Bottom-up challenges to national democracy: Mexico's (legal) subnational authoritarian enclaves

Comparative Politics

Volumn 44, Issue 3, 2012, Pages 253-271

  Benton, Allyson Lucinda ^a  

^a NONE

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

EID: 84860631616     PISSN: 00104159     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.5129/001041512800078931     Document Type: Article

References (47)

1. G. Bingham Powell, Jr. and Georg S. Vanberg, "Election Laws, Disproportionality, and Median Correspondence: Implications for Two Visions of Democracy", British Journal of Political Science, 30(July 2000):383-411.
2. Andreas Schedler, Larry Diamond, and Marc F. Plattner, eds., The Self-Restraining State: Power and Accountability in New Democracies (Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner, 1999).
3. Gretchen Helmke and Steven Levitsky, eds., Informal Institutions and Democracy: Lessons from Latin America (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2006).
4. Guillermo O'Donnell, "Polyarchies and the (Un) rule of Law in Latin America: A Partial Conclusion", in Juan Méndez, Guillermo O'Donnell, and Paulo Sérgio Pinheiro, eds., The (Un) rule of Law and the Underprivileged in Latin America (Notre Dame: University of Notre Dame Press, 1999).
5. Frances Hagopian, Traditional Politics and Regime Change in Brazil (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996).
6. Todd Eisenstadt, "Mexico's Postelectoral Concertacesiones: The Rise and Demise of a Substitutive Informal Institution", in Gretchen Helmke and Steven Levitsky, eds., Informal Institutions and Democracy: Lessons from Latin America (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2006).
7. Wayne Cornelius, "Subnational Politics and Democratization: Tensions between Center and Periphery in the Mexican Political System", in Wayne Cornelius, Todd A. Eisenstadt, and Jane Hindley, eds., Subnational Politics and Democratization in Mexico (La Jolla: Center for U. S.-Mexican Studies, University of California San Diego, 1999).
8. Alfred R Montero, "No Country for Leftists? Clientelist Continuity and the 2006 Vote in the Brazilian Northeast", Journal of Politics in Latin America, 2(2010):113-54.
9. Beatriz Magaloni, Alberto Diaz-Cayeros, and Federico Estévez, "Clientelism and Portfolio Distribution: A Model of Electoral Investment with Applications to Mexcio", in Herbert Kitschelt and Steve I. Wilkinson, eds., Patrons, Clients, and Policies: Patterns of Democratic Accountability and Political Competition (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2007).
10. Carlos Oervasoni, "A Rentier Theory of Subnational Regimes: Fiscal Federalism, Democracy, and Authoritarianism in the Argentine Provinces", World Politics, 62(April 2010):302-40;
11. Tracy Beck Fenwick, "The Institutional Feasibility of National-Local Policy Collaboration: Insights from Brazil and Argentina", Journal of Politics in Latin America, 2(2010):155-84;
12. Agustina Giraudy, "The Politics of Subnational Undemocratic Regime Reproduction in Argentina and Mexico", Journal of Politics in Latin America, 2(2010):53-84.
13. Jonathan Fox, "Latin America's Emerging Local Politics", Journal of Democracy, 5(April 1994):105-16.
14. For the sake of simplicity, I follow Gibson and refer to them as local authoritarian regimes or enclaves. Edward L. Gibson, "Boundary Control: Subnational Authoritarianism in Democratic Countries", World Politics, 58(October 2005):101-32. (Pubitemid 44120908)
15. Gervasoni notes this lack and develops an index using subjective expert surveys to measure the presence of subnational authoritarian practices in Argentina. Carlos Gervasoni, "Measuring Variance in Subnational Regimes: Results from an Expert-Based Operationalization of Democracy in the Argentine Provinces", Journal of Politics in Latin America, 2(2009):13-52.
16. The municipal UyC catalogue explains their organization. María Cristina Vélázquez Cepeda and Luis Adolfo Menez Lugo, Catdlogo Municipal de Usos y Costumbres (Ciudad de Oaxaca, Oaxaca, Mexico: Centro de Investiaciones y Estudios Superiores en Antropologia Social and Instituto Electoral Estatal de Oaxaca, 1995).
17. David Recondo, La politico del gatopardo. Multiculturalismo y democracia en Oaxaca (Mexico: Centro de Investiaciones y Estudios Superiores en Antropologia Social and Centro de Estudios Mexicanos y Centroamericanos, 2007).
18. Rodrigo Elizarrarás Alvarez, "Gobernabilidad y Autonomia Indigena: Motivos y Efectos en el Reconocimiento de los Usos y Costumbres en Oaxaca", [B. A. Thesis, Instituto Tecnológico Autónomo de México (ITAM), 2002].
19. Alejandro Anaya Muñoz, Autonomia Indigena, Gobernabilidad y Legitimidad en Mexico (Distrito Federal: Universidad Iberoamericana, A. C. and Plaza y Valdés, S. A. de C. V, 2006).
20. Maíra Melisa Guerra Pulido, "Usos y Costumbres o Partidos Politocos: Una Decisión de los Municipios Oaxaqueños", (B. A. Thesis, Centro de Investigatión y Docencia Económicas, A. C, 2000).
21. Allyson Lucinda Benton, "The Origins of Mexico's Municipal Usos y Costumbres Regimes: Supporting Local Political Participation or Local Authoritarian Control?" Documento de Trabajo No. 226 (Distrito Federal, Mexico: División de Estudios Politicos, Centro de Investigación y Docencia Económicas, A. C, 2011);
22. Benton, 'The Catholic Church, Political Institutions, and Electoral Outcomes in Oaxaca, Mexico", Revista Mexicana de Ciencias Políticas y Sociales, Vol. LVI (December 2011): 125-55.
23. Matthew R. Geary, "Indigenous Autonomy in Southern Mexico", Paper presented at the Midwestern Political Science Association, Chicago, Illinois, April 7-9, 2005;
24. Todd Eisenstadt, Politics, Identity, and Mexico's Indigenous Rights Movements (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2011).
25. Jorge Hernández Díaz, ed., Ciudadantas diferenciadas en un estado multicultural: los usos y costumbres en Oaxaca (Mexico, DF: Siglo XXI, 2007);
26. Michael S. Danielson and Todd A. Eisenstadt, "Walking Together, But in Which Direction? Gender Discrimination and Multicultural Practices in Oaxaca, Mexico", Politics and Gender, 5(June 2009):153-84.
27. Elizarrarás Álvarez, "Gobernabilidad y Autonomía Indigena: Mótivos y Efectos en el Reconocimiento de los Usos y Costumbres en Oaxaca";
28. Anaya Muñoz, Autonomia Indigena, Gobernabilidad y Legitimidad en México;
29. Kunle Owolabi, Citizenship, Indigenous Autonomy and Democratization in Southern Mexico: Usos y Costumbres and the Politics of Oaxaca (Berlin: VDM Verlag Dr. Müller, 2009).
30. María Cristina Velázquez Cepeda, El nombramiento. Las elecciones por usos y costumbres en Oaxaca (Mexico: Instituto Estatal Electoral de Oaxaca, 2000);
31. Lourdes de Leon Pasquel, ed., Costumbres, leyes y movimiento indio en Oaxaca y Chiapas (Mexico: Centro de Investigaciones y Estudios Superiores en Antropologia Social and Miguel Ángel Porrúa, 2001).
32. Danielson and Eisenstadt, 2009; Jonathan T. Hiskey and Gary L. Goodman, "The Participation Paradox of Indigenous Autonomy in Mexico", Latin American Politics and Society, 53(Summer 2011):61-86.
33. Allyson Lucinda Benton, "The Effect of Electoral Rules on Indigenous Voting Behavior in Mexico", Paper presented at the American Political Science Association, Washington, D. C., September 1-4, 2005; Hiskey and Goodman, 2011.
34. Roger Bartra, "Violencias salvajes: usos y costumbres y sociedad civil", in Roger Bartra, ed., La sangre y la tinta. Ensayos sobre la condición postmexicana (Mexico: Océano, 1999);
35. Jaime Corres Bailón, Pueblos indios, elites y territorio (Distrito Federal, Mexico: El Colegio de México, 1999);
36. Fausto Diaz Montes, "Comportamiento electoral en los municipios indígenas de Oaxaca, 1992-1998", in Aline Hémond and David Recondo, eds., Dilemas de la democracia en México. Los adores sociales ante la representacién político (Mexico: Centra Francés de Estudios Mexicanos y Centroamericanos and Institute Federal Electoral, 2002);
37. Jorge Hernández Diaz, "Representaciones hibridas: La participación de los mixtecos migrantes en el proceso electoral", in Hémond and Recondo;
38. Allyson Lucinda Benton, "El efecto de las reglas electorates sobre el comportamiento de la votación indígena en el estado mexicano de Oaxaca", Politico y Gobemo XVI, no. 1 (I Semester 2009);
39. Todd Eisenstadt, "Usos y Costumbres and Postelectoral Conflicts in Oaxaca, Mexico, 1995-2004: An Empirical and Normative Assessment", Latin American Research Review, 42(April 2007):52-77;
40. Javier Francisco Osorio Zago, "Protesta Postelectoral en Municipios de Usos y Costumbres en Oaxaca, 1992-1998" (B. A. Thesis, Centro de Investigaci6n y Docencia Económicas, A. C., 2004).
41. Results are for deputies elected by proportional representation from Institute Federal Electoral (IFE), http://www.ife.org.mx. Deputy and presidential elections were simultaneous in 1994, 2000, and 2006.
42. Gobiemo del Estado de Oaxaca, http://www.e-oaxaca.gob.mx/.
43. Klesner and Lawson find that hegemonic PRI control raised abstention. Joseph L. Klesner and Chappell Lawson, "Adiós to the PRI? Changing Voter Turnout in Mexico's Political Transition", Mexican Studies/Estudios Mexicanos, 17(Winter 2001):17-39.
44. Goodman and Hiskey show that high migration places face lower political participation because those who remain tend to be less politically active. Gary L. Goodman and Johathan T. Hiskey, "Exit without Leaving: Political Disengagement in High Migration Municipalities in Mexico", Comparative Politics, 2(January 2008):169-88.
45. Klesner finds that peasants and ejido members have high rates of participation due to the way they have been politically organized by the PRI and later by others. Joseph L. Klesner, "Who Participates? Determinants of Political Action in Mexico", Latin American Politics and Society, 51(Summer 2009):59-90. The share of the population living in rural areas refers to towns with fewer than 2, 500 people, for 1990, 1995, 2000, and 2005; the share population living on ejido lands is for 1991, 2001, and 2007; municipal spending per capita averages three prior years due to missing data. Data from Institute Nacional de Estadistica Geografia e Informática (INEGI), "Sistema Municipal de Base de Dates (SIMBAD)", http://www.inegi.gob.mx/. Poverty is captured by the Marginality Index for 1990, 1995, 2000, and 2005;
46. the Migration Index is available for 2000. Both are from Consejo Nacional de Población (CONAPO), http://www.conapo.org.mx.
47. Klesner finds that the effect of PRI control on abstention wore off by 2006 in Joseph L. Klesner, "Turnout in the 2006 Mexican Election: A Preliminary Assessment", Paper presented at the American Political Science Association, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, August 30-September 3, 2006.