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Volumn 40, Issue 3, 2012, Pages 457-481

Practices as models: A methodology with an illustration concerning wampum diplomacy

Author keywords

Diplomacy; Methodology; Practices

Indexed keywords


EID: 84861906664     PISSN: 03058298     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1177/0305829812441848     Document Type: Article
Times cited : (36)

References (98)
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    • Introduction
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    • emphasis in original. We thank Jorg Kustermans for discussions that clarified our thinking on this score
    • E Adler and V Pouliot, 'International Practices', 3, emphasis in original. We thank Jorg Kustermans for discussions that clarified our thinking on this score.
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    • Note
    • Although this is a discussion regarding models in general, it is worth mentioning a well-known example from our own field: Kenneth Waltz's structure of anarchy (Theory of International Politics [New York: McGraw-Hill, 1979]) can be said to consist of transitive relations between entities. This structure needs content, for example states, and it needs a notion of what different capabilities entail, like armies or natural resources. Put differently, for Waltz, 'being a transitive relation' is structural, while 'having a bigger army than' is not, and in this sense "structural claims ride on the back of non-structural claims' (Frigg, 'Fiction', 108). Coincidentally, Waltz also approximates our general view of models and theory in his greatly unrecognised first chapter of Theory (pp. 1-17). Another well-known example of a structural element is Bourdieu's "field'. Note
  • 25
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    • Frigg, 'Fiction', 106. In other words, the more concrete concepts from the world we investigate that are needed to ground structural claims are not themselves structural
    • Frigg, 'Fiction', 106. In other words, the more concrete concepts from the world we investigate that are needed to ground structural claims are not themselves structural.
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    • Note
    • The oft-debated and very important reflexive question of how scientific models might be performative and come to influence the objects of study or constitute practice is clearly relevant here, but must be left for another day. Note
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    • Note
    • Theodore Schatzki in his Social Practices (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996) states explicitly that he is not concerned with questions about the investigation of social life, what he calls epistemol-ogy. His is a general account of social existence and the social constitution of individuals. That is a task which is rather different from the use of analytical models. Still, Schatzki faults Bourdieu for just making stuff up in his explicitly analytical models (see pp. 150-2). Note
  • 37
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    • Note
    • In this case, Schatzki does not make the distinction between what is a general social ontology and a model as a methodological and analytical tool, consisting of both abstract structural concepts and tangible data, to be used in specific investigations. Schatzki's is a social theory, or an ontology of social life in general, and not a methodological claim specifically about the status of academic knowledge. Therefore, the critique of Bourdieu on methodological grounds seems misplaced in the context of his discussions of social ontology. Note
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    • What does, however, is the exact meaning of "representation', but that does not affect our argument in this section
    • What does, however, is the exact meaning of "representation', but that does not affect our argument in this section.
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    • Note
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    • We agree with Waltz (Theory, 4), when he points out that "data never speak for themselves. As the American pragmatist, C.S. Peirce, once said, "direct experience is neither certain nor uncertain, because it affirms nothing - it just is. It involves no error, because it testifies to nothing but its own appearance. For the same reason, it affords no certainty." The problem is that "we do not know what to add up, and we do not know whether addition is the appropriate operation' (ibid.). In casu, how can we recognise a practice when we see one, and how do we know what is the "appropriate operation'? Note
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    • Ibid
    • Ibid.
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    • The question of diplomacy remained wholly tangential to the debate that raged in the 1980s about the possible Iroquois origins of American ideas about democracy; for an overview
    • The question of diplomacy remained wholly tangential to the debate that raged in the 1980s about the possible Iroquois origins of American ideas about democracy; for an overview
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    • At least in the 19th century, wampum was also used for tasks such as reinforcing morality tales to children in school settings;
    • At least in the 19th century, wampum was also used for tasks such as reinforcing morality tales to children in school settings;
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    • Note
    • However, even during its most popular period, other objects such as skins could be substituted for wampum. Still, as pointed out in Elisabeth Tooker ("Book Review', Ethnohistory 32, no. 1 [1985]: 71), it is not correct when Richard Aquila maintains in The Iroquois Restoration: Iroquois Diplomacy on the Colonial Frontier, 1701-1754 (Detroit, MI: Wayne State University Press,1985) that, 'by the mid-1600s, wampum usually consisted of glass beads manufactured by whites' (p. 34). Note
  • 84
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    • English, not British; this was before the Union between England and Scotland in 1707
    • English, not British; this was before the Union between England and Scotland in 1707.
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    • The General Governor was the French king's viceroy
    • Brandão and Starna, Treaties', 230. The General Governor was the French king's viceroy.
    • Treaties , pp. 230
    • Brandão1    Starna2


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