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Volumn 10, Issue 2, 2012, Pages 398-410

State paternalism and religious dress code

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

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EID: 84865389360     PISSN: 14742640     EISSN: 14742659     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1093/icon/mor059     Document Type: Article
Times cited : (34)

References (44)
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    • My claim is not that the passing of the law was motivated, let alone caused, by high-minded philosophical ideals (much more sordid political calculations played a now well-documented part). However, insofar as ideals were brought upon to legitimize or justify the law, it is important to engage and contest them at the same level: that of normative political argument
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    • Note that this line of argument, in contrast to the other two, is not meant to apply to all religious signs but only to those (Islamic) signs which were interpreted as symbols of male domination.
    • Note that this line of argument, in contrast to the other two, is not meant to apply to all religious signs but only to those (Islamic) signs which were interpreted as symbols of male domination.
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    • This position is incompatible with the "paternalist republican" stance but it is not incompatible with the broad critique of it presented in the previous paragraph. It is distinctive in that it does not assume that the hijab must be accepted on the grounds that it is an expression of individual autonomy or agency.
    • This position is incompatible with the "paternalist republican" stance but it is not incompatible with the broad critique of it presented in the previous paragraph. It is distinctive in that it does not assume that the hijab must be accepted on the grounds that it is an expression of individual autonomy or agency.
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    • Note that I do not attribute this view to Roy. He draws the distinction between hijab and niqab in relation to a Council of State decision to confi rm the refusal to grant nationality to a woman wearing a niqabThe idea that the niqab is oppressive and "barbaric," however, is widely shared in France and was routinely voiced by all members of the Mission d ' information parlementaire sur la pratique du port du voile intégral [Parliamentary Mission of Information on the Practice of Wearing Full Veil] which led to the "burqa law." (Tellingly, similar rhetoric was also deployed against the hijab a few years previously).
    • Note that I do not attribute this view to Roy. He draws the distinction between hijab and niqab in relation to a Council of State decision to confi rm the refusal to grant nationality to a woman wearing a niqabThe idea that the niqab is oppressive and "barbaric," however, is widely shared in France and was routinely voiced by all members of the Mission d ' information parlementaire sur la pratique du port du voile intégral [Parliamentary Mission of Information on the Practice of Wearing Full Veil] which led to the "burqa law." (Tellingly, similar rhetoric was also deployed against the hijab a few years previously).
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    • See Samir Amghar s hearing at the Mission d ' information parlementaire sur la pratique du port du voile intégral sur le territoire national, available at See also Samir Amghar, Le niqâb, pour s ' affi rmer? [The Niqab As Self-Assertion?], 314 C ERAS P ROJET (2010), available at
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