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Volumn , Issue , 2004, Pages 81-105

Terrorism and nationalist conflict: The weakness of democracy in the Basque Country

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EID: 84870020859     PISSN: None     EISSN: None     Source Type: Book    
DOI: 10.4324/9780203002759     Document Type: Chapter
Times cited : (18)

References (50)
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    • Another key element in this dissension is based on the erroneous interpretation that the Basques rejected the Constitution. This argument is based on the fact that only 31 per cent of the Basque electorate voted in favour of the Constitution. Some commentators have gone as far as to deny the evidence of the approval of the referendum for the Statute. For a rigorous analysis of the constitutional referendum results see, Madrid: Taurus, and passim
    • Another key element in this dissension is based on the erroneous interpretation that the Basques rejected the Constitution. This argument is based on the fact that only 31 per cent of the Basque electorate voted in favour of the Constitution. Some commentators have gone as far as to deny the evidence of the approval of the referendum for the Statute. For a rigorous analysis of the constitutional referendum results see F. Dominguez, De la negociación a la tregua iEl final de ETA? (Madrid: Taurus, 1998), p. 28 and passim.
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    • Another key discursive element is the conception of the Statute as a constitution 'granted' by Spain. This view is supported by radical nationalists close to ETA and some very influential sectors of the PNV and the EA. The view of one ETA leader in the 1990s on this subject is illuminating see, Bilbao: Argitaletxe-Iru, and passim
    • Another key discursive element is the conception of the Statute as a constitution 'granted' by Spain. This view is supported by radical nationalists close to ETA and some very influential sectors of the PNV and the EA. The view of one ETA leader in the 1990s on this subject is illuminating see E. Etxebeste, Veinte anos después (Bilbao: Argitaletxe-Iru, 1994), p. 30 and passim.
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    • For an analysis of the Constitution's First Additional Disposition, related to the foralidad, see, in, Madrid: MAP
    • For an analysis of the Constitution's First Additional Disposition, related to the foralidad, see J. Garcia Roca, 'Espana asimétrica. Descentralización, territorial y asimetrias autonómicas: una especulación teórica (1)', in Asimetría y cohesión en el estado autonómico (Madrid: MAP, 1997), pp. 51-71.
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    • The PNV's historic conception was based on equating Basqueness with nationalism. The party sought to shape the country along the nationalist model, using the nationalist local branches and social networks as its sources of clientelism. See J. C. Vitoria, 'El fracaso del nacionalismo tranquilo. Del espiritu de Arriaga a la via Ollora', in 100 anos de nacionalismo (Bilbao: El Correo, 1995), p. 79 and passim
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    • On top of this should be added the 'divorce' between the PNV and Basque intellectuals in all fields. J. Juaristi, 'Símbolos, cultura, y etnicidad, Los signos de identidad del partido de Arana', in 100 anos de nacionalismo, pp. 43-51.
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    • 'Qué somos' and some other writings by the PNV founder in S. Arana, Obras escogidas. Antología política (San Sebastian: Haranburu, 1978). Unlike most political parties, the PNV never publicly abandoned or revised its original xenophobic postulates. Today the use of racist terms such as maketo, or defining Basque identity in terms of individuals' origins and surnames, is not 'politically correct', although this does still happen. Nowadays discrimination takes place at the ethnic-linguistic and political levels.
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    • In the words of V. Klemperer: language not only creates and thinks for me, it also leads my emotions, my psychical personality. The more I take a natural and inconsistent approach to language, the more this happens. . . Words may act as very little doses of arsenic: one swallows them without noticing and they seem to have no effects; yet, eventually, they have a toxic effect. If someone says again and again 'fanatic' instead of 'heroic' and 'virtuous', he/she would end up truly believing that a fanatic is a virtuous hero and that without fanaticism one cannot be a hero. In, Barcelona: Minúscula
    • In the words of V. Klemperer: language not only creates and thinks for me, it also leads my emotions, my psychical personality. The more I take a natural and inconsistent approach to language, the more this happens. . . Words may act as very little doses of arsenic: one swallows them without noticing and they seem to have no effects; yet, eventually, they have a toxic effect. If someone says again and again 'fanatic' instead of 'heroic' and 'virtuous', he/she would end up truly believing that a fanatic is a virtuous hero and that without fanaticism one cannot be a hero. In LTI. La lengua del Tercer Reich. Apuntes de un filólogo (Barcelona: Minúscula, 2001), p. 31.
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    • On the spiral of silence see, for example, Barcelona: Paidós
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    • ETA: From Secret Army to Social Movement. The Post-Franco Schism of the Basque Nationalist Movement
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    • For the judicial edicts see the following webpages, and
    • For the judicial edicts see the following webpages: www.elcorreodigital.org; www.elpais.es; and www.gara.net.
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    • Balance provisional
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    • For a further discussion see, Madrid: Alianza
    • For a further discussion see R. Alonso, La Paz en Belfast (Madrid: Alianza, 2000);
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    • De la retórica al compromiso
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    • 'De la retórica al compromiso', El Correo, 26 January 2003, p. 40; and
    • (2003) El Correo , pp. 40
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    • El buen ejemplo irlandés
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    • 'El buen ejemplo irlandés', El Correo, 27 April 2003, p. 34.
    • (2003) El Correo , pp. 34
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    • Monográfico. Violencia de persecución
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    • See the Instituto Vasco de Estadística and the Basque government webpages, and
    • See the Instituto Vasco de Estadística and the Basque government webpages: www.eustat.es and www.euskadi.net.


* 이 정보는 Elsevier사의 SCOPUS DB에서 KISTI가 분석하여 추출한 것입니다.