Isami's house: Three centuries of a Japanese family

Isami's House: Three Centuries of a Japanese Family

Volumn , Issue , 2005, Pages

  Bernstein, Gail Lee ^a  

^a UNIVERSITY OF ARIZONA   (United States)

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References (424)

1. Gary D. Allinson, "From Bureaucratic Imperium to Guardian Democracy: The Shifting Social Bases of Japanese Political Power, 1930-1960," in The Social Construction of Democracy, 1870-1990, ed. George Reid Andrews and Herrick Chapman (Washington Square, NY: New York University Press, 1995), 144.
2. Matsuura Isami, Yamashiraishi mura o kataru (Telling about Yamashiraishi village) (Tokyo: Bunshodo, 1961), 1; hereafter cited as Isami, Yamashiraishi.
3. Steven J. Ericson, "The Engine of Change: Railroads and Society in Meiji Japan," KSU Economics and Business Review 21 (May 1994): 55-56.
4. Isami, Yamashiraishi, 26.
5. The official was the former Asakawa intendant Watanabe Hironobu.
6. Isami, Yamashiraishi, 25.
7. Ann Bowman Jannetta, Epidemics and Mortality in Early Modern Japan (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1987), 165-68.
8. Isami, Yamashiraishi, 26.
9. In 1889, a Koriyama businessman noted that a toy he had seen in Tokyo in March of that year appeared in the Koriyama area a month later. "That a fashionable item should spread this quickly to the provinces is really nothing but a result of the opening of the Tohoku line," he said. See Ericson, "The Engine of Change," 55-56.
10. Isami, Yamashiraishi, 37.
11. Matsuo Basho, Narrow Road to the Interior, trans. Sam Hamill (Boston: Sham-bhala, 1991), 5.
12. Herman Ooms, Charismatic Bureaucrat (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1975), 155. Located in Iwaki province, Shirakawa was a fudai (vassal) domain (14).
13. The mode of payment for tax quotas consisted of rice itself but also other farm produce, money, labor corvée, or a combination of all of these.
14. Asakawa Choshi Henkan Iinkai, ed., Asakawa choshi (History of Asakawa township) 3 vols., vol. 2: Shiryohen (Compilation of historical materials) (Asakawa: Fukushima-ken, Ishikawa-gun, Asakawa-machi, 1997), 964-65; hereafter cited as 2. A koku is a unit of measure equaling approximately five bushels. Used as the basis on which the tribute was calculated, however, it referred not only to rice production but also to the estimated yield of all products, converted into rice equivalents. Yama-shiraishi's assessed yield in this period was 1,446 koku. See Kadokawa Nihon chimei dai-jiten (Kadokawa encyclopedia of Japanese notables), vol.7: Fukushima-ken (Fukushima prefecture) (Tokyo: Kadokawa shoten, 1971), 830.
15. Asakawa choshi,2:642-44.
16. Edward E. Pratt, Japan's Protoindustrial Foundations Gono (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1999), 57. For forced loans in the 1860s, see also William Chambliss, Chiaraijima Village (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1965).
17. The Dutch, confined to a small artificial island off Nagasaki, had been the only Westerners allowed to trade with Japan.
18. Shibusawa Eiichi, The Autobiography of Shibusawa Eiichi: From Peasant to Entrepreneur, trans. Teruko Craig (Tokyo: Tokyo University Press, 1994), 17.
19. Peter Duus, Modern Japan, 2nd ed. (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1998), 71.
20. F. G. Notehelfer, ed., Japan through American Eyes: The Journal of Francis Hall, 1859-1866 (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 2001), 329.
21. Asakawa choshi, vol. 1: Tsushi Kakuronhen (Compilation of survey histories- itemized discussions) (Asakawa: Fukushima-ken, Ishikawa-gun, Asakawa-machi, 1999), 609-15; hereafter cited as Asakawa choshi, 1.
22. Pratt, Japan's Protoindustrial Elite, 142.
23. Stephen Vlastos, Peasant Protests and Uprisings in Tokugawa Japan (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1986), 142-43. See too Shiba Goro, Aizu, ed. Ishimitsu Mahito, trans. and with intro. and notes by Teruko Craig (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1999); and Diana E. Wright, "Female Combatants and Japan's Meiji Restoration: The Case of Aizu," War in 8, no. 4 (2001): 396-417. The Aizu daimyo was Matsudaira Katamori.
24. Asakawa choshi, 1:609-15.
25. At first the newly created prefecture was called Old Fukushima; in 1876 it became simply Fukushima. Also in 1876, Asakawa became part of Fukushima, after its control as an administrative office had been transferred to the new imperial government in 1868.
26. Kerry Smith, A Time of Crisis: Japan, the Great Depression, and Rural Revitalization (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2001), 26.
27. Isami, Yamashiraishi, 25.
28. Kadokawa Nihon chimei daijiten, vol. 7: Fukushima-ken, 830.
29. Isami, Yamashiraishi, 31.
30. Robert W. Bowen, Rebellion and Democracy in Meiji Japan (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1980), 8-9, 10-20, and passim.
31. The Three New Laws (Sanshinpo), announced in 1878, established a new system of local administration, covering the organization of counties, districts, towns and villages, prefectural assemblies, and local taxes. See Kurt Steiner, Local Government in Japan (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1965), 30-32. County chiefs were given supervisory power over the village and township assemblies.
32. Asakawa choshi, 1:492-94.
33. Neil Waters, Japan's Local Pragmatists: The Transition from Bakumatsu to Meiji in the Kawasaki Region (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1983), 83-87. See too James C. Baxter, The Meiji Unification through the Lens of Ishikawa Prefecture (Cambridge, MA: Council on East Asian Studies, Harvard University, 1994).
34. James C. Baxter, The Meiji Unification through the Lens of Ishikawa Prefecture (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1994), 183.
35. Waters, Japan's Local Pragmatists, 89.
36. James L. McClain, A Modern History of Japan (New York: W. W. Norton, 2002), 193.
37. Isami, Yamashiraishi, 32.
38. Isami, Yamashiraishi, 37-38.
39. Jukichi Inouye, Home Life in Tokyo (London: Pacific Basin Books, 1985; orig. pub. in Tokyo, 1910), 40-41. Tatami are like straw mattresses, about an inch and a half thick and bordered with cloth. Because tatami are all uniform in size, rooms are built in reference to the number of tatami they will contain.
40. Fukushima minko (Fukushima people's well-being), August 23, 1999, 3.
41. Isami, Yamashiraishi, 1.
42. Isami, Yamashiraishi, 28. Yoshi died at the age of fifty-five. Isami wrote that the name of Jinsuke's second wife did not appear in the family registry, implying his grandfather may not have officially remarried.
43. Isami wrote that Yajibei was accompanied by his older sister and "Asakawa mother-in-law." I am assuming he mistakenly wrote the character for older sister rather than wife, because later in his account he refers to the fine penmanship of Yajibei's wife but makes no further reference to a sister.
44. The population of the Tohoku district overall appears to have increased in the seventeenth century, however. See James W. White, The Demography of Sociopolitical Conflict in Japan, 1721-1846 (Berkeley: Institute of East Asian Studies, University of California, 1992), 16.
45. Isami, Yamashiraishi, 7. The assessed rice yield was 1,355 koku in 1594. See Kadokawa Nihon chimei daijiten, vol. 7: Fukushima-ken, 830.
46. Ooms, Charismatic Bureaucrat, 157.
47. Vlastos, Peasant Protests and Uprisings, 33. Vlastos reports that the first comprehensive surveys of Fukushima were conducted in 1590 by Toyotomi Hideyoshi. Subsequent surveys raised the amount of estimated yield for tax purposes. In the Shindatsu (northern) part of Fukushima, "frequent surveys during the seventeenth century raised productivity estimates substantially" (30). Peasants from the Shirakawa village of Naka-hata in 1712 complained in a petition to the bakufu that four times in the past thirty-four years, officials had carried out new cadastral surveys. Over that period, the population had dropped from 900 to 712 residents.
48. Ooms, Charismatic Bureaucrat, 156.
49. Asakawa choshi, 1:443-52, describes Honda's "notorious system of strict land tax collection."
50. Ooms, Charismatic Bureaucrat, 157-58.
51. Asakawa choshi, 1:443-47.
52. Yamashiraishi in Toyotomi's time was in Aizu domain. It then fell under Shirakawa rule. In 1662 Yamashiraishi became part of the domain of Asakawa, but by the time of Yajibei, it once again was part of Shirakawa, this time under a new lord, Matsu-daira Tadahiro.
53. Asakawa choshi, 1:452.
54. Isami, Yamashiraishi, 9; and Asakawa choshi, 1:471.
55. Asakawa choshi, 1:464. The new governor was Matsudaira Tadahiro.
56. Asakawa choshi, 1:466-68.
57. Ooms, Charismatic Bureaucrat, 160, mentions another village in Shirakawa- Yumoto-that complained about Honda's land survey as late as 1868.
58. Isami, Yamashiraishi, 1.
59. Asakawa choshi, 1:471 and 1332; and Isami, Yamashiraishi, 1. In the Tokugawa period, village heads were called shoya in the Kansai, or southwestern, part of Japan and more commonly nanushi in the east and north. After the Tokugawa period, new terms were introduced. The surviving members of the Matsuura family use the term shoya, whereas an article about the family published in 1929 called them nanushi.
60. Isami, Yamashiraishi, 9; interview with Kawaoto Shohei, in Asakawa, 1993; and Asakawa choshi, 1:1332.
61. Herman Ooms, Tokugawa Village Practice (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1996), 79. Ooms gives arson and thievery as examples of crimes punished by execution (224). Anne Walthall describes execution of peasants by decapitation, in Peasant Uprisings in Japan (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1991), 64.
62. Isami, Yamashiraishi, 9.
63. Uezawa Kenji, "Yon fufu juyon jikka hanjoki, Fukushima ken no yamaoku ni Toyotomi Taiko jidai kara renmen to shite sakaeru Matsuura-shi o otonaou" (A record of a prosperous family of fourteen children and of four couples [i.e., generations] living together), Fujin no tomo 23, no. 1 (1929): 62. Toyotomi took over the part of Date's territory that is present-day Ishikawa-gun.
64. Uezawa does not provide documentation for the Matsuura claim of descent from warrior ancestry. It is possible that the family's account was a fabrication. Village headmen typically claimed to have samurai ancestry. On the other hand, Asakawa town historian Kawaoto Shohei found the title of goshi listed next to Yajibei's name in a document in his possession. The -ji- in Yajibei's name suggests he was the second son.
65. Isami, Yamashiraishi, 10.
66. Isami, Yamashiraishi, 1.
67. Village heads and their staffs were paid salaries. Isami suggests that Yuya did not take his. Yuya may have drawn from a special community tax to pay office expenses, however.
68. Isami, Yamashiraishi, 32.
69. Marius B. Jansen and Gilbert Rozman, "Overview, " in Japan in Transition, from Tokugawa to Meiji, ed. Jansen and Rozman (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1986), 24.
70. Interview with Oteru, Yamashiraishi, 1993.
71. Kadokawa Nihon chimei daijiten, vol. 7: Fukushima-ken, 830.
72. Baxter, The Meiji Unification, 194-95.
73. Atsuko Hirai, "The Legitimacy of Tokugawa Rule as Reflected in Its Family Laws," Hogaku kenkyu 65, no. 11 (November 1992): 15-16.
74. Isami, Yamashiraishi, 12. A high percentage of married people at the time actually lived to age seventy, according to data from the period of 1721-1846. See Hayami Akira and Kurosu Satomi, "Regional Diversity in Demographic and Family Patterns in Preindustrial Japan," Journal of Japanese Studies 27, no. 2 (Summer 2001): 311.
75. Daimyo governments often offered lower taxes for several years as incentive for land reclamation. Patricia Sippel, "Chisui: Creating a Sacred Domain in Early Modern and Modern Japan," in Public Spheres, Private Lives in Modern Japan: Essays in Honor of Albert M. Craig, ed. Gail Lee Bernstein, Andrew Gordon, and Kate Nakai (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2005), 160.
76. Isami, Yamashiraishi, 12.
77. Shishin shobansho, 111, item no. 57. Original plans called for building the administrative office (jinya) in Ishikawa, but owing to a tendency for the Ishikawa river to flood, Asakawa was chosen instead.
78. Shishin shobansho, 92, item no. 50.
79. See Vlastos, Peasant Protests and Uprisings, ch. 3. In one instance in 1720, a crowd of several hundred marched to the intendant's office in the town of Tajima, west of Shirakawa, with a petition addressing five grievances, including the high tax, and calling for the abolition of the office of chief headman (51).
80. Asakawa choshi, 1:481-84 and 492-94; and Kobayashi Seiji and Yamada Akira, eds., Fukushima-ken no rekishi (A history of Fukushima prefecture), vol. 7 of Kenshi shi-rizu (Prefectural history series) (Tokyo: Yamakawa shuppansha, 1975), 130.
81. Isami, Yamashiraishi, 38. The marriage was registered several months later.
82. Information on Ko's marriage comes from a 1937 published article featuring the Matsuura family and found in Toyo's house. The source is unknown but is probably a women's magazine. The article, which appears to be one in a series on childrearing, is illustrated by photographs of Isami, Ko, and their fourteen surviving children. Ko had most likely been in a "higher school," which, for women, was the equivalent of middle school. In the mid-1890s, there were only seven women's higher schools in Japan. By 1900, there were forty-five, one for each prefecture, with a total of ten thousand enrolled students. The entrance requirement was six years of primary school education. The course of study was four years, though some girls took less time and others more. Girls usually graduated at seventeen. See, Byron K. Marshall, Learning to Be Modern(Boulder: Westview Press, 1994), 63.
83. Hayami and Kurosu, "Regional Diversity in Demographic and Family Patterns in Preindustrial Japan," 305-6; and Harald Fuess, Divorce in Japan: Family, Gender, and the State, 1600-2000 (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2004), 135.
84. For Fukuzawa's views on women, see Eiichi Kiyoka, trans. and ed., Fukuzawa Yu-kichi on Japanese Women (Tokyo: Tokyo University Press, 1988).
85. Marius B. Jansen, The Making of Modern Japan (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2000), 470; Ian Nish, Origins of the Russo-Japanese War (London: Longman, 1985), 2.
86. John K. Fairbank, Edwin O. Reischauer, and Albert M. Craig, East Asia: The Modern Transformation (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1965), 481. The Japanese public was disappointed with the treaty provisions, however, and protested.
87. Unnamed 1937 published magazine article found in Toyo's house.
88. Private correspondence with Anne Walthall, October 11, 2000.
89. For this reason, female educator Tsuda Ume added ko to her name in 1902, when she established her own independent household. See Yoshiko Furuki, The White Plum: A Biography of Ume Tsuda, Pioneer in the Higher Education of Japanese Women (New York: Weatherhill, 1991), 107.
90. Interview with Yasu, 1993. All interviews with Matsuura family members took place in 1993, 1995, and 2003. Although I have presented a year with each interview citation, in some cases the information referenced is actually a consolidation from interviews with that person in one or both of the other years, when he or she was asked to elaborate on a certain question.
91. Interview with Mina, 1995.
92. Hayami and Kurosu, "Regional Diversity in Demographic and Family Patterns in Preindustrial Japan," 306, using records from Nihonmatsu and Aizu domains.
93. Asakawa choshi, 2:486, figures for 1754.
94. Isami, Yamashiraishi, 12-13.
95. Ann Waswo, Japanese Landlords: The Decline of a Rural Elite (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1977), 14-15.
96. Shishin shobansho, 35, item no. 31. Herman Ooms, Tokugawa Village Practice (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1996), 132, reports that as late as the 1820s, only 44 commoners from 266 villages in one domain were granted the privilege of using their surname, and in another domain, only 2 out of 871 village officials were granted the privilege.
97. Isami, Yamashiraishi, 16-17.
98. Asakawa choshi, 2:1152. Isami does not mention the adoption of Mitsu. I am assuming that she is the (unnamed) wife of Yuemon, whom he briefly mentions, though there is an age discrepancy between his reference to the wife and the recorded age of Mitsu in the documents.
99. Atsuko Hirai, "The Legitimacy of Tokugawa Rule as Reflected in Its Family Laws," 164 (29)- 165 (30).
100. Anne Walthall, personal correspondence, October 11, 1998.
101. Anne Walthall, "The Family Ideology of the Rural Entrepreneurs in Nineteenth Century Japan," Journal of Social History 23, no. 2 (Spring 1989): 463.
102. Only rarely did father and eldest son bear the same personal name at the same time. This happened in the fifth generation, when Yuemon's adopted son-in-law, first called Soemon, later took the name Yuemon, written with the same characters as the name of the fourth-generation patriarch and with the added name of Jinsuke to distinguish him even more clearly from his adoptive father.
103. Uezawa, "Yon fufu juyonji ikka hanjoki," 60-61. Portions of this chapter were originally published in Gail Lee Bernstein, "Matsuura Isami: A Modern Patriarch in Rural Japan," in The Human Tradition in Modern Japan, ed. Anne Walthall (Wil-mington, DE: Scholarly Resources, 2002), 137-53. Permission for use has been granted by Rowman & Littlefield, of which Scholarly Resources is now a part.
104. Uezawa, "Yon fufu juyonji ikka hanjoki," 65.
105. Fukuzawa Yukichi, "The New Greater Learning for Women," in Fukuzawa Yu-kichi on Japanese Women, trans. and ed., Kiyoka, 221.
106. Interviews with Tami, Yasu, and Fuki, 1995.
107. Uezawa, "Yon fufu juyonji ikka hanjoki," 64.
108. See Harald Fuess, "Men's Place in the Women's Kingdom: New Middle-Class Fatherhood in Taisho Japan," in Public Spheres, Private Lives, ed. Bernstein, Gordon, and Nakai, 270-71.
109. Interview with Tami, 1995.
110. Interview with Yasu, 1995.
111. Fukuzawa, "The New Greater Learning for Women," 220-21.
112. A distinction is made in Joelle Bahloul, The Architecture of Memory: A Jewish-Muslim Household in Colonial Algeria, 1937-1962 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1966), 57, in regard to the Jewish father in Algeria, who was both authoritative and oppressive.
113. Matsuura Kojiro, Indoneshia sanjunen (Indonesia: thirty years) (Tokyo: Jigyo no nihonsha, 1977), 5. Hereafter, Kojiro, Indoneshia sanjunen.
114. This is how Yamazaki Fumio, the Buddhist priest of Chotoku Temple, spoke of Isami as late as the summer of 1995, when I interviewed him in Yamashiraishi.
115. Interview with Oteru, 1993.
116. Smith, A Time of Crisis, 22.
117. Conrad Totman, Early Modern Japan (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1993), 239-40.
118. John Whitney Hall, Tanuma Okitsugu (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1955), 126.
119. Asakawa choshi, 1:520-21; and Hall, Tanuma Okitsugu, 122.
120. Ooms, Charismatic Bureaucrat, 56.
121. Totman, Early Modern Japan, 244. Totman writes that Matsudaira diverted rice from other needy places such as Soma, adding to that domain's famine.
122. Isami, Yamashiraishi, 15. Isami's estimates differ slightly from statistics in Kadokawa Nihon chimei daijiten, vol. 7: Fukushima-ken, 830, which lists Yamashiraishi in 1802 as having 107 households and a total population of 506.
123. Isami, Yamashiraishi, 15.
124. Asakawa choshi, 2:613.
125. Isami, Yamashiraishi, 14-15.
126. Walthall, Weak Body, 11, quoting Marius B. Jansen, "The Meiji Restoration," in The Cambridge History of Japan,vol. 5: The Nineteenth Century (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989), 320.
127. Isami, Yamashiraishi, 14.
128. Herman Ooms, Tokugawa Village Practice: Class, Status, Power, Law (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1996), 7.
129. Uezawa, "Yon fufu juyonji ikka hanjoki," 65.
130. From photograph albums in the Matsuura family farmhouse.
131. Isami, Yamashiraishi, 31-32.
132. Ishii Itaro, Gaikokan no issho (My life as a diplomat), reprint (1950; Tokyo: Taihei shuppansha, 1974), 15.
133. Barbara J. Brooks describes the "aristocratic" style of career diplomats in Japan's Imperial Diplomacy: Consuls, Treaty Ports, and War in China, 1895-1938 (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 2000), 51.
134. Interviews with Yoko, 1993, and with Kawasaki Fumio, 1993.
135. Vlastos, Peasant Protests and Uprisings, 78.
136. Asakawa choshi, 1:504-11.
137. Bowen, Rebellion and Democracy, 75.
138. Asakawa choshi, 2:1014.
139. Asakawa choshi, 1:562, lists eighty-two horses in Yamashiraishi in 1809.
140. Karen Wigen, The Making of a Japanese Periphery, 1750-1920 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1995), 50.
141. Isami, Yamashiraishi, 19-20.
142. Suggested by Anne Walthall in private communication, October 11, 1998.
143. Asakawa choshi, 1:510-11. The full version of the original text, "Asakawa sodo nomin ikki no kiroku" (A record of the Asakawa disturbance and farmers' uprising), dated January 1798, appears in Asakawa choshi, 2:1014-36. The author is unknown.
144. Asakawa choshi, 1:506.
145. Chambliss, Chiaraijima Village, 143. Examples include permission to conduct official business, often on a monopoly basis.
146. Asakawa choshi, 1:507.
147. Pratt, Japan's Protoindustrial Elite, 2.
148. Asakawa choshi, 2:830. Available records do not indicate how the Matsuura village head ruled on this request.
149. Shishin shobansho, 80-90, item no. 48, from an eleven-page diary written between the eighth and the eleventh months of 1805.
150. Brett L. Walker, "Commercial Growth and Environmental Change in Early Modern Japan: Hachinohe's Wild Boar Famine of 1749," Journal of Asian Studies 60, no. 2 (May 2001): 346.
151. Asakawa choshi, 2:842.
152. Interview with Tami, 1995.
153. Isami, Yamashiraishi, 42.
154. Recollections of Ko and the household are from interviews with Tami, 1993 and 1995.
155. Isami, Yamashiraishi, 20.
156. Isami, Yamashiraishi, 20.
157. Asakawa choshi, 2:796.
158. Isami, Yamashiraishi, 20.
159. Vlastos, Peasant Protests and Uprisings, describes the plight of six villages in northern Shindatsu in 1857, when the bakufu assumed direct control over their villages (79).
160. Kadokawa Nihon chimei daijiten, vol. 7: Fukushima-ken, 830. The text says, "The Matsuura, being shoya, became ojoya." This is confusing, because the Matsuura, according to another text, were already ojoya. Possibly the meaning is that Yuemon Jin-suke was asked to continue in his adoptive father's footsteps as league headman.
161. Isami, Yamashiraishi, 22-23.
162. It is unclear whether the family chronicler was using the Japanese or Western practice for determining age. There is also a discrepancy in Teizo's year of birth: 1805 or 1807.
163. Asakawa choshi, 1:1337. As previously discussed, one of his descendants, the tenth-generation patriarch, Yuya, was memorialized for having introduced tobacco, so possibly these earlier efforts of Yüemon Jinsuke did not take hold.
164. There is a discrepancy between Isami's account and the account in Kadokawa Nihon chimei daijiten, vol. 7: Fukushima-ken, as to whether the bakufu's direct rule began in 1809 or in 1823, and, therefore, it is unclear in which of these two years Yüemon Jin-suke first had to deal with changes in the transport of the rice tribute.
165. Asakawa choshi, 1:575-85.
166. Isami, Yamashiraishi, 20-22.
167. Walthall, The Weak Body of a Useless Woman, documents the dowry and trousseau of wealthy peasant women around 1830 (64).
168. Isami, Yamashiraishi, 24.
169. Akira Hayami, "Population Changes," in Japan in Transition, ed. Jansen and Rozman, 295.
170. Asakawa choshi, 2:637.
171. E. S. Crawcour and Kozo Yamamura, "The Tokugawa Monetary System: 1787- 1868," in Economic Development and Cultural Change, Part I, 18, no. 4 (July 1970): 507.
172. Susan B. Hanley, Everyday Things in Premodern Japan: The Hidden Legacy of Material Culture (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1999), 20-21. Hanley's information comes from a tenant farmer's budget in the 1840s.
173. Isami, Yamashiraishi, 22-23.
174. "Matsuura Koemon Nikko-Edo dochu nikki" (Matsuura Koemon Nikko-Edo travel diary), in Asakawa choshi, 2:955-68. Hereafter cited as "Matsuura Koemon nikki."
175. Private correspondence received from Barbara Ambros, April 24, 2000.
176. Robert S. Ellwood and Richard Pilgraim, Japanese Religion: A Cultural Perspective (Englewood-Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall, 1985), 14.
177. The couple was probably traveling without a religious guide, or oishi, the low Shinto priest who ordinarily provided lodgings for pilgrims, distributed shrine charms, offered prayers, and led pilgrims to the shrine sanctuaries. See Sokyo Ono, Shinto: The Kami Way (Rutland, VT: Charles E. Tuttle, 1967), 94-95.
178. George Wilson, "Pursuing the Millennium," in Conflict in Modern Japanese History, ed. Tetsuo Najita and J. Victor Koschmann (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1982), 178-79.
179. Isami, Yamashiraishi, 24.
180. Article about the family found in Toyo's home, published 1937. Source and page numbers unknown. Hereafter cited as 1937 article.
181. David R. Ambaras, "Social Knowledge, Cultural Capital, and the New Middle Class in Japan, 1895-1912," Journal of Japanese Studies 24, no. 1 (1998): 6-7.
182. Margit Nagy, "Middle-Class Working Women," in Recreating Japanese Women, ed. Gail Lee Bernstein (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1991), 201.
183. See Fuess, "Men's Place in the Women's Kingdom," 280-85.
184. See Jordan Sand, House and Home in Modern Japan: Architecture, Domestic Space, and Bourgeois Culture, 1880-1930 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2003).
185. Marshall, Learning to Be Modern, 137-38. The figure is for 1935. Marshall explains that the definition of "higher education" varies. In the same year, there were approximately 384,000 students in girls' "higher schools," the level before college. The proportion of the population enrolled in the tertiary level of education in the 1930s was only 0.3 percent, but was still twice as high as the proportion in Britain and France.
186. As quoted in Christine R. Yano, "Defining the Japanese Nation in Popular Song," In Japan's Competing Modernities: Issues in Culture and Democracy, 1900-1930, ed. Sharon A. Minichiello (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1998), 253.
187. Figures for the fatalities vary. The Bureau of Social Affairs estimated 200,000 dead. Bureau of Social Affairs, The Great Earthquake of 1923 (Tokyo: Home Office, 1926), ii. Edwin O. Reischauer estimates fatalities at 130,000 in his Japan: The Story of a Nation, 4th ed. (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1990), 144. Still others list the total dead as 91,000. Edward Seidensticker writes that the death toll is not known, but the highest estimates for Tokyo alone are around 100,000. See his Low City, High City, Tokyo from Edo to the Earthquake: How the Shogun's Ancient Capital Became a Great Modern City, 1867-1923 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1991), 4. Reports on the magnitude of the earthquake also vary. The Japan Times International, August 19-25, 1991, claimed the Great Kanto Earthquake registered 7.9 on the Richter scale. The initial shock waves knocked out the seismograph at Japan's Central Weather Bureau.
188. Interviews with Fuki, 1993, 1995.
189. Seidensticker, Low City, High City, 4.
190. Interviews with Fuki and Tami, 1995.
191. Sally Hastings, "Atomi Kakei (1840-1926) and Women's Education in Japan," unpublished manuscript, 11.
192. Ronald P Dore, Shinohata (New York: Pantheon Books, 1978), 135.
193. Marshall, Learning to Be Modern, 77.
194. Jonathan Sand, "At Home in the Meiji Period: Inventing Japanese Domesticity," in Mirror of Modernity: Invented Traditions of Modern Japan, ed. Stephen Vlastos (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1998), 191-207.
195. Sharon Sievers, Flowers in Salt (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1983), 164-65.
196. Hani Gyo, quoted by Teresa Watanabe, "Aptly Named Freedom School Goes against Scholastic Grain," Los Angeles Times, Sunday, June 24, 1990, D11.
197. Interview with Horiuchi Yoko, August 2003. Hereafter, her interviews are cited with her given name only.
198. A catalog of Wright's designs shows the school name as Giyu Gakuen rather than Jiyu Gakuen and translates it as "the School of the Free Spirit"; the date of the design is listed as 1921. Paul Laseau and James Tice, Frank Lloyd Wright: Between Principle and Form (New York: Van Nostrand and Reinhold, 1992), 193. Hani contacted Wright through his associate Endo Arata. Endo's design for a model middle-class house appeared in a volume entitled Riso no katei (The ideal home), which accompanied a home exposition to which Hani Motoko contributed model room interiors in 1915. See Sand, "At Home in the Meiji Period," 206.
199. Eleanor M. Hadley, Memoir of a Trustbuster: A Lifelong Adventure with Japan (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 2002), 25.
200. Interview with Yoko, 2003.
201. Interviews with Toyo's classmates Shiba Miyoko and Sugiura Sugako, 1993.
202. Gael Graham, "Exercising Control: Sports and Physical Education in American Protestant Mission Schools in China, 1880-1930," Signs, Journal of Women in Culture and Society 20, no. 1 (Autumn 1994): 34.
203. Interviews with Shiba Miyoko and Sugiura Sugako, 1993.
204. Hadley, Memoir of a Trustbuster, 28. By the late 1930s, however, Hadley found a greater sense of intellectual freedom at Tsuda (29).
205. The term Taisho chic derives from the Honolulu Academy of Arts exhibition titled "Taisho Chic: Japanese Modernity, Nostalgia, and Deco," in 2002. See the book of the same title published by the academy in 2001 in conjunction with the exhibit.
206. Interview with Yoko, 2003.
207. The number of female white-collar workers employed in government offices, for example, increased from sixteen thousand in 1920 to thirty thousand in 1930. Between 1911 and 1926, the number of female nurses increased more than fourfold, from thirteen thousand to fifty-seven thousand. The greatest increase in the employment category of "public servant" was in female teachers, especially at girls' schools. See Nagy, "Middle-Class Working Women during the Interwar Years," 201-3.
208. Interview with Yoko, 2003.
209. Interview with Matsuura Masako, Yushiros widow, 1995.
210. Seijika Jinmei Jiten (Japanese statesmen: a biographical dictionary) (Tokyo: Nichi-gai Asoshietsu, 1990), 44. Ishiwata Eijiro studied under Katsu Kaishu, a leader in the modernization of the Japanese navy. See also Ishiwata Sotaro denki hensenkai, ed., Ishiwata Sotaro (Tokyo, 1954).
211. Interview with Mina, 1995.
212. Correspondence with Tami, 2003.
213. Information on Masafumi is drawn from Toyo's conversations with me in 1963; and interviews with her youngest sister, Tami, in 1993 and 1995; with her daughter, Yoko, in 1995 and 2003; and with her friend Ibuka Yuriko in 1993.
214. Interview with Fuki, 1995.
215. Edward Seidensticker, Tokyo Rising: The City since the Great Earthquake (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1990), 68ff.
216. Interviews with Fuki, 1993 and 1995, provide the information on her marriage.
217. Isami, Yamashiraishi, 41.
218. Seidensticker, Tokyo Rising, 40.
219. Interview with Mina, 1995.
220. Interviews with Tami, 1993 and 1995.
221. Interview with Fumi, 1993.
222. Interviews with Matsuura Masako, 1993 and 1995, provided the information about Yushiro and Masako's marriage arrangements.
223. Ishii, Gaikokan no issho, 214; and Isami, Yamashiraishi, 41-42.
224. Isami, Yamashiraishi, 42.
225. Pratt, Japan's Protoindustrial Elite, claims that gono (wealthy farmers) had to engage in interregional trade and moneylending to succeed (10). My direct evidence for the scope of the Matsuura family's trade is only Daisuke's business transactions in Edo in 1863, as recorded in his journal.
226. "Matsuura Koemon nikki," in Asakawa choshi, 2:955ff, quotation from 962.
227. Duus, Modern Japan, 68-69.
228. Shibusawa, Autobiography of Shibusawa Eiichi, xiv.
229. Pratt, Japan's Protoindustrial Elite, describes the taxing of breweries (174).
230. In 1877, the total rice production dropped to 1,115 koku-even below the production during the 1830s, a troubled decade of famine.
231. Kadokawa Nihon chimei daijiten, vol. 7: Fukushima-ken, 830.
232. Isami, Yamashiraishi, 28.
233. Information about family holdings comes from interviews with Kawaota Shohei, 1993, and Matsuura Tomoji, 2003. Estimates of the Matsuura family's holdings are necessarily approximate, because the amounts not only varied over time but also depend on the reliability of my informants' knowledge about the family's holdings in other villages. Several people interviewed agree that Isami himself overestimated his holdings at the end of World War II.
234. Isami, Yamashiraishi, 38.
235. Waswo, Japanese Landlords, 76, 79.
236. Isami, Yamashiraishi, 45.
237. Ann Waswo, Housing in Postwar Japan (London: RoutledgeCurzon, 2002), 40.
238. Isami, Yamashiraishi, 40. Isami owed a hundred thousand yen. This was an enormous amount. In contrast, the average debt of cultivators in 1927 was 545 yen, while tenant farmers owed, on average, 426 yen. See Kozo Yamamura, "The Japanese Economy, 1911-1930: Concentration, Conflicts, and Crises," in Japan in Crisis: Essays on Taisho Democracy, ed. Bernard S. Silberman and H. D. Harootunian (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1974), 306. According to other estimates, in 1930 the average rural household had a deficit of seventy-seven yen. See Thomas R. H. Havens, Farm and Nation in Modern Japan: Agrarian Nationalism, 1870-1940 (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1974), 137.
239. The other character in the seal was hin (tools or utensils).
240. Approximately three hundred thousand poor tenant farmers resettled in Manchu-kuo in the 1930s. Many came from the impoverished Tohoku district.
241. See Smith, A Time of Crisis, chs. 3 and 4.
242. See Stephen Vlastos, "Agrarianism without Tradition: The Radical Critique of Prewar Japanese Modernity," in Mirror of Modernity, ed. Vlastos, ch. 6.
243. Kojiro, Indoneshia sanjunen, 10.
244. Isami, Yamashiraishi, 41.
245. Interview with Kawai Ikuko, 1995.
246. The term privileged interlopers comes from Mark R. Peattie, "Japanese Treaty Port Settlements in China, 1895-1937," in The Japanese Informal Empire, 1895-1937, ed. Peter Duus, Ramon H. Myers, and Mark R. Peattie (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1989), 187.
247. Fairbank, Reischauer, and Craig, East Asia, 472-73.
248. Alfred Schinz, Cities in China (Berlin: Gerbruder Borntraeger, 1989), 123.
249. Interview with Tami, 1995.
250. Interview with Ibuka Yuriko and her husband, 1995.
251. Chalmers Johnson, "The People Who Invented the Mechanical Nightingale," in Showa, the Japan of Hirohito, ed. Carol Gluck and Stephen R. Graubard (New York: W. W. Norton, 1992), 75.
252. Schinz, Cities in China, 123. Figure is for 1930.
253. Population of Japanese nationals is from Peattie, "Japanese Treaty Port Settlements in China," 170; information about the residents' association and schools is from Seng Heng Teow, "Re-thinking Japanese-Chinese Cultural Relations in the 1930s," in Public Spheres, Private Lives, ed. Bernstein, Gordon, and Nakai, 333.
254. Interview with Ibuka Yuriko and her husband, 1995.
255. Interview with Yoko, April 2003.
256. Interview with Ibuka Yuriko, 1995.
257. Goto Ken-ichi, "The 'Question of the Netherlands East Indies': Japanese-Dutch Relations, 1900-1942," in Bridging the Divide: 400 Years The Netherlands-Japan, ed. Leonard Blusse, Willem Remmelink, and Ivo Smits (Leiden: Hotei Publishing, 2000), 203-4.
258. Kojiro, Indoneshia sanjunen, 8-9.
259. W. G. Beasley, Japanese Imperialism, 1894-1945 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1987), 223. The amount from the Indies increased to 25 percent by 1936.
260. Goto, "The 'Question of the Netherlands East Indies,'" 204.
261. Kojiro, Indoneshia sanjunen, 9-11, quotation from 9.
262. Ishii, Gaikokan no issho, 47.
263. Peattie, "Japanese Treaty Port Settlements in China," 188.
264. Brooks, Japan's Imperial Diplomacy, 51.
265. Ishii, Gaikokan no issho, 215.
266. Louise Young, Japan's Total Empire, describes the evolution of this sense of Manchuria as Japan's "lifeline" (ch. 3).
267. Interview with Fumi, 1995.
268. Paul H. Clyde, The Far East, 3rd ed. (Englewood, NJ: Prentice-Hall, 1962), 545.
269. Young, Japan's Total Empire, 261.
270. David D. Buck, "Railway City and National Capital: Two Faces of the Modern in Changchun," in Remaking the Chinese City: Modernity and National Identity, 1900- 1950, ed. Joseph W. Esherick (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 2000), 65.
271. Koshizawa Akira, Manshukoku no shuto keikaku: Tokyo no genzai to mirai o tou (Capital planning in Manchukuo: inquiring about Tokyo's present and future) (Tokyo: Nihon keizai hyoronsha, 1988), 171. There were 324,000 Chinese, 13,000 Koreans, and approximately 1,000 Europeans and Americans. These numbers grew precipitously after 1940; in 1942 the total population was 655,000, with a combined Japanese-Korean population of 148,000 and a Chinese population of 507,000.
272. Interview with Fumi, 1995.
273. Peattie, "Treaty Port Settlements in China," 209.
274. Young, Japan's Total Empire, 265.
275. Buck, "Railway City and National Capital," 86.
276. Bruce Cumings, "The Legacy of Colonialism," in The Japanese Colonial Empire, 1895-1945, ed. Ramon H. Myers and Mark R. Peattie (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1984), 493, citing Chong-sik Lee, Counterinsurgency in Manchuria: The Japanese Experience, 1931-1940 (Santa Monica, CA: Rand Corporation, 1967).
277. Ishii, Gaikokan no issho, 173-74, quoted in Barbara J. Brooks, "The Gaimusho's China Experts, 1895-1937," in The Japanese Informal Empire, 1895-1937, ed. Duus, Myers, and Peattie, 389.
278. Isami, Yamashiraishi, 44; and interview with Tami, 1995.
279. Young, Japan's Total Empire, 263.
280. Interview with Tami, 1995.
281. Kojiro, Indoneshia sanjunen, 15.
282. Interview with Matsuura Masako, 1995.
283. Peter Williams and David Wallace, Unit 731: Japan's Secret Biological Warfare in World War II (New York: Free Press, 1989), 14.
284. Interview with Masako, 1995.
285. Williams and Wallace, Unit 731, 38-39.
286. Isami, Yamashiraishi, 43.
287. Kojiro, Indoneshia sanjUnen, 18.
288. Gouda, "Good Mothers, Medeas, or Jezebels," 244-45.
289. Yuki Tanaka, "'Comfort Women' in the Dutch East Indies," in Legacies of the Comfort Women of World War II, ed. Margaret Stetz and Bonnie B. C. Oh (Armonk, NY: M. E. Sharpe, 2001), 44.
290. Remco Raben, "The War Issue: History and Perception of Japanese Rule in Indonesia," in Bridging the Divide, ed. Blusse, Remmelink, and Smits, 213.
291. John Toland, The Rising Sun: The Decline and Fall of the Japanese Empire, 1936-1945 (New York: Random House, 1970), 418.
292. E-mail communication from Jan van Bremen, Centre for Japanese Studies, University of Leiden, June 18, 1997, H-Net list for Asian History and Culture.
293. Raben, "The War Issue," 215.
294. Tanaka, "'Comfort Women' in the Dutch East Indies," 64.
295. Raben, "The War Issue," 218.
296. Kojiro, Indoneshia sanjUnen, 23-24, 27, and 48.
297. Estimates of the number of Japanese lives lost on Guadalcanal range from nineteen thousand to twenty-five thousand. See Charles W. Koburger Jr., Pacific Turning Point: The Solomon Campaign, 1942-43 (Westport, CN: Praeger, 1995), 75.
298. Toland, The Rising Sun, 418.
299. Interview with Tami, 1995.
300. Ishii, Gaikokan no issho, 214.
301. Joshua A. Fogel, "The Japanese Residents' Association of Shanghai," Journal of Asian Studies 59, no. 4 (November 2000): 927-95. See also Donald A. Jordan, China's Trial by Fire: The Shanghai War of 1932 (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan, 2001).
302. Peattie, "Japanese Treaty Port Settlements in China," 205.
303. Brooks, "The Gaimusho's China Experts," 389-90.
304. John Hunter Boyle, "Peace Advocacy during the Sino-Japanese Incident," in China and Japan: A Search for Balance since World War I, ed. Alvin D. Coox and Hilary Conroy (Santa Barbara, CA: ABC-Clio Books, 1978), 257, quoting Ishii.
305. Brooks, Japan's Imperial Diplomacy, 192-93.
306. Hadley, Memoir of a Trustbuster, 33.
307. Peattie, "Japanese Treaty Port Settlements in China," 208-9.
308. Ishii, Gaikokan no issho, 282. There was newspaper speculation at the time about why he was transferred, but journalists did not know he had tried to resign. Ishii Itaro was ambassador to Brazil from September 1940 to August 1942.
309. Ienaga Saburo, The Pacific War: World War II and the Japanese, 1931-1945 (New York: Pantheon Books, 1978), 195.
310. Isami, Yamashiraishi, 45.
311. John W. Dower, Embracing Defeat (New York: W. W. Norton/Free Press, 1999), 90.
312. Ienaga, The Pacific War, 194.
313. Peter Duus, "Presidential Address: Weapons of the Weak, Weapons of the Strong-the Development of the Japanese Political Cartoon," Journal of Asian Studies 60, no. 4 (November 2001): 990.
314. Fairbank, Reischauer, and Craig, East Asia, 806-7.
315. Isami, Yamashiraishi, 43.
316. Interview with Mina, 1993.
317. Photograph in possession of Matsuura Tomoji.
318. Isami, Yamashiraishi, 43.
319. Fairbank, Reischauer, and Craig, East Asia, 808; and Dower, Embracing Defeat, 91.
320. Interview with Matsuura Masako, 1995.
321. Isami, Yamashiraishi, 43.
322. Interview with Mina, 1995. Tokyo Imperial University was renamed Tokyo University after the war.
323. Others of their generation, however, went on to become the "bedrock of postwar recovery," dedicated company men and mothers devoted to their children's education. In popular imagination, they "had managed the psychological divide and social chaos that was the transition to peacetime." See William W. Kelly, "Finding a Place in Metropolitan Japan: Ideologies, Institutions, and Everyday Life," in Postwar Japan as History, ed. Andrew Gordon (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1993), 197.
324. Isami, Yamashiraishi, 43.
325. Correspondence from Yoko, September 5, 2003.
326. Interviews with Yoko, 1995 and 2003.
327. Toshikazu Kase, Eclipse of the Rising Sun (London: Jonathan Cape, 1951), 78, reissued as Journey to the Missouri.
328. Isami, Yamashiraishi, 45.
329. Gordon Mark Berger, Parties Out of Power in Japan, 1931-1941 (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1977), 116 and 117n.
330. Herbert P Bix, Hirohito and the Making of Modern Japan (New York: Harper-Collins, 2000), 178.
331. Robert J. C. Butow, Japan's Decision to Surrender (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1967), 37.
332. Kido Koichi, The Diary of Marquis Kido, 1931-45 (Frederick, MD: University Publications of America, 1984), 398-99.
333. Isami, Yamashiraishi, 45.
334. Fairbank, Reischauer, and Craig, East Asia, 808; and Marius Jansen, The Making of Modern Japan (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2000), 650.
335. Toland, The Rising Sun, 850.
336. Frank Gibney, ed., Senso: The Japanese Remember the Pacific War: Letters to the Editor of Asahi Shimbun (Armonk, NY: M. E. Sharpe, 1995), 204.
337. Isami, Yamashiraishi, 45.
338. Interview with Tami, 2003.
339. Interview with Fuki, 1995.
340. Kojiro, Indoneshia sanjUnen, 23-24.
341. Isami, Yamashiraishi, 46.
342. John Keegan, The Battle for History (New York: Vintage, 1995), 27.
343. Fairbank, Reischauer, and Craig, East Asia, 808.
344. Isami, Yamashiraishi, 46. According to John Toland, The Rising Sun, thirty-seven thousand small distillation units throughout the country were each producing three to four gallons of crude oil daily, and production reached seventy thousand barrels a month, but refining it was so difficult, only three thousand barrels of aviation gasoline were produced by the end of the war (746n).
345. Kido, The Diary of Marquis Kido, 432.
346. Bix, Hirohito and the Making of Modern Japan, 497-98, quoting William L. Shirer, The Rise and Fall of the Third Reich: A History of Nazi Germany (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1960), 1139.
347. Kido, The Diary of Marquis Kido, 433-35.
348. Jansen, The Making of Modern Japan, 651.
349. Interview with Fumi, 1993.
350. Ienaga Saburo writes that reservists were ordered "to defend the area as the Kwan-tung army evacuated officers' dependents by train." In Korea the Imperial Army seized the railroad line for military use only. See Ienaga, The Pacific War, 191.
351. Isami, Yamashiraishi, 46.
352. Interview with Fumi, 1995.
353. Col. Paul Tibbetts, The Bomb, from World at War documentary film series (Thames, 1973), reissued in video (Ontario: Thorn EMI, 1984), vol. 8.
354. John Hersey, Hiroshima (1946; New York: Vintage Books, 1989), 5 and 8. Those directly underneath the exploding bomb heard nothing; they only saw a lightning flash. Those farther away heard the blast that followed moments later. All but a few buildings were destroyed in the two-mile radius around the epicenter.
355. Quoted in Robert Jay Lifton, Death in Life (orig. pub., New York: Random House, 1967; Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1991), 29.
356. Nikolay Palchikoff, "The Nuclear August of 1945," New York Times, Op-Ed., August 6, 2001.
357. Butow, Japan's Decision to Surrender, 215.
358. Toland, The Rising Sun, 839. There are numerous versions of where the recorded disks were hidden. Robert J. C. Butow, Japan's Decision to Surrender, writes that the bag was put in a safe concealed behind an old Chinese scroll in a chamber set aside for officials-in-waiting to the empress (216). William Craig claims that the disks were taken by Court Chamberlain Tokugawa Yoshihiro, who hid them in a wall safe in his own room in the administration building in the center of the palace grounds (The Fall of Japan [New York: Penguin Books, 1979], 189).
359. Butow, Japan's Decision to Surrender, 216; and Leonard Mosley, Hirohito (Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall, 1966), 328. Mina claims that Ishiwata had been entrusted with the recording. Toshikazu Kase says only that Ishiwata and Kido, the lord privy seal, "hid all night by the safe." Kido, in his memoirs, describes going "to the vault with Mr. Ishiwata." He writes that he was told of the "riot" by a chamberlain, whereas Mosley writes that Ishiwata was the one who told him of the revolt.
360. Butow, Japan's Decision to Surrender, 216fn.
361. Dower, Embracing Defeat, 34.
362. Isami, Yamashiraishi, 46.
363. Jansen, The Making of Modern Japan, 660.
364. Donald Ritchie, quoted by Howard W. French, "An Expatriate Who Can't Resist Telling His Mount Fuji Story Again," New York Times, August 8, 2001, BI.
365. Richard Pyle, "Its Empire Lost, Japan Had to 'Bear the Unbearable,'" Arizona Daily Star, August 15, 1985, 11.
366. Interview with Tami, 1995.
367. Interview with Yoko, 2003.
368. Estimates vary on the number of people who died from the atomic bombing of Hiroshima. In The Pacific War, for example, Ienaga quotes a Japanese report of 200,000 persons (202). John Toland gives the same figure, citing the first curator of the Peace memorial in Hiroshima (790n). Duus gives a range of 78,000 to 140,000 (Modern Japan, 2nd ed., 246). These discrepancies are explained in part by the difference between the initial estimates and subsequent ones that take into account bomb-related deaths that occurred later.
369. John W. Dower, "Hiroshimas and Nagasakis in Japanese Memory," Diplomatic History 19, no. 2 (Spring 1995): 278-79. Peter Duus gives a figure of "total Japanese war dead" as 2,694,322. In addition to military fatalities, this includes civilians in Okinawa and Saipan as well as civilian families killed in air raids on major Japanese cities, prisoners of war in the Soviet Union, and the 100,000 soldiers and civilians who died in Manchuria in the winter of 1945-46. Millions more were reported ill or injured as of 1945. See Duus, Modern Japan, 249. The death figure for American military men is 400,000, as reported in J. David Singer and Melvin Small, The Wages of War, 1816-1965: A Statistical Handbook (New York: John Wiley, 1972), 67-68, which lists Japanese military casualties as i million between 1941 and 1945 and 250,000 more for the Sino-Japanese War between 1937 and 1941. Duus and Dower say there were 1,740,955 Japanese military fatalities.
370. Isami, Yamashiraishi, 46.
371. Kadokawa Nihon chimei daijiten, vol. 7: Fukushima-ken, 830.
372. It is unclear whether the dam was built to irrigate the mountain plots or constituted a separate project.
373. Gary Allinson, Japan's Postwar History (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1997), 48.
374. Dower, Embracing Defeat, 56.
375. Kurt Steiner, Local Government in Japan (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1965), 102.
376. Isami, Yamashiraishi, 33.
377. Kido was arrested as a class A war criminal on December 6, 1945, and indicted on fifty-four charges of war crimes. He pleaded not guilty but was found guilty and sentenced to life imprisonment. After serving ten years, he was released on parole in December 1955 and was unconditionally released in April 1958. Before Kido was imprisoned, Ishiwata was in contact with him. The two men discussed plans to reform the peerage system. Ishiwata also reported to him on plans to abolish the Office of the Privy Seal and on other matters affecting the Imperial family. Ishiwata seems to have been the conduit through which Kido learned of his chief secretary's resignation and of plans to abolish his own position. Kido, The Diary of Marquis Kido, reported that Ishiwata "said the president of the Privy Council and the premier consented to the move" (463). Ishiwata may have also participated in plans to transform the emperor from a god-ruler to an ordinary human being. A diary entry for December 23, 1945, made by Kinoshita Michio, recorded the names of several men, including one identified simply as Ishiwata, as having participated in the drafting of the Declaration of Humanity. See Nakamura Masanori, The Japanese Monarchy: Ambassador Joseph Grew and the Making of the "Symbol Emperor System" 1931-1991 (Armonk, NY: M. E. Sharpe, 1992), 110.
378. Isami, Yamashiraishi, 48; and interview with Tami, 1995.
379. "A Frightening Comeback for TB," Japan Times Weekly, International Edition, October 5-11, 1998, 20.
380. Isami, Yamashiraishi, 49.
381. Interview with Yoko, 2003.
382. Interview with Tami, 1995.
383. Isami, Yamashiraishi, 47.
384. Dore, Land Reform in Japan, 316.
385. Steiner, Local Government in Japan, 101-2.
386. Allinson, Japan's Postwar History, 56.
387. Isami, Yamashiraishi, 52-53.
388. Correspondence from Yoko, September 5, 2003.
389. Isami, Yamashiraishi, 55.
390. Isami, Yamashiraishi, 71.
391. Fukushima minpo, August 23, 1999, 3.
392. Interview with Matsuura Tomoji, 2003.
393. Isami, Yamashiraishi, 50.
394. Interview with Tami, 1993.
395. Isami, Yamashiraishi, 68.
396. Called the seventh-year anniversary of the death, nanakai no hi actually occurs in the sixth year. Thus, Ko died in 1955.
397. Isami, Yamashiraishi, 49-61, describes Ko last years.
398. Interview with Kawasaki Fumio, 1995.
399. Isami, Yamashiraishi, 69.
400. Interview with Tami, 1993.
401. Kojiro, Indoneshia sanjunen, 73.
402. The Dutch tribunal in Jakarta was the only one that sentenced Japanese officers to severe punishments for forcing Dutch women into prostitution as "comfort women." It did not concern itself with native Indonesian women's similar sexual servitude, however. See C. Sarah Soh, "Japan's Responsibility toward Comfort Women Survivors," apan Policy Research Institute Working Paper 77 (May 2001): 1.
403. Raben, "The War Issue," 221.
404. Kojiro's assessment of Imamura is shared by John Toland, who calls him "one of the most respected figures in the (Japanese) Army" and confirms that Imamura's "liberal methods" at one point jeopardized his career in the army. See Toland, The Rising Sun, 418. A Dutch source says of the trials, "justice was administered with remarkable bias," arguing that the "prosecution often failed to build a solid case and many verdicts were based on circumstantial evidence." See Raben, "The War Issue," 221.
405. Kojiro, Indoneshia sanjunen, 47. Kojiro also successfully aided the defense of two members of the Kenpeitai, the Japanese military police, by arguing that their Indonesian accusers feared they would be implicated as collaborators for having befriended the Japanese men during the war.
406. Blusse, Remmelink, and Smits, eds., Bridging the Divide, 242.
407. Kojiro, Indoneshia sanjunen, 48.
408. Isami, Yamashiraishi, 40.
409. Interview with Tami, 1993.
410. Isami, Yamashiraishi, 54.
411. Kojiro, Indoneshia sanjunen, 54.
412. Interview with Tami, 1993.
413. Interview with Tami, 1993.
414. Interview with Yoko, 2003.
415. Information on Toyo and Masafumi comes from interviews with Tami and Yoko, 093, 095, and 2003; from Isami, Yamashiraishi, 51; and from my own recollections.
416. Information on Tami comes from interviews with her, 1993, 1995, and 2003; and from Isami, Yamashiraishi, 52-55.
417. Isami, Yamashiraishi, 24.
418. I describe the intricate family network in "Social Networks among the Daughters of a Japanese Family," in Public Spheres, Private Lives, ed. Bernstein, Gordon, and Nakai, 293-317.
419. Recollection of Tami's daughter, 1993.
420. Information in this chapter, unless otherwise noted, comes from Yoko and from my own recollections.
421. Seiitsu Tachibana, "The Quest for a Peace Culture: The A-bomb Survivors' Long Struggle and the New Movement for Redressing Foreign Victims of Japan's War," Diplomatic History 19, no. 2 (Spring 1995): 337-39; and John W Dower, "Three Narratives of Our Humanity," in History Wars: The Enola Gay and Other Battles for the American Past, ed. Edward T. Linenthal and Tom Engelhardt (New York: Henry Holt, 1996), 66.
422. The equivalent value of this amount in U.S. dollars has fluctuated between 270 and 200, depending on the exchange rate.
423. Interview with Tami, 2003.
424. Interview with Yoko, August 2003.