Radical Right Parties in Office: Incumbency Records and the Electoral Cost of Governing

Government and Opposition

Volumn 47, Issue 4, 2012, Pages 574-596

  Akkerman, Tjitske ^a   De Lange, Sarah L ^a  

^a NONE

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[No Author keywords available]

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EID: 84865751344     PISSN: 0017257X     EISSN: 14777053     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1111/j.1477-7053.2012.01375.x     Document Type: Article

References (50)

1. This work is part of the research programme 'Newly Governing Parties: Success or Failure?' (dossiernummer 013-115-060), which is financed by the Netherlands Organisation for Scientific Research (NWO).
2. Sarah L. de Lange, 'From Pariah to Power: Explanations for the Government Participation of Radical Right-wing Populist Parties in West European Parliamentary Democracies', disseration, University of Antwerp, 2008.
3. Cas Mudde, Populist Radical Right Parties in Europe, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 2007.
4. Meindert Fennema, 'Some Conceptual Issues and Problems in the Comparison of Anti-immigrant Parties in Western Europe', Party Politics, 3: 4 (1997), pp. 473-492.
5. Radical right parties that support minority governments are de facto coalition members, because they are part of 'a more or less permanent coalition that ensures acceptance of all or almost all government proposals' (Abram de Swaan, Coalition Theories and Cabinet Formations: A Study of Formal Theories of Coalition Formation Applied to Nine European Parliaments after 1918, Amsterdam, Elsevier, 1973, p. 85). From 2001 to 2005 the Norwegian Fremskrittspartiet (FRP) also supported a minority government, but its position was less formalized than that of its Danish counterpart. This case is therefore not included in this article.
6. The LN also joined the first Berlusconi cabinet in 1994. However, the party was primarily a regionalist party at the time. The issue of autonomy for northern Italy received more attention than immigration and integration in the electoral programme of the LN in 1994. See Stefano Fella and Carlo Ruzza, 'Changing Political Opportunities and the Re-invention of the Italian Right', Journal of Balkan and Near Eastern Studies, 8: 2 (2006), pp. 179-200.
7. A new electoral system introduced in Italy in 2005 makes it difficult to compare the electoral results.
8. Richard Dunphy and Tim Bale, 'The Radical Left in Coalition Government: Towards a Comparative Measurement of Success and Failure', Party Politics, 17: 4 (2011), pp. 488-504.
9. Wolfgang Rüdig, 'Is Government Good for Greens? Comparing the Electoral Effects of Government Participation in Western and East-Central Europe', European Journal of Political Research, 45 (2006), p. 132. Cf. Anwen Elias and Filippo Tronconi, 'From Protest to Power: Autonomist Parties in Government', Party Politics, 17: 4 (2011), pp. 505-524.
10. Richard Rose and Thomas T. Mackie, 'Incumbency in Government: Asset or Liability?' in Hans Daalder and Peter Mair (eds), Western European Party Systems: Continuity and Change, London, Sage, 1983, pp. 115-137; Joost van Spanje, 'Keeping the Rascals In: Anti-Political-Establishment Parties and their Cost of Governing in Established Democracies', European Journal of Political Research, 50: 5 (2011), pp. 605-635.
11. Rüdig, 'Is Government Good for Greens', pp. 127-145; Han Dorussen and Michaell Taylor (eds), Economic Voting, London, Routledge, 2002.
12. http://stats.oecd.org/index.aspx?queryid=350
13. Hanne M. Narud and Henry Valen, 'Coalition Membership and Electoral Performance', in Kaare Strøm, Wolfgang C. Müller and Torbjörn Bergman (eds), Cabinets and Coalition Bargaining: The Democratic Life Cycle in Western Europe, Oxford, Oxford University Press, 2008, pp. 369-402; Morris P. Fiorina, Retrospective Voting in American National Elections, New Haven, CT, Yale University Press, 1981; Susanne Frölich-Steffen and Lars Rensmann, 'Conditions for Failure and Success of Right-Wing Populist Parties in Public Office in the New European Union', in Pascal Delwit and Philippe Poirier (eds), Extrême Droite et Pouvoir en Europe, Brussels, Editions de L'Université de Bruxelles, 2007, pp. 117-139.
14. Ian Budge and Dennis Farlie, Voting and Party Competition, London, Wiley, 1983.
15. John R. Petrocik, 'Issue Ownership in Presidential Elections, with a 1980 Case Study', American Journal of Political Science, 40 (1996), pp. 825-850.
16. Christopher Anderson, 'The Dynamics of Public Support for Coalition Governments', Comparative Political Studies, 19 (1995), pp. 151-170; Éric Bélanger and Bonnie M. Meguid, 'Issue Salience, Issue Ownership, and Issue-based Vote Choice', Electoral Studies, 27: 3 (2008), pp. 477-491; Jane Green and Sara B. Hobolt, 'Owning the Issue Agenda: Party Strategies and Vote Choices in British Elections', Electoral Studies, 27: 3 (2008), pp. 460-476.
17. Petrocik, 'Issue Ownership'.
18. Fennema, 'Some Conceptual Issues'; Mudde, Populist Radical Right Parties.
19. Elisabeth Ivarsflaten, 'What Unites Right-wing Populists in Western Europe? Re-examining Grievance Models in Seven Successful Cases', Comparative Political Studies, 41: 1 (2008), pp. 3-23.
20. Elisabeth Carter, Extreme Right Parties in Western Europe: Success or Failure? Manchester, Manchester University Press, 2005; Wouter van der Brug, Meindert Fennema and Jean Tillie, 'Anti-immigrant Parties in Europe: Ideological or Protest Vote?', European Journal of Political Research, 37: 1 (2000), pp. 77-102.
21. In the 1999 elections the FPÖ had beaten the ÖVP by a small margin. However, the two parties gained an equal number of parliamentary seats and the ÖVP took the lead in the coalition negotiations. The FPÖ was forced to acknowledge the strong bargaining position of the Christian Democrat Party and had to grant it the chancellorship. The Swiss situation is even more complicated, since Switzerland is not a parliamentary democracy. The country is not ruled by a government coalition, but by the Swiss Federal Council, in which no distinction is made between senior and junior coalition members. Thus, even though the SVP emerged as the largest party after the Swiss election of 19 October 2003, it only appoints two of the seven members of the Swiss Federal Council.
22. Gordon Smith, 'The Search of Small Parties, Problems of Definition, Classification, and Significance', in Ferdinand Müller-Rommel and Geoffrey Pridham (eds), Small Parties in Western Europe: Comparative and National Perspectives, London, Sage, 1991, pp. 23-40.
23. Nicole Bolleyer, 'The Organizational Costs of Public Office', in Kris Deschouwer (ed.), New Parties in Government: In Power for the First Time, London, Routledge, 2008, pp. 17-45.
24. De Lange, 'From Pariah to Power'.
25. Carl McCurley and Jeffrey J. Mondak, 'The Influence of Incumbents' Competence and Integrity in U.S. House Elections', American Journal of Political Science, 39: 4 (1995), pp. 864-885; Paolo Bellucci, 'Tracing the Cognitive and Affective Roots of "Party Competence": Italy and Britain, 2001', Electoral Studies, 25 (2006), pp. 548-569.
26. Rüdig, 'Is Government Good for Greens', pp. 127-145.
27. William T. Bianco, Trust: Representatives and Constituents, Ann Arbor, University of Michigan Press, 1994; Reinhard Heinisch, 'Success in Opposition - Failure in Government: Explaining the Performance of Right-wing Populist Parties in Public Office', West European Politics, 26: 3 (2003), pp. 91-130.
28. David Art, Inside the Radical Right: The Development of Anti-immigrant Parties in Western Europe, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 2011; Sarah L. de Lange and David Art, 'Fortuyn versus Wilders: An Agency-based Approach to Radical Right Party Building', West European Politics, 24: 6 (2011), pp. 1229-1249.
29. Heinisch, 'Success in Opposition'.
30. Michael Minkenberg, 'The Radical Right in Public Office: Agenda-setting and Policy Effects', West European Politics, 24: 4 (2001), pp. 1-21.
31. Tjitske Akkerman, 'Anti-immigration Parties and the Defence of Liberal Values: The Exceptional Case of the List Pim Fortuyn', Journal of Political Ideologies, 10: 3 (2005), pp. 337-354; Hans-Georg Betz, 'Xenophobia, Identity Politics and Exclusionary Populism in Western Europe', in Leo Panitch and Colin Leys (eds), Fighting Identities: Race, Religion and Ethno-Nationalism, London, Merlin, 2003, pp. 193-210; Mudde, Populist Radical Right Parties, pp. 11-32.
32. Marc M. Howard, 'The Impact of the Far Right on Citizenship Policy in Europe: Explaining Continuity and Change', Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies, 36: 5 (2010), p. 747.
33. That is with the exception of dual nationality for residents who belong to the nation but live abroad. They should not be required to discard their original citizenship status.
34. Rainer Bauböck, Eva Ersbøll, Kees Groenendijk and Harald Waldrauch (eds), Acquisition and Loss of Nationality: Policies and Trends in 15 European States, Amsterdam, Amsterdam University Press, 2006; Pontus Odmalm, 'One Size Fits All? European Citizenship, National Citizenship Policies and Integration Requirements', Representation, 43: 1 (2007), pp. 19-34; Maarten Vink, 'Citizenship Attribution in Western Europe: International Framework and Domestic Trends', Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies, 36: 5 (2010), pp. 713-734.
35. Sara Goodman Wallace, 'Integration Requirements for Integration's Sake? Identifying, Categorising and Comparing Civic Integration Policies', Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies, 36: 5 (2010), pp. 753-772; Christian Joppke and Ewa Morawska (eds), Toward Assimilation and Citizenship: Immigrants in Liberal Nation-states, Basingstoke, Palgrave, 2003.
36. Rainer Bauböck and Christian Joppke (eds), 'How Liberal Are Citizenship Tests?' EUI Working Paper RSCAS, 41, San Domenico di Fiesole, European University Institute, 2010.
37. Goodman, 'Integration Requirements', p. 765.
38. Dirk Jacobs and Andrea Rea, 'The End of National Models? Integration Courses and Citizenship Trajectories in Europe', International Journal on Multicultural Societies, 9: 2 (2007), pp. 264-283.
39. For a comparison with the policy records of cabinets that did not include radical right parties, see Tjitske Akkerman, 'The Impact of Radical Right Parties in Government: A Comparative Analysis of Immigration and Integration Policies in Nine Countries (1996-2010)', West European Politics, 35: 3 (2012), pp. 511-529.
40. Elaine Thompson and Greg Tillotsen, 'Caught in the Act: The Smoking Gun View of Ministerial Responsibility', Australian Journal of Public Administration, 58: 1 (1999), pp. 48-57; Samuale Berlinski, Torun Dewan and Keith Dowding, 'The Length of Ministerial Tenure in the United Kingdom, 1945-97', British Journal of Political Science, 37 (2007), pp. 245-262.
41. Fritz Fallend, 'Are Right-wing Populism and Government Incompatible? The Case of the Freedom Party of Austria', Representation, 40: 2 (2004), pp. 115-130.
42. Daniele Albertazzi and Duncan McDonnell, 'The LN in the Second Berlusconi Government: In a League of its Own', West European Politics, 28: 5 (2005), pp. 952-972; Jonathan Hopkin and Pietro Ignazi, 'Newly Governing Parties in Italy: Comparing the PDS-DS, Lega Nord and Forza Italia', in Kris Deschouwer (ed.), New Parties in Government: In Power for the First Time, Oxford, Routledge, 2008, pp. 45-64.
43. Daniele Albertazzi and Duncan McDonnell, 'The Lega Nord back in Government', West European Politics, 33: 6 (2010), pp. 1318-1340.
44. Daniele Albertazzi, Duncan McDonnell and James L. Newell, 'Di Lotta e di Governo: The Lega Nord and Rifondazione Comunista in Office', Party Politics, 17 (2011), pp. 471-487; Daniele Albertazzi, 'Reconciling "Voice" and "Exit": Swiss and Italian Populists in Power', Politics, 29: 1 (2009), pp. 1-10.
45. Benoit Rihoux and Wolfgang Rüdig, 'Analyzing Greens in Power: Setting the Agenda', European Journal of Political Research, 45 (2006), p. 18.
46. Frölich-Steffen and Rensmann, 'Conditions for Failure and Success of Right-wing Populist Parties'.
47. Kurt Richard Luther, 'Governing with Right-wing Populists and Managing the Consequences: Schüssel and the FPÖ', in Günther Bischof and Fritz Plasser (eds), The Schüssel Era in Austria, Innsbrück and New Orleans, Innsbrück University Press and University of New Orleans Press, 2009, pp. 79-103.
48. Kurt Richard Luther, 'Of Goals and Own Goals: A Case Study of Right-wing Populist Strategy for and During Incumbency', Party Politics, 17: 4 (2011), pp. 453-470.
49. Paul Lucardie, 'The Netherlands: Populism versus Pillarization', in Daniele Albertazzi and Duncan McDonnell (eds), The Spectre of Western European Democracy, Basingstoke, Palgrave Macmillan, 2008, pp. 151-166.
50. Siep Wynia, 'Bedreigingen Maakten einde aan Balkenende I', Elsevier, 12: 4 (2006), at http://www.elsevier.nl/web/Nieuws/Politiek/73772/Bedreigingen-maakten-einde-aan-Balkenende-I.htm.