The uses of decay: History in Salvian's de gubernatione dei

Augustinian Studies

Volumn 30, Issue 2, 1999, Pages 115-130

  Lambert, David ^a  

^a NONE

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EID: 84879896750     PISSN: 00945323     EISSN: 21537917     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.5840/augstudies199930214     Document Type: Article

References (50)

1. G. Lagarrigue, Salvien: Oeuvres, vol. 1, Ad ecclesiam (hereafter Eccl) mdEpistulae (SC 176; Paris: Cerf, 1971); vol. 2, De gubernatione dei (SC 220; Paris: Cerf, 1975).
2. J. Badewien, Geschichtstheologie und Sozialkritik im Werk Salvians von Marseilles (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1980)
3. see also R. A. Markus, The End of Ancient Christianity (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990) 168-77
4. J. J. O'Donnell, "Salvian and Augustine," Augustinian Studies 14 (1983): 25-34.
5. Graphically described in the final chapters of Possidius's Life of Augustine: V. Aug. 28-30, ed. A. Bastiaensen (Milan: A. Mondadori, 1975).
6. On Augustine's audience, see O'Donnell, "Salvian," 29
7. G. J. P. O'Daly, Ciuitate dei (De), in Augustinus-Lexikon, ed. C. Mayer (Basel: Schwabe & Co., 1994) 1.969-1010, at 978.
8. See Badewien, Geschichtstheologie, 31-50.
9. "Immediate judgment" perhaps conveys the expression better in English.
10. Most recently by Markus, End, 171.
11. Sermons 81, 105 (PL 38.499-506, 618-25), 296 (Miscellanea Agostiniana 1.401-12) and De excidio urbis (CCSL 46,243-62).
12. On these see T. S. de Bruyn, "Ambivalence within a Totalizing Discourse: Augustine's Sermons on the Sack of Rome," Journal of Early Christian Studies 1 (1993): 405-21.
13. Sermons 81,2, 7; 105,11; 296,6, 8, 10; De excidio 9.
14. De excidio, passim.
15. G. W. Trompf, "Augustine's Historical Theodicy: The Logic of Retribution in De civitate Dei" in Reading the Past in Late Antiquity, ed. G. Clarke et al. (Potts Point, NSW: Australian National University Press, 1990) 291-322.
16. see R. A. Markus, Saeculum: History and Society in the Theology of St Augustine (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1970) 105-32, 166-86.
17. For example, Sidonius, Ep. 3,1,2-3, in which a man who has given an estate to the church is rewarded by God with a legacy.
18. For example, Orosius, Historia adversus paganos 2,1,1; 7,15,5, 21,5, 22,2, 22,6-9.
19. An apparent exception, the defeated Roman general Litorius (7,39-44), can be attributed to his position as a representative of the Roman state.
20. Unlike, for example, Maximus of Turin, Sermons 81-83.
21. G. W. Olsen, "Reform after the Pattern of the Primitive Church in the Thought of Salvian of Marseilles," Catholic Historical Review 68 (1982): 1-12
22. R. Nouailhat, Saints et patrons: Les premiers moines de Lérins (Paris: Les Belles Lettres, 1988) 272-80
23. R. Nürnberg, Askese als sozialer Impuls: Monastisch-asketische Spiritualität als Wurzel und Triebfeder sozialer Ideen und Aktivitäten der Kirche in Südgallien im 5. Jahrundert (Bonn: Borengasser, 1988) 169-72.
24. Nouailhat, Saints, 275
25. Civ. 19,27 is a typical expression of Augustine's view. See Markus, End, 45-62, 174-76.
26. O'Donnell, "Salvian," 29-30; Nürnberg, Askese, 199-204. That Salvian's thought ran along the same lines as that of the Pelagians in certain respects is undeniable, but one should be cautious before concluding, as Badewien does, that he would have been aware of this, or that, even if he was, he would have felt that such shared attitudes implied agreement about doctrine. Salvian almost certainly regarded Pelagianism as being constituted by those doctrines which had been formally condemned, and which he rigorously avoids.
27. J. Bumaby, Amor Dei: A Study of the Religion of St. Augustine (London: Hodder and Stoughton, 1938) 59.
28. Collatio 18,5, on which see now Markus, End, 165-68.
29. Salvian argues that merely on two days which happen to be mentioned (Acts 2:41, 4:4), eight thousand men joined the Jerusalem community, without counting women and children (Eccl. 3,42).
30. See especially Collatio 21.
31. On Augustine and Rome, see Markus, Saeculum, 45-71
32. A. Schindler, "Augustine and the History of the Roman Empire," Studia Patristica 22 (1989): 326-36
33. H. Inglebert, Les Romains Chrétiens face à Vhistoire de Rome: Histoire, christianisme et romanités en Occident dans VAntiquite tardive (IHe-Ve siecles) (Paris: Études Augustiniennes, 1996) 414-84.
34. F. Paschoud, Roma aeterna: Études sur le patriotisme romain dans l'Occident latin à l'époque des grandes invasions germaniques (Rome: Institut Suisse de Rome, 1967) 293-310
35. S. Teillet, Des Goths à la nation gothique: Les origines de Vidée de nation en Occident du Ve au Vile siècle (Paris: Les Belles Lettres, 1984) 169-83
36. Inglebert, Romains, 657-69.
37. A dichotomy rightly noted by Inglebert, Romains, 661, 668. Some other studies, like those of Paschoud and Teillet, are flawed by stressing one side of Salvian's attitude and minimizing the other.
38. This is the message of all the later books of De gubernatione dei, summed up in the conclusion to Book 7: Sola nos morum nostrorum vitia vicerunt (7,108).
39. Even the best study of Salvian ignores its importance for the main argument of De gubernatione dei (Badewien, Geschichtstheologie, 150-51). It receives more recognition from Inglebert, Romains, 661.
40. It went back to 1 Cor 10,1-11.
41. R Lebeau, "Heresie et providence selon Salvien," Nouvelle Revue Theologique 85 (1963): 160-75,167
42. W. Blum, "Das Wesen Gottes und das Wesen des Menschen nach Salvian von Massilia," Munchener Theologische Zeitschrift 21 (1970): 327-41, 335. Both are unconvincing.
43. Note the complete failure of his discussion of post-mortem judgment (1,22-6) to engage with anything in the later books of the City of God.
44. Gennadius, De viris illustribus 68.
45. J. A. Fischer, Die Völkerwanderung im Urteil der zeitgenössischen kirchlichen Schriftsteller Galliens (Heidelberg: Kemper, 1948) 103, 172-3, followed by Teillet, Goths, 176.
46. P. Badot, "L'utilisation de Salvien et de la Vitapatrum iurensium comme sources historiques," Revue Beige de Philologie etd'Histoire 54 (1976): 391-405. Badot claims (400) that the invective against Africans in Books 7 and 8 is directed at Augustine. This suggestion is undermined by the fact that Salvian exempts the African clergy from his attack (7,74). Badot also claims that an unnamed churchman denounced by Salvian is Augustine, but the details of Salvian's attack (5,52-61) make this impossible.
47. see R. A. Markus, "The Legacy of Pelagius: Orthodoxy, Heresy and Conciliation," in The Making of Orthodoxy, ed. R. Williams (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989) 214-34
48. M. Vessey, "Opus Imperfectum: Augustine and his Readers, 426-435 A.D.," Vigiliae Christianae 52 (1998): 264-85
49. R. H. Weaver, Divine Grace and Human Agency: A Study of the Semi-Pelagian Controversy (Macon, Ga.: Mercer University Press, 1996).
50. R. W. Mathisen, Ecclesiastical Factionalism and Religious Controversy in Fifth-Century Gaul (Washington: The Catholic University Press of America, 1989) 245.