 186.
47. Among them, Liu Huisun's view is the most representative. See, e.g., his "Taigu xuepai zhengzhi sixiang tanlüe" and "Taigu xuepai yishu," rpt. in Liu Delong, Zhu Xi, and Liu Deping, Liu E ji Lao Can youji ziliao, 591-602, 603-630; see esp. 593, 629.
48. Cf. Wang Xuejun, "Lao Can youji de chan zhihui-Yiyun shilun."
49. David Wang (Fin-de-siècle Splendor, 174) suggests that there might be an analogy between the descriptions of Yama's court here in the sequel and the courtroom scenes in the original novel, and therefore they could be read ironically. But he believes that this is an ironic reading Liu E himself, as the author, may not have been aware of.
50. See Liu E's own self-defense, "Kuangshi qi," published in the newspaper Zhongwai ribao, Nov. 24, 1903, rpt. in Liu Delong, Zhi Xi, and Liu Deping, Liu E ji Lao Can youji ziliao, 131-133, where he explicitly mentioned the anger of those students studying in Japan
51. For background information on this mining controversy, see Liu Delong, Zhu Xi, and Liu Deping, Liu E xiaozhuan, 24-34
52. for a different view of this controversy by a scholar who is not a descendant of Liu E, see Wang Lixing, "Liu E yu Lao Can youji," 74-76
53. In evaluating Liu E and reading various historical accounts of his controversial life, I believe we have to take into consideration the fact that most of these accounts were written by Liu E's own family members or descendants (e.g., Liu Dashen is Liu E's fourth son, Liu Huisun and Liu Houze are his grandsons, and Liu Delong and Liu Deping are his great-grandsons). Of course, some of the "negative" essays written by people such as Zhang Bilai during the 1950s and 1960s were also biased due to the political atmosphere in China at that time. For a bibliography of the articles on Liu E published in this period, see Liu Delong, Zhu Xi, and Liu Deping, Liu E ji Lao Can youji ziliao, 546-558.
54. Liu Houze offers a different explanation as to why only the first six chapters were repub-lished by some of Liu E's family members in the Liangyou ed. in 1935; see Wei Shaochang, ed., Lao Can youji ziliao, 94, note 4.
55. Liu Dashen, "Guanyu Lao Can youji," 62.
56. Ma Youyuan has characterized Liu Dashen's attitudes toward the public's interest in information on his father and his novel as "hoarding" (qihuo keju); see his "Xiaoshuo yanjiu de diandian didi," in Zhongguo xiaoshuo shi jigao, 11
57. Expressing doubt on Liu Dashen's explanation of the immediate cause behind Liu E's writing of the novel, Hsia speculates that Liu E "agreed to write a novel more for the fun of engaging in friendly competition with Lian, who had already begun one." See "An Exploration," 63, note 22.
58. Liu Dashen, "Guanyu Lao Can youji," 55. Liu Dashen uses the phrase "youxi bimo" to characterize the novel on page 90.
59. Wang Lixing has argued that the fact that Liu E initially wrote the novel as a way to offer financial assistance to his friend does not necessarily mean that he did not take his work seriously; "Liu E yu Lao Can youji," 88.
60. According to the testimony of Liu E's nephew Liu Dajun, who lived with his uncle, Liu E often rewrote what he had written when he was writing the sequel; see Liu Dajun, "Lao Can youji zuozhe Liu Tieyun xiansheng de yishi," in Wei Shaochang, ed., Lao Can youji ziliao, 106. This should complicate Liu Dasheng's characterization of Liu E's attitudes toward his own novel as "casual."
61. No wonder Liu Dashen compared his father to Christ and Confucius, whose tragic lives were the result of their being too much ahead of their own times. "Guanyu Lao Can youji," 79.
62. Lao Can as a novelistic character is of course different from the traditional image of a literatus (wenren) or that of a modern intellectual such as those represented in Lu Xun's fiction. Wong argues that the image of Lao Can has a lot to do with the fangshi (diviners) tradition in China. See Wong, "Liu E and the Fang-shih Tradition," 302-306.
63. For brief accounts of some of the allographic "sequels" to Liu E's Lao Can youji produced during the early decades of the twentieth century, see Liu Dashen, "Guanyu Lao Can youji," 73-76
64. Liu Delong, "Lao Can youji banben gaishuo," 59-60. Liu Dashen called these sequels fangzuo (imitations), while Liu Delong considers them fangxu ben (imitative sequels).