Shutt Up: Bubonic plague and quarantine in early modern England

Journal of Social History

Volumn 45, Issue 3, 2012, Pages 809-834

  Newman, Kira L S ^a  

^a EMORY UNIVERSITY SCHOOL OF MEDICINE   (United States)

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

ARTICLE; EDUCATION; EPIDEMIC; ETHNIC AND RACIAL GROUPS; ETHNOLOGY; GOVERNMENT; HISTORY; HUMAN; INFECTION CONTROL; PLAGUE; POLICY; PUBLIC HEALTH; SOCIAL CLASS; SOCIAL CONTROL; UNITED KINGDOM;

DISEASE OUTBREAKS; ENGLAND; GOVERNMENT; HISTORY, 17TH CENTURY; HUMANS; PLAGUE; POPULATION GROUPS; PUBLIC HEALTH; PUBLIC POLICY; QUARANTINE; SOCIAL CLASS; SOCIAL CONTROL, FORMAL;

EID: 84866911105     PISSN: 00224529     EISSN: 15271897     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1093/jsh/shr114     Document Type: Article

References (99)

1. Paul Slack, The Impact of Plague in Tudor and Stuart England (London, 1985), 151
2. By contrast, the 1625 outbreak led to 26,350 plague deaths in London and its liberties, an estimated 20.1% of the population.
3. George Rosen, A History of Public Health (New York, 1958), 68.
4. George Rosen, A History of Public Health, 69
5. Michel Foucault, In Discipline and Punish: The Birth of the Prison (New Emphasized that the application of quarantine practices to plague victims added discipline to the exclusionary tactics used for separating lepers from society. Officials adapted leprosy-specific policies by adding different forms of containment relative to the severity of illness or exposure York, 1979), (198).
6. Paul Slack, The Impact of Plague in Tudor and Stuart England, 47, 209.
7. Paul Slack, The Impact of Plague in Tudor and Stuart England, 146.
8. Mary J Dobson, Contours of Death and Disease in Early Modern England. (Cambridge, UK, 2003), 486.
9. Privy council records (Records of the Privy Council and other records collected by the Privy Council Office, 1635-8, London (UK), PC 2/48-9, British National Archives. [Henceforth cited as BNA PC 2/45-9.]) from 1636 and 1637 indicated severe outbreaks of plague in the towns of Dartford (BNA PC 2/48, 25), Bury (BNA PC 2/48, 72), Grantham (BNA PC 2/48, 97), Northampton (BNA PC 2/49, 88), Canterbury (BNA PC 2/49, 126), Cambridge (BNA PC 2/49 393), and Gloucester (BNA PC 2/49, 423) among others. Scott and Duncan in Biology of Plagues (Cambridge, UK), traced the 1636 outbreak as spreading westwards from London up the Thames to Westminster then to Isleworth, and on to Reading (207).2005
10. The St. Martin in the Fields records from 1636 (Subscriptions for the relief of sufferers by the plague, 1636, 1636-1638, Westminster (UK), F4514, Westminster Archives Centre. [Henceforth cited as WAC F4514] and Accounts of receipts from the collectors for the poor visited, and from gifts, loans and parish and of disbursements during the time of the plague, Jun 12, 1636-Apr 16, 1637, Westminster (UK), F4516, Westminster Archives Centre. [Henceforth cited as WAC F4516.]) serve as the source for all numerical data related to the parish cited in this paper, unless otherwise noted.
11. Brian Williams, "A List of National Epidemics of Plague in England 1348-1665," http://urbanrim.org.uk/plague%20list.htm.
12. William Kemp, A brief treatise of the nature, causes, signes, preservation from, and cure of the pestilence (London, 1665), 1.
13. Kenneth L. Gage and Michael Y. Kosoy, "Natural history of plague: perspectives from more than a century of research," Annual Review of Entomology 50 (2005): 505-528.
14. "Plague." MedLine. National Institutes of Health. http://www.nlm.nih.gov/medlineplus/ency/article/000596.htm.
15. Presumably, there were also subclinical cases and atypical presentations, which justified the quarantining of people who were exposed but not yet ill. There is considerable contemporary debate over whether all the early modern outbreaks of epidemic disease labeled as plague were in fact caused by Yersinia pestis. Theoretically, if all the epidemics were the result of the same pathogen, they would have similar disease profiles. As Scott and Duncan noted, outbreaks followed a variety of different patterns, suggesting other diseases may have been to blame for some of the high death tolls (Biology of Plagues, 173-5). Studies of modern outbreaks of bubonic plague suggested that plague spread most readily in warm, humid weather (70 degrees Fahrenheit or above) and that it had a particular epidemiologic curve similar to a normal distribution. Given that plague outbreaks in England did not always coincide with warm weather and could have curves that were skewed significantly enough to make them appear more typical of non-plague infections, it is likely that other causes may have been responsible for some of the period's epidemics. While the skeptical argument is at times robust, it does not prove that no outbreaks in England were the result of plague (Paul Slack, "Biology of Plagues: Evidence from Historical Populations (review)," Bulletin of the History of Medicine 76 (2002): 364-5
16. Samuel Cohn, The Black Death Transformed: Disease and Culture in Early Renaissance Europe (London There were notable similarities between some early modern English outbreaks and later confirmed bubonic plague epidemics in India. In this paper, I assume that the 1636 deaths resulted from bubonic plague., 2002)).
17. Thomas Dekker, The Wonderful Year (London, 1603)
18. In Thomas Dekker: The Wonderful Year, The Gull's Horn-Book, Penny-Wise, Pound-Foolish, English Villainies Discovered by Lantern and Candlelight and Selected Writings, ed., E.D. Pendry (Cambridge, MA, 1968), 47.
19. Raymond Anselment, The Realms of Apollo: Literature and Healing in Seventeenth-Century England (Newark, 1995), 97.
20. BNA PC 2/45-9.
21. I.D., Salomons Pest-House, Towre-Royall. Newly Re-Edified and Prepared to Preserue Londoners with Their Families, and Others, from the Doubted Deluge of the Plague. Item, A Laudable Exercise for Those That Are Departed, or Shall Depart Out of the City into the Country, to Spend Their Time Till They Returne. A Handfull of Holy Meditations Vsefull and Requisite for Gods People, Men and Women, of All Estates and Degrees, in These Doubtfull Dayes, Whether Troubled in Body or Minde, and Whether Gods Visitation of the Plague Increase or Decrease. By the Reuerend, Learned, and Godly Diuine I. D. Preacher of Gods Word. Whereunto Is Added Mr Hollands Admonition, and Mr Phaers Prescription for Bodily Physicke. Also, London Looke-Back: A Description or Representation of the Great and Memorable Mortality an. 1625. in Heroicke Matchlesse Lines. By A. H. of Tr. Colledge in Cambridge (London, 1630), 65.
22. WAC F4516.
23. Certain necessary directions, aswell for the cure of the plague as for preuenting the infection; with many easie medicines of small charge, very profitable to His Maiesties subiects/set downe by the Colledge of Physicians by the Kings Maiesties speciall command; with sundry orders thought meet by His Maiestie, and his Priuie Councell, to be carefully executed for preuention of the plague; also certaine select statutes commanded by His Maiestie to be put in execution by all iustices, and other officers of the peace throughout the realme; together with His Maiesties proclamation for further direction therein, and a decree in Starre-Chamber, concerning buildings and in-mates (London, 1636), 52.
24. Though people in the early-modern era did not understand the flea-vector as the infection pathway for plague, they did recognize that infected persons could pass on plague to healthy persons through various possessions. To prevent this, the bedding of plague victims was customarily burned and their clothing aired out for three or ore months (Paul Slack, The Impact of Plague in Tudor and Stuart England). In Carlo M. Cipolla's book, Fighting the plague in seventeenth-century Italy (Wisconsin,), 12, he quotes a monk who worked in lazarettos and wore the customary waxed robe but found that the robe was "only useful for keeping away the fleas." Other forms of inadvertent action against plague vectors included the suppression of the rag-paper industry during epidemics (BNA PC 2/46 352).2021981
25. The shutting up infected houses as it is practiced in England soberly debated By way of address from the poor souls that are visited, to their brethren that are free. With observations on the wayes whereby the present infection hath spread. As also a certain method of diet, attendance, lodging and physick, experimented in the recovery of many sick persons (London, 1665).
26. There is no advice on the subject in the books of orders (Certain necessary directions...), and it does not appear to follow a discernable pattern in the parish records (WAC F4514).
27. Johann Ewich, [De Officio Fidelis Et Prudentis Magistratus.] Of the Duetie of a Faithfull and Wise Magistrate, in Preseruing and Deliuering of the Common Wealth from Infection, in the Time of the Plague or Pestilence...Newlie Turned into English by Iohn Stockwood, Etc. (London, 1583).
28. Johann Ewich, [De Officio Fidelis Et Prudentis Magistratus.] Of the Duetie of a Faithfull and Wise Magistrate, in Preseruing and Deliuering of the Common Wealth from Infection, in the Time of the Plague or Pestilence...Newlie Turned into English by Iohn Stockwood, Etc.
29. J.F. Merritt, The Social World of Early Modern Westminster (Manchester, UK, 2005), 299.
30. Dobson's investigation of inventories from eighteenth century pesthouses for smallpox victims indicated that "they were relatively well stocked with beds (flock and feather), bedsteads, bedding, bolsters, blankets, sheets, quilts, pillows, towels, candles, chamber pots, warming pans, and a variety of furniture, cooking, cleaning and washing untensils" (Contours of Death and Disease in Early Modern England, 278).
31. Johann Ewich, [De Officio Fidelis Et Prudentis Magistratus.] Of the Duetie of a Faithfull and Wise Magistrate, in Preseruing and Deliuering of the Common Wealth from Infection, in the Time of the Plague or Pestilence...Newlie Turned into English by Iohn Stockwood, Etc.
32. Italian officials described the lazarettos of the same era as "faithful replica[s] of hell since...there is no order and only horror prevails" (Carlo M. Cipolla, Christofano and the Plague: A study in the History of Public Health in the Age of Galileo (Berkeley, 1973), 27
33. Though there is little in the English literature of the time to indicate such an overwhelmingly negative experience, it is possible and would explain individuals' reluctance to go to the pesthouse. Parish construction of pestfields may have been part of an effort to reduce the problems of overcrowding and unhygienic conditions by placing people in smaller dwellings for which they could be personally responsible.
34. WAC F4514.
35. J.F. Merritt, The Social World of Early Modern Westminster, 261.
36. J.F. Merritt, The Social World of Early Modern Westminster, 260-1.
37. J.F. Merritt, The Social World of Early Modern Westminster, 260-1.
38. St. Martin in the Fields map from John Strype 1720. A Survey of the Cities of London and Westminster. [online] (Sheffield).. shtml. N.B., Strype's map of St. Martin was made in 1720, after the parish limits had been reduced. In 1636, St. Martin was larger, extending further north into Soho and further west towards St. James's Park.http://www.hrionline.ac.uk/strype/figures2007
39. BNA PC 2/45, 132-3.
40. BNA PC 2/45, 287.
41. BNA PC 2/46, 87, 99.
42. [The Diseases and casualties this weeke] (London, 1636).
43. WAC F4514, also see Image 1.
44. Hartshorne Lane was located in the area between the modern Charing Cross and Embankment Tube stations and ran north-north-east up from the Thames to the Strand.
45. WAC F4514.
46. See figure 3 on page 30.
47. WAC F4514.
48. WAC F4514.
49. J.F. Merritt, The Social World of Early Modern Westminster, 299.
50. Privy Council order from 1630 as quoted in Paul Slack, The Impact of Plague in Tudor and Stuart England, 217.
51. Thomas Dekker, Nevves from Graues-end sent to nobody (London, 1604).
52. Clustering was common. In St. Martin, 68% of locations where houses were quarantined had two or more houses quarantined. WAC F4516. See Image 1 for map.
53. Kenneth L. Gage and Michael Y. Kosoy, "Natural history of plague: perspectives from more than a century of research," 516.
54. Paul Slack, The Impact of Plague in Tudor and Stuart England, 123.
55. Data from WAC F4514.
56. Boyle's guide to London, London and Its Environs, included names of all streets and major landmarks in London and Westminster, circa 1799.
57. Scott and Duncan 147-8.
58. These areas were packed with smaller residences occasionally interspersed with larger houses the gentry rented. J.F. Merritt, The Social World of Early Modern Westminster, 147.
59. In 1636, a craftsman could be expected to make an estimated 29 pence per day while a laborer might receive 16 pence. "Datafiles of Historical Prices and Wages." International Institute of Social History. http://www.iisg.nl/hpw/data.php#europe
60. BNA PC 2/45-9.
61. The date on the document reads "the 7th of January 1636," but all previous and subsequent entries indicate that the record book is from 1637, suggesting a miswritten entry. BNA PC 2/47 67.
62. Certain Necessary Directions.
63. WAC F4514.
64. WAC F4516.
65. WAC F4514.
66. WAC F4514.
67. WAC F4516.
68. This approach differs greatly from modern programs of preparedness in which nations devote large budgets to emergency infrastructure.
69. Data from WAC F4516.
70. Data from WAC F4516.
71. The Diary of John Evelyn, ed., G. de la Bédoyère (Woodbridge, UK, 1995), 25.
72. J. F. Merritt, Imagining Early Modern London (Cambridge, UK, 2001), 133.
73. This scenario was used as the premise for Ben Jonson's 1612 play, "The Alchemist" (London: Thomas Snodham). In this city comedy, the servants left behind by their master to care for the house during an outbreak of plague engaged in shenanigans and debauchery. However, it is unclear how common the practice of leaving house caretakers was.
74. WAC F4514.
75. Westminster Sessions Rolls, 1634/5-7, London (England), WJ/SR/NS 46-50, London Metropolitan Archive. [Henceforth cited as LMA WSR 46-50.] Session rolls constituted the time period's primary legal record of prosecutions of misdemeanors and other minor crimes for the city of Westminster.
76. LMA WSR 46/58, 59 and WSR 50/13
77. LMA WSR 50/13.
78. BNA PC 2/46, p.128.
79. Certain necessary Directions.
80. LMA WSR 48/1,1a.
81. LMA WSR 46/58, 59, WSR 46/114, WSR 47/32, 33, WSR 47/139.
82. LMA WSR 48/24, 25.
83. BNA PC 2/48, 6.
84. LMA WSR 49/115.
85. I.D. Salomons Pest-House, or Towre-Royall..., 61-66.
86. Certain necessary directions. The directive in the 1636 book of orders was that "Searchers, Chirurgions, keepers and Buriers are not to passé the streets without holding a red Rod or Wand of three foot in length in their hands, open and euident to be seen, and are not to goe into any other house, then into their owne, or into that whereunto they are directed or sent for, but to forebeare and abstaine from company."
87. BNA PC 2/46, 249.
88. BNA PC 2/47, 98.
89. George Wither, The History of the Pestilence, Ed., J. Milton French (Cambridge, MA, 1932), 51.
90. George Wither, The History of the Pestilence, 57.
91. George Wither, The History of the Pestilence, 59.
92. BNA PC 2/46 356.
93. Susan Sontag, AIDS and Its Metaphors (New York, 2001), 132.
94. I.D. Salomons Pest-House, or Towre-Royall..., 25-6.
95. BNA PC 2/47, 66.
96. BNA PC 2/46, 143.
97. BNA PC 2/46, 143.
98. BNA PC 2/46, 337.
99. BNA PC 2/46, 143.