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Volumn 24, Issue 4, 2012, Pages 544-560

"Destroy them to save us": Theories of genocide and the logics of political violence

Author keywords

Conflict processes; Constraint; Genocide; Ideology; Local actors; Mass killing; Negative cases; Periodization; Political violence

Indexed keywords


EID: 84864960789     PISSN: 09546553     EISSN: 15561836     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1080/09546553.2012.700611     Document Type: Article
Times cited : (45)

References (103)
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    • Note too that there exists now within the United Nations Secretariat an office of the Special Adviser on the Prevention of Genocide; in August 2011, U.S. President Barack Obama announced a new policy initiative to prevent genocide and atrocity.
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    • The extent of the empirical connection between war and genocide depends to a degree on conceptualization both of the outcome and of armed conflict. Some definitions of the outcome, such as "politicide" (mass killing of political groups), would point to cases that occur outside of armed conflict. Chile or Argentina would be examples. Also true is that how one conceptualizes "armed conflict" or "war" shapes the intuition. In the Communist Cambodian, Soviet, and Chinese cases, for example, murderous agrarian reforms and purges were committed when regime leaders claim they are fighting wars.
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    • The findings echo other quantitative research on mass killing and genocide. Matthew Krain argues "political opportunity structure," in particular armed conflict, is a significant predictor of mass political murder.
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    • emphasizes upheaval (including war), as well as five other factors (ranging from past atrocity, to autocratic rule, to low trade openness, to exclusionary ideology, and ethnic minority rule)
    • Harff (2003) (see note 11 above) emphasizes upheaval (including war), as well as five other factors (ranging from past atrocity, to autocratic rule, to low trade openness, to exclusionary ideology, and ethnic minority rule).
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    • Ibid., 48.
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    • Mann 2005 (see note 8 above), 7.
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    • An exception is, where autocracy remains significant in her multivariate analysis
    • An exception is Harff (2003) (see note 11 above), where autocracy remains significant in her multivariate analysis.
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    • See Levene 2005 (see note 37 above)
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    • Ethnicity, Insurgency, and Civil War
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    • For some recent examples from the literature on civil war and interstate violence
    • For some recent examples from the literature on civil war and interstate violence, see Kalyvas 2006 (see note 41 above).
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    • Kiernan 2007 (see note 28 above), 605.
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    • Including in my work, e.g
    • Including in my work, e.g., Straus 2001 (see note 42 above).
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    • Note
    • Chalk and Jonassohn as well as Eck and Hultman capture this idea by conceptualizing genocide as "one-sided violence," but that formulation can be misleading in that genocidal violence generally occurs in multi-sided armed conflict.
  • 77
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    • Kalyvas 2006 (see note 41 above).
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    • Richardson 2006 (see note 55 above).
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    • Note
    • The point is consistent with Shaw's 2007 emphasis on seeing genocide as part of a broader pattern of conflict between groups and populations.
  • 84
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    • Kalyvas 2006 (see note 41 above).
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    • Kalyvas 2006 (see note 41 above).
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    • Richardson 2006 (see note 55 above).
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    • Silver or Lead
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    • Note
    • I am pursuing this line of inquiry through an ongoing book-length study of cases of conflict in Sub-Saharan Africa that did or did not result in mass genocidal violence.
  • 90
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    • Wood 2009 (see note 52 above).
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  • 91
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    • Retreating from the Brink: Theorizing Mass Violence and the Dynamics of Restrant
    • For more on this question, see Scott Straus
    • For more on this question, see Scott Straus, "Retreating from the Brink: Theorizing Mass Violence and the Dynamics of Restrant," Perspectives on Politics 10, no. 2 (2012): 343-362.
    • (2012) Perspectives On Politics , vol.10 , Issue.2 , pp. 343-362
  • 93
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    • Kalyvas 2006 (see note 41 above).
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    • The Ontology of Political Violence
    • Stathis Kalyvas, "The Ontology of Political Violence," Perspectives on Politics 1, no. 3 (2003): 475-494.
    • (2003) Perspectives On Politics , vol.1 , Issue.3 , pp. 475-494
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    • Robinson 2010 (see note 3 above).
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    • Fujii 2009 (see note 6 above).
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    • Sullivan 2010 (see note 7 above).
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    • Bloxham 2005 (see note 5 above).
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    • Browning 2004 (see note 69 above).
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    • Valentino 2004 (see note 9 above).
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    • Mann 2005 (see note 8 above).
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